Resumptive Element Research Articles

Syntactic Features of Left Dislocation Constructions in Post-Exilic Biblical Hebrew

Left dislocation constructions involve a constituent that precedes the matrix sentence and is resumed within the sentence by a coreferential resumptive element. Cross-linguistically, left dislocation constructions exhibit considerable syntactic variation, which can be described on the basis of (1) the grammatical features of the resumptive element, (2) the relationship of the left dislocated constituent to the resumptive element, especially with respect to case agreement, and (3) the relationship of the left dislocation construction to the broader syntactic context. In this essay we describe the syntactic features of left dislocation constructions in the biblical books traditionally and uncontroversially identified as post-exilic—Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and Esther. We identify ways in which trajectories of change in Biblical Hebrew can be identified in these constructions as well as syntactic features that are stable within the biblical corpus.

Clause order and syntactic integration patterns in Dutch conditionals

AbstractConditional clauses in Dutch can occur in sentence-initial and sentence-final position. For sentence-initial conditionals, a number of syntactic integration patterns are available. This corpus study investigates to what extent clause order and syntactic integration are associated with text mode (spoken, written) and register (formal, informal). Sentence-initial position of the conditional clause is shown to be most frequent in both modes and registers, although sentence-final position is more frequent than one would expect based on the literature, especially in written texts. The distribution of syntactic integration patterns shows a clear difference between modes, as full integration of the conditional clause into the main clause is most frequent in written texts, whereas the use of the resumptive elementdan(‘then’) is most frequent in spoken texts.

Resumptive elements in Spanish relative clauses and processing difficulties: A multifactorial analysis

AbstractSpanish relative clauses, as in other languages, can contain a resumptive pronoun or other resumptive element. This study attempts to explain what factors favor the presence of such resumptive elements in the production of Spanish relative clauses. In order to do so, 1237 relatives clauses were extracted from an oral corpus of Peninsular Spanish conversations. A total of 18 factors, some new and some known from previous studies, pertaining to semantic and syntactic processing difficulties, were coded as potentially influencing the choice of a resumptive pronoun. Multivariate analysis (conditional tree and random forest) was then used to determine the significant factors and the most explicative minimal model. The results suggest that the conditions with the most impact are related to difficulties in determining the function of the relativizer. A discussion follows about how these difficulties relate to the different factors studied and how they could be due to a looser relationship between the clauses involved.

ELEMENTOS DE RETOMA EN LA CLÁUSULA RELATIVA EN ESPAÑOL

This research studies the resumptives in the relative clause in Spanish. Previous studies point to the influence of various factors for the use of the resumptive element in the relative clause (non-restrictive relative clause, indefinite nucleus, attribution of pragmatic function, relativization of the direct object position). Here we investigate the influence of these factors for the use of the resumptive from a functionalist perspective that understands the grammatical component as constituted by the pragmatic, semantic, morphosyntactic and phonological levels, structured hierarchically. For that, data are selected from six varieties of Spanish, extracted from the PRESEEA. By means of a quantitative and qualitative analysis, it is verified that the resumptive can be a morphosyntactic mark of the codification of the non-restrictive relative clause and can be support for the attribution of pragmatic function in the subject relative clause.

At the interface of syntax and prosody: differentiating Left Dislocated and Tripartite Verbless Clauses in Biblical Hebrew

The so-called tripartite verbless clause in Biblical Hebrew consists of two nominal phrases and a pronominal element. Three analyses of the pronominal element have been advanced, each with implications for understanding the structure of the sentence. A first approach has been to view the pronominal element as a copular constituent, which serves only to link the two nominal constituents in a predication (Albrecht 1887, 1888; Brockelman 1956; and Kummerouw 2013). A second approach has been to view the pronominal element as the resumptive element of a dislocated constituent (Gesenius, Kautzsch and Cowley 1910; Andersen 1970; Zewi 1996, 1999, 2000; Jouon-Muraoka 2006). A third approach combines the first and second approaches and is represented by the work of Khan (1988, 2006) and Holmstedt and Jones (2014). A fourth approach views the pronominal element as a “last resort” syntactic strategy—the pronominal element is a pronominal clitic, which provides agreement features for the subject (Naude 1990, 1993, 1994, 1999, 2002). The pronominal element is obligatory when the nominal predicate is a referring noun phrase—the pronominal clitic is used to prevent ambiguity in the assignment of subject and predicate (see Doron 1986; Borer 1983). As is well-known in the linguistics literature, cross-linguistically left dislocation involves a “gap” at the boundary between the dislocated constituent and the matrix sentence. In spoken language, this gap may be realized by a small pause or an interjection (Berman and Grosu 1976). In this paper we consider the prosodic evidence that is available from the Masoretic accentual tradition. The Masoretes were Jewish scribes who attempted to preserve the precise reading tradition of the biblical text through the addition of a complex system of “accents” which were superimposed on the traditional Hebrew text between the sixth and the tenth centuries CE. Although the accentual system also was used for cantillation purposes, its complex system of conjunctive and disjunctive accents provides important evidence for prosodic phrasing, which can be utilized for differentiating the role of the pronoun in these two types of sentences which are otherwise structurally identical.

Contrasting Contrastive Left-Dislocation Explications

Abstract Of the three logically possible approaches to contrastive left-dislocation (CLD) (base-generation cum deep anaphora; movement cum surface anaphora; elliptical clausal juxtaposition cum resumption), two are represented prominently in the recent literature. Ott’s (2014) account treats CLD uniformly in terms of clausal juxtaposition, the first clause being stripped down to its contrastive topic via an ellipsis operation said to be akin to sluicing. He argues that this analysis is superior to Grohmann’s (2003) approach, featuring movement within a single prolific domain and late spell-out of a resumptive element. Using data mainly from Hungarian and Dutch, we reveal problems for Ott’s biclausal account that undermine its apparent conceptual appeal and compromise its descriptive accuracy. We show that the ellipsis operation required is sui generis, that the approach fails to assimilate the crosslinguistic variation attested in the availability of multiple CLD to known cases of parametric variation in the left periphery, and that it undergenerates in several empirical domains, including P-stranding and “floated” arguments. Grohmann’s movement-cum-surface-anaphora analysis as it stands also cannot handle all these data, but it can be fixed to fit the facts. For Ott’s analysis, no patches seem available. Some further empirical properties of CLD appear underivable from either of these approaches. For these, the base-generation-cum-deep-anaphora analysis can be considered.

RADIAL CATEGORIES IN SYNTAX: NON-RESUMPTIVE LEFT DISLOCATION IN ARUSA

This paper discusses the phenomenon of L(eft) D(islocation) in Arusa – a southern variety of Maasai – and, in particular, the presence of resumption in LD constructions. With respect to resumption, Arusa allows for two types of LD. In most cases, a non-resumptive type of LD is used. This variant is obligatory if a possible resumptive element refers to an argument of the verb of the matrix clause (i.e. subject, direct and indirect objects and applied objects). The resumptive type, which is significantly less frequent, appears only if the dislocate corresponds to an adjunct in the matrix clause. The pervasiveness of the non-resumptive LD stems from the ungrammaticality of overt independent pronominal arguments in most positions in Arusa. As a result, resumption cannot be viewed as a decisive feature for the classification of a construction as LD, and its lack as a sufficient reason to propose a different category. Rather, LD should be viewed as a radial category containing both constructions that match the LD prototype and structures that are more remote from the exemplar.

LEFT DISLOCATION IN NORTH-EASTERN NEO-ARAMAIC DIALECTS

The North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects, which are the focus of this paper, were spoken across a wide area encompassing northern Iraq, north-west Iran, south-eastern Turkey, Armenia and Georgia. In these spoken dialects a distinction should be made between two major types of Left Dislocation (LD) structures. In one type the initial item is prosodically and grammatically integrated with what follows. The initial item is prosodically integrated in that it is not separated from what follows by an intonation group boundary. The initial item is resumed in the clause by a pronominal affix, as opposed to an independent pronoun or a full nominal. Such initial items have all the semantic and functional properties of normal grammatical subjects. These are referred to as LD1 structures. A distinct type of construction is where the initial item is less integrated prosodically and/or structurally with what follows. This is referred to as an LD2 structure. This includes cases where the initial item is separated from what follows by an intonation group boundary. Another strategy for disjoining the initial item from the rest of the clause is the resumption of the initial item by an independent pronoun. Moreover, an additional structure in which the initial element is less integrated into the clause than LD1 constructions is where the resumptive element is a full nominal rather than a pronoun. An initial item in a LD2 structure is restricted to nominals that are topical, i.e. they function as the informational pivot or starting point of the following clause and typically their referent is identifiable from the context. The initial item of an LD1 structure, however, can have a variety of other types of status, including narrow focus. In this respect they correspond functionally to clause-initial subjects. When a clause-initial item has topical status, whether it be subject, an LD1 item or an LD2 item, the basic function of the construction is to express the onset of a discourse section and, if it occurs within the body of the discourse, a disjunction of some kind from what precedes. This includes not only topic shift, but also other types of discourse shifts, such as foreground to background or change in the level of description. In some cases, an LD1 construction is more normal than a construction with the grammatical subject in initial position, and indeed in some cases it is obligatory. This has given rise to diachronic change whereby the original grammatical subject of the construction has been re-analysed as having a different syntactic status.

Relativsätze in den Dialekten des Deutschen: Vergleich und Typologie

This paper establishes a cross-dialectal typology of relative clauses in various German dialects and Yiddish according to their form and function. A great variety of different types of relativizers and relative clauses can be observed, including various pronouns, particles, and zero relatives. Combinations of these types occur, one of the most typical involving a resumptive element in a clause introduced by a particle. The Accessibility Hierarchy, a concept developed in typology, is used with great profit for this study. It turns out that for the German relativization system, a basic opposition between subject and direct object as opposed to oblique holds in virtually every variety, whereas the indirect object is much less stable. In the varieties observed, significantly more relative particles and resumptive elements occur as compared to Standard German, which turns out to be quite atypical.

Resumptive elements aid comprehension of object relative clauses: evidence from Persian

The current study investigated the role of resumption in the interpretation of object relative clauses (RCs) in Persian-speaking children. Sixty-four (N=64) children aged 3;2-6;0 (M=4;8) completed a referent selection task that tested their comprehension of subject RCs, gapped object RCs, and object RCs containing either a resumptive pronoun or an object clitic. The results showed that the presence of a resumptive element (pronoun or clitic) had a facilitative effect on children's processing of object RCs. In both cases object RCs with resumptive elements were interpreted more accurately than gapped subject and object RCs, suggesting that resumptive elements ease processing burden in syntactically complex contexts because they provide local cues to thematic role assignment.

A non-stranding approach to resumption: Evidence from South Asia

Two types of resumption are argued for in the literature: (i) base-generated resumption and (ii) resumption as movement (Aoun et al. 2001; Boeckx 2003). The latter is analyzed as involving stranding. A DP merges in its base position with a resumptive element adjoined to it. Movement targets the DP, while the resumptive element is left behind - or stranded. This article presents evidence from Copy Control in Telugu to show that a stranding approach fails to account for movement-related resumption in this South Asian language. As an alternative, the article offers a non-stranding account and extends it to another South Asian language, Assamese.

French dislocation without movement

This paper revisits the classic tests for movement that have been proposed in the literature on dislocated structures, arguing that discourse factors have a significant impact on the outcome of such tests. On this basis, French dislocation is shown to be a syntactically unified phenomenon involving both Left- and Right-Dislocation, irrespective of whether it is resumed by a clitic or a non-clitic element. The epitome of interface phenomena, French dislocation is argued to be the output of the interaction between syntax and the discourse component, requiring only a very limited contribution of narrow syntax: all that is required is that the dislocated element be merged by adjunction to a Discourse Projection (defined as a maximal projection with root properties). No agreement or checking of a designated (e.g. topic) feature is necessary, hence no syntactic movement of any sort need be postulated. The so-called resumptive element is argued to be a full-fledged pronoun rather than a true syntactic resumptive. The relation between the dislocated element and its resumptive is captured in terms of discourse coreference. The core syntactic and interpretive properties of left- and right-dislocation are shown to be identical; differences between the two configurations are shown to derive straightforwardly from the properties of the two sides of the clause periphery.

Resuming Reflexives

In this paper, we offer an analysis for the prenominal possessor doubling construction (PPDC) as it occurs in Germanic, paying particular attention to the differences between Norwegian and West Flemish. Our analysis implements recent theoretical proposals concerning locality relations, the Anti-Locality Hypothesis, the idea that movement not only must not target a position too far away, but it cannot be too close either. Anti-Locality is formulated over derivational sub-domains relevant for the operation Spell Out, so-called Prolific Domains, and the ban on Domain-internal movement is PF-driven. In order to yield a well-formed PF-object, anti-local movement may be repaired by spelling out a copy with a different PF-shape; this operation of Copy Spell Out inserts a grammatical formative to save a PF-violation. We take pronominal elements to be grammatical formatives par excellence and develop an application of this approach to the nominal layer, focusing on the PPDC. This framework derives the occurrence of a possessive pronoun doubling the possessor, which we analyse in terms of an anti-local movement dependency in which the moved possessor spells out a lower copy as the doubling possessive pronoun. We further discuss comparisons across Germanic dialects. Our main proposal is that the doubling pronoun is a resumptive element, understood more generally as a spelled out copy of the (moved) possessor DP and as such inserted into the computation derivationally.

Dislocation without movement

This paper argues that French Left-Dislocation is a unified phenomenon whether it is resumed by a clitic or a non-clitic element. The syntactic component is shown to play a minimal role in its derivation: all that is required is that the dislocated element be merged by adjunction to a Discourse Projection (generally a finite TP with root properties). No agreement or checking of a topic feature is necessary, hence no syntactic movement of any sort need be postulated. The so-called resumptive element is argued to be a full-fledged pronoun rather than a true syntactic resumptive.

Contrasting ā-Dependencies in Selayarese

This paper deals with wh-questions in Selayarese, discussing two superficially similar constructions that display different properties along the path between the wh-operator and the gap. The constructions behave differently with respect to weak crossover, the occurrence of overt complementizers and agreement affixes, and word order. I argue that these differences follow from the hypothesis that the gap in one wh-construction is formed by cyclic movement while the other construction involves simple binding between an A′ (non-argument) position and a null resumptive element in an A (argument) position. The resumptive A′ dependency, however, also displays some surprising movement diagnostics, and so I argue that a wh-operator enters the derivation in A′ position, binds the A position, and then undergoes movement to its overt position. The analysis also involves the postulation of a Specifier position below C′ where focus features are checked. Arguments are presented that this position is an A′ position, and that it creates an island for other cyclic movement. In addition, the extraction patterns highlight the role of agreement features on functional heads, in particular C, and the different ways in which they may be checked.