General Election Results Research Articles

Northern Ireland: Double Triumph for the Democratic Unionist Party

The General Election result in Northern Ireland impacted across the UK. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) enjoyed a double victory. It extended dominance of the unionist community and collected a bigger prize as its ten MPs (a record tally) held a pivotal position at Westminster. In holding the balance of power in the House of Commons, the DUP was not shy in articulating its price for supporting the otherwise friendless Conservative government in key votes, extracting £1 billion of new funding for Northern Ireland. The DUP’s hegemonic position within its unionist constituency was matched by Sinn Féin’s obliteration of its Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) rival within the nationalist community, but without any obvious reward for republicans. At a time of considerable instability, with Northern Ireland’s political institutions undergoing one of their episodic crises, unionist and nationalist voters overwhelmingly backed the dominant representative forces within their respective ethno-national blocs. This analysis of the election draws upon data from the 2017 Economic and Social Research Council’s Northern Ireland General Election study to examine why the DUP and Sinn Féin dominated the contest and looks at the implications of the outcome in Northern Ireland and at Westminster.1

Brexit, the left behind and the let down: the political abstraction of ‘the economy’ and the UK’s EU referendum

UK voters’ decision to overturn the country’s European Union membership has left most parliamentarians looking rather distant from the constituents they represent. The politicians staked much on assuming that people could be persuaded not to sabotage their economic self-interest, but that message conspicuously failed to resonate. When politicians spoke in abstract terms about the needs of ‘the economy’, significant numbers understood this to mean labour market conditions that had personally served them badly. It was commonplace in the immediate aftermath of the referendum to refer to these people as the ‘left behind’. However, they might more usefully be described as the ‘let down’ and, as the 2017 general election results show, they are still a significant if somewhat unpredictable voting constituency. Since the restructuring of the UK economy in line with global competitiveness norms these people have been required to earn their rights as citizens through demonstrating their work readiness. Yet hard work on its own is now no longer sufficient for so many people to receive the rewards promised under the terms of the new social contract. They have been largely abandoned to their fate by the politicians as labour market segmentation has led to a significant expansion of the in-work poor. This constituency voted in large numbers against continued EU membership. This suggests that the referendum result can be seen at least in part as a revolt against the way in which the abstraction of ‘the economy’ has informed UK politics in recent decades. The much lower profile given to this abstraction at the 2017 general election compared to its immediate predecessors indicates that, eighteen months later, on this issue at least we remain in the political rupture caused by the EU referendum result.

Corbynism’s conveyor belt of ideas: Postcapitalism and the politics of social reproduction

In this reflection, we assess the theoretical faultline running through the contested current of Corbynist thought and politics at present. On one hand, we find a techno-utopian strand preoccupied with automation and the end of work. On the other hand, a nascent politics of social reproduction with a foreshortened potential to realise the promise of a continental-style solidarity economics in the United Kingdom. Both represent the latest in a series of left attempts to confront the crisis of social democracy that rages across Europe, a crisis to which the British Labour Party has not been alone in succumbing despite recent appearances otherwise. Deindustrialisation collapsed labour’s role in everyday life, and a crisis in the society of work eventually passed over into its representative party’s electoral decline. Subsequent financial crisis and subsequent austerity have only made things worse. A poverty of ideas prevails that all sides of social democracy’s unsteady compromise seek desperately to solve. However, the recent UK General Election shows evidence that Corbynism has renewed Labour’s fortunes to some extent. Surveying the competing intellectual currents behind its rise, we suggest that the politics of social reproduction offer a better route forward for the Labour Party than the popular siren call of postcapitalism, and reflect on what the recent general election result suggests for their future development.

June almost marks the end of May

How healthcare stands to fare following the results of the surprise general election and the Paterson trial.

Restrukturisasi Sistem Fraksi Di DPR RI Guna Mewujudkan Pembangunan Demokrasi

In the Indonesian constitution, it is explained that the sovereignty of the Indonesian state is in the hands of the people as stated in Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Republic of Indonesia Constitution so all actions taken by the state must side with the interests of the people. Indonesia is a country that adheres to a democratic system, which means from the people to the people. Indonesia is a country of law so it has a logical consequence that every state action must have a clear legal basis. The DPR is a legislative institution that represents the interests of the people as explained in Article 20 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Republic of Indonesia Constitution states that: "The DPR holds the power to form laws." So the DPR has the authority to greatly influence the development of democracy and law in Indonesia. However, Article 82 paragraph (1) of Law Number 17 of 2014 concerning the MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD states that: "Factions are groupings of members based on the configuration of political parties based on the results of general elections." So that the existence of factions in the DPR's organizational structure can result in deviations from the Indonesian constitution because in practice the factions in the DPR only care about their existence in parliament and try to maintain their power and defend the interests of their own party, so it is necessary to restructure the faction system in the DPR which eliminates factions in the DPR's organizational structure and restores them. to its initial function of realizing democratic development.

Tindak Pidana Pemilihan Sebagai Dasar Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah

<p><em>The resolution of dispute over election results of regional head experienced a dynamic movement rate, in line with the dialectic of the implementation of election regional head itself. Whereas in the past, based on Article 34 Paragraph (1) of Indonesia Law Number 22 Year 1999, the filling of the position of regional head and deputy head of region shall be conducted by the Regional House of Representative by a peaceful election. However, since the enactment of Indonesia Law Number 32 Year 2004, in Article 24 paragraph (5) determined the filling of the position of regional head and regional representatives implemented through direct election by the people in the region concerned. This direct election which eventually became part of the election law regime based on Article 236 C of Indonesia Law Number 12 Year 2008. In line with the development of the election, there was also a mechanism for dispute resolution of the results of General Election based on Article 157 paragraph (3) of Indonesia Law Number 8 of 2015 becomes the absolute competence of the Constitutional Court where one of the reasons for the filing of a petition is based on an election crime.</em><em></em></p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> Crime of Elections, Dispute on Results of General Election of Regional Head</em>

Jeremy Corbyn and the Law of Democracy

There is much to be said about the United Kingdom's general election result of 8 June 2017. Some of it relates to the dysfunctional nature of British electoral law and the questions of principle ra...

Are marginals different? Evidence from British elections 1950\u20132015

We analyse the results of British general elections from 1950 to 2015. In our model, voting is both instrumental and expressive, and is driven both by ideology and the perceived valence of different parties. On most assumptions the model predicts that the safer the seat the lower the swing. The exception is where ideological factors are relatively dominant in instrumental voting, and valence factors are relatively dominant in expressive voting. In this case the highest swings might be in the safest seats. Alternatively swing might peak at intermediate majorities, and this is what we find when we look at swings between Conservative and Labour in seats held by one or other of these parties. We also find that marginals behave more distinctively when the national result is expected to be close or when there has been another general election recently; and that at least some voters have a sense of what is a ‘bellwether’ seat i.e. one that would be marginal in a close election. However in those seats where the main contest has been between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, the swing is positively related to the closeness of the contest.

The Malaysian Islamic Party PAS 1951–2013: Islamism in a Mottled Nation by Farish Noor

Reviewed by: The Malaysian Islamic Party PAS 1951–2013: Islamism in a Mottled Nation by Farish Noor Nazirah Lee The Malaysian Islamic Party PAS 1951–2013: Islamism in a Mottled Nation Farish Noor Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre, 2016, 260pp. ISBN 978-967-0960-17-3 This book The Malaysian Islamic Party PAS 1951–2013: Islamism in a Mottled Nation is a reprinted version of the original, which was published by Amsterdam University Press in 2014. The text details the history of Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in an account that many scholars consider comprehensive and compelling. The lack of primary sources related to the early days of PAS mentioned briefly by the author appears to have little effect on this study. The book proposes and analyses internal and external chains of events that have shaped PAS. Subsequently, the text offers a critical observation of the Islamism adopted and promoted by the party from 1951 to 2013. The first four chapters of this book provide a historical account of PAS and are organized chronologically. The 62 years covered in this study are divided into four phases. The first phase covers the early days of PAS (1951–69). The author describes how the history of Islam inspired resistance even from the nineteenth century to the days of Burhanudin Helmi, who was influenced by the developments in the Muslim world both inside and outside the Malay Archipelago. However, from 1970–82 PAS experienced a dark period, as the party turned inward from internationalism to communitarianism under the leadership and narrow worldview of Asri Musa, whose focus was confined to the Malay Archipelago. In the discussion of the party’s third phase (1982–99), the author focuses on changes that took place within PAS under Yusof Rawa, Fadzil Noor and Nik Aziz Nik Mat. This section also describes the party’s struggles to improve and freshen its image while responding to global Islamist movements. The fourth phase revolves around the story of PAS in the first thirteen years of the twenty-first century. The author interprets PAS’s performance by examining the results of general elections, which are classified and placed in the corresponding four phases mentioned above. The author offers his own analysis of PAS in the book’s last chapter by discussing the nature of the party’s politics, the Islamic State and Islamism. PAS, an Islamist opposition party formed on 24 November 1951, advocates the formation of an Islamic state in Malaysia. The author contends that PAS is a political party that readily re-invents and changes itself according to its political needs. Such an argument is antithetical to studies that demonstrate that PAS perceives Islam as a way of life founded on solid principles sanctioned for Muslims by God. In a study of the history of PAS in Kelantan from 1953 to 1959, Paridah Ali (1973) conducted an interview with the Kelantan state secretary, who recognized PAS as a party based on Islam that observes Islam as a way of life. Similarly, Mohd Izani (2007) conveys [End Page 147] Islam as the essence of PAS’s development. Members of the party are convinced that the implementation of an Islamic state will bring about spiritual regeneration and enhance quality of life (Lukman Thaib, 2013). Nevertheless, the author clarifies his argument through a detailed consideration of the Islamism propagated by PAS throughout his book. In the analysis regarding the trajectory of Islamism under a myriad of political and historical developments, the author affirms that PAS has changed the meaning and the content signifier of an Islamic state according to the context, time and place that PAS found itself in. According to the author, for PAS, Islam has played an instrumental and political role as the party’s Islamism continues to change in tandem with the party leaders’ preferences. In the first chapter, the author demonstrates how under Burhanudin Helmi, PAS dedicated its Islamism to ‘left leaning Islamism’ in the belief that nationalism, socialism and Islamism are related. By contrast, Asri Musa (1969–82) nurtured a new image for PAS as a rightist supporter in line with his ultra-nationalist sentiments. Asri Musa decided to bring PAS into the...

An Analysis of the 2017 United Kingdom General Election Results Using Aggregate Data: Increasing Uncertainty Before Brexit

An Analysis of the 2017 United Kingdom General Election Results Using Aggregate Data: Increasing Uncertainty Before Brexit

Improving Quality of Election Process Using Crowdsourcing Techniques

Quality of election process is a main factor for acknowledging the general election results. In this sense a feedback from voters is critical to maintain a desired process quality. Crowdsourcing is establishing as standard platform to capture feedback and new ideas from the participating stakeholders. This paper presents an efficient solution using crowdsourcing techniques for improving the quality of election processes through a simple feedback web form in polling stations. These polling stations are securely connected to Central Election Commission monitoring room, where the overall quality in national scale can be monitored. The survey conducted with more 600 respondents shows that this approach will be acceptable from citizens and will improve the total quality and acceptance of election results.

Malaysia’s 13th General Election: Sabah-Barisan Nasional Fixed-Deposit State?

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election(GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-a-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a “fixed deposit”state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.

Problem Penemuan Kebenaran dalam Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi

Every effort of discovering the truth always faced with the possibility to slip. This possibility of slips also occurs in the Constitutional Court Decisions, specifically one which strongly related to material truth, such as in the decision related in dispute of local general election result. Based on that certainty, this paper attempts to study the problems that could arise whenever the Constitutional Court manage to discover the truth, while also tries to present alternatives in the attempt to repair the aforemention slips.

Rethinking Party System Nationalization in India (1952–2014)

This article provides a new conceptual and empirical analysis of party system nationalization, based on four different measurements. Unlike previous nationalization studies, these measurements conceptualize party system nationalization on the basis of electoral performance in national (general or federal) and sub-national (state) elections. After introducing these measurements we apply them to 16 general and 351 state elections in India, the world’s largest democracy with strong sub-national governments. By incorporating state election results we are able to demonstrate that: (1) the pattern of denationalization in India has been more gradual than assumed in previous studies of party system nationalization; (2) denationalization in recent decades results less from dual voting (vote shifting between state and federal elections) than from the growing divergence among state party systems (in state and federal elections); (3) the 2014 general election result, although potentially transformative in the long run, provides more evidence of continuity than change in the short run.

Роль Индии в становлении Бангладеш как независимого государства

This paper aims to describe the role of India, the biggest neighbor of Bangladesh, and the outmost support of the Soviet Union in the emergence of Bangladesh as an Independent State. The paper describes the background of the Bangladesh’s Liberation war in 1971. The political situation in East Pakistan just before the crisis is described in details, especially the results of general elections which were held in December 1970. A central part of the article is dedicated to the role of India and the contribution of Indian people, government and armed forces. Almost 10 million men and women were forced to leave Bangladesh and entered various states of India like West Bengal, Tripura, Assam, Meghalaya, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh where they were accommodated as refugees. The personal implication of Indira Gandhi was very high, she traveled around the world to gather support for the Bangladesh cause. India spent thousand of rupees for the liberation war of Bangladesh; but also sacrificed the lives of its officers and soldiers. Moreover, the paper touches upon the USSR’s involvement into the Liberation war of Bangladesh in context of Soviet-American rivalry during cold war.

Parliamentary Report

Events during the period under consideration were overshadowed by the result of the General Election in May, in which the Conservatives secured an overall majority and the Scottish National Party won 56 of the 59 seats in Scotland. What this will mean for issues of particular concern to readers of this Journal is unclear: but at the very least, there is already pressure for devolution of powers to the Scottish Parliament over and above those in the agreed package put forward by the all-party commission under the chairmanship of Lord Smith of Kelvin. The Scotland Bill was introduced into the Commons on 28 May and is likely to be a matter of some controversy.

The Paradox of Social Media: The De-democratization of Malaysia

Today, social media is perceived as “the media.” Blogs and bloggers have changed journalism; YouTube has discovered rare and raw talents; and “the trinity” (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) have sparked revolutions. Focusing on end-users instead of producers and its interactive-ness are two paramount characters that permit ordinary people to engage in extra-ordinary activities. From the showbiz to politics, social media has left its marks. The World political events in recent years, in particular Arab Spring of MENA (Middle East and North Africa) have showcased positive link between social media and democratization. Malaysia has experienced quite a similar phenomenon to MENA in the verge of the 12th General Election (GE-12), held on March 8, 2008. The failure of the only ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) to retain its two-third majority in the GE-12 is an empirical evident of people’s desire and aspiration for free and fair elections, good-governance, and democratization which are very different from race-based politics. At a glimpse, the results of the 13th General Election (GE-13) which was held on May 5, 2013 are quite similar to the GE-12. Yet, deeper analyses indicated race-base politics and “strong government” has made a comeback. Hence, this article explores the paradox when the state is not only interfering but also participating in social media. This exploration demonstrates social media is not only meant for the masses; and that by possessing money, machinery, and authority; the state is potentially dominant at social media.

The 2015 Report: The year ahead for children and young people

The year 2015 looks set to be pivotal in determining the direction of services for children, young people and families over the rest of the decade. May's general election result and the policy shake-up that follows is likely to dominate. Regardless of who forms the next government, local authorities will be faced with tough decisions on what services to cut. Meanwhile, child poverty continues to rise, increasing demand on services. In CYP Now's 2015 Report, experts assess the challenges ahead and pinpoint the changes they want to see

Israel since the Six-Day War: tears of joy, tears of sorrow

Introduction Chapter 1 The Early Aftermath of the Six Day War Chapter 2 The War of Attrition and the Prelude to the Yom Kippur War Chapter 3 The Yom Kippur War Chapter 4 Major Events over the years 1974-1979 Chapter 5 The Decade of the 1980 s Chapter 6 The Fateful 1990 s Chapter 7 The al Aqsa Intifada Chapter 8 Beyond the al-Aqsa Intifada Chapter 9 Social and Economic Developments Conclusion Appendix: General Election Results

Which Map? Which Government? Malapportionment and Gerrymandering, UK-Style

Commentators suggest that the UK is entering a period in which general election results are unlikely to produce a clear winner. In such a situation, how and where the constituency boundaries are drawn is crucial, as different configurations of seats in particular places could have a significant impact on an election outcome. Although those configurations are recommended to Parliament by non-partisan Boundary Commissions, research has shown that Labour has been significantly advantaged by their recent proposals because they incorporated the equivalents of two well-known American electoral abuses – malapportionment and gerrymandering. This article illustrates how and why they have operated and discusses how the Conservatives’ failed attempt to remove one of them (malapportionment) and influence the other (gerrymandering) might have impacted on its position prior to the 2015 general election.