Contrasting ā-Dependencies in Selayarese

Abstract

This paper deals with wh-questions in Selayarese, discussing two superficially similar constructions that display different properties along the path between the wh-operator and the gap. The constructions behave differently with respect to weak crossover, the occurrence of overt complementizers and agreement affixes, and word order. I argue that these differences follow from the hypothesis that the gap in one wh-construction is formed by cyclic movement while the other construction involves simple binding between an A′ (non-argument) position and a null resumptive element in an A (argument) position. The resumptive A′ dependency, however, also displays some surprising movement diagnostics, and so I argue that a wh-operator enters the derivation in A′ position, binds the A position, and then undergoes movement to its overt position. The analysis also involves the postulation of a Specifier position below C′ where focus features are checked. Arguments are presented that this position is an A′ position, and that it creates an island for other cyclic movement. In addition, the extraction patterns highlight the role of agreement features on functional heads, in particular C, and the different ways in which they may be checked.