Restriction Of Civil Liberties Research Articles

Террористическая угроза как фактор пропагандистского обеспечения квазиавторитарного политического транзита в западных демократиях на рубеже XX–XXI веков

The article reveals the information and propaganda technologies used at the end of the XX century and in the second decade of the XXI century by the US political elite to justify foreign military expansion into Eurasia (Af-ghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yugoslavia, deployment of a network of military bases in the Central Asian repub-lics). The reason, but not the cause of restriction of civil liberties, according to the author, has become the threat of the international terrorist organization “Al-Qaeda” (outlawed in Russia) which has carried out a series of acts of terrorism against the objects and citizens of the USA in 1998–2001. International terrorism has served as a major shaping of the global “enemy image” that a fraction of a percent of a US military operation outside of a state has to be revoked. Subsequently, such information technology was used in connection with the emer-gence of the “Islamic State” organization (banned in Russia) to justify American intervention in the affairs of the Syrian Arab Republic in order to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad. Using the systematic method, historical-genetic method and the method of analyzing local situations (case–study), the author comes to the conclusion that the political regimes of Western democracies, primarily the United States, transited at the turn of the centu-ry to quasi-authoritarian regimes that were looking for a political pretext for deploying aggression in the new colonial redistribution of the world. Such an occasion was terrorist attacks by Al-Qaeda, and then by IS/ISIS.

Investigative Journalism in the Era of a Crisis of Democracy: The Example of Hungary

The subject of the article is the functioning and role of investigative journalism in Hungary in the conditions of the tendency to move from liberal democracy towards autocracy, which has been observed for over two decades. This leads to the restriction of civil liberties in various areas of social life, including the sphere of activity of the independent media, which are obviously perceived by the rulers as an obstacle in appropriating the state and achieving goals contrary to the interests of citizens. Under the rule of Viktor Orbán, the leader of the Fidesz party, since 2010 a plan to monopolize the circulation of information and subordinate the media and advertising market to the ruling party has been consistently implemented. Internet sites of investigative journalism are the only enclaves of independent journalism, identified with the concept of the “fourth power.” Three such portals were analyzed, pointing to their economic basis, the methods of conducting and the subject of their investigations, and the effectiveness in publicizing irregularities in the conduct of the rulers and businessmen associated with power.

A Cruel Theatre of Self-Immolations: Contemporary Suicide Protests by Fire and their Resonances in Culture [Okrutny teatr samospaleń: Protesty samobójcze w ogniu i ich echa w kulturze współczesnej

<i>A Cruel Theatre of Self-Immolations: Contemporary Suicide Protests by Fire and their Resonances in Culture</i> [Okrutny teatr samospaleń: Protesty samobójcze w ogniu i ich echa w kulturze współczesnej

Emotions, governmental trust and support for the restriction of civil liberties during the covid‐19 pandemic

AbstractThe Covid‐19 pandemic brought unprecedented governmental restrictions to personal and political freedoms. This article investigates individual‐level differences in mass support for the restriction of civil liberties during the first wave of the Covid‐19 pandemic. Employing theories of affect and decision making, it assesses the extent to which different emotional reactions toward the pandemic influenced attitudes toward mobile phone surveillance and the implementation of curfews. We test our hypotheses in five advanced European democracies using panel data which allow us to identify the role of emotions in support for restrictive policies controlling for individual heterogeneity. The results suggest that experiencing fear about Covid‐19 had a strong positive impact on supporting these measures, while hope and anger only played a minimal role. Importantly, the findings indicate that emotions moderate the impact of trust toward the government, a key variable for supporting the restriction of civil liberties during the pandemic. Specifically, experiencing fear was associated with higher acceptance of civil liberty restrictions. Further, experiencing fear substantially decreased the effect of trust in the government, rendering those who lack trust toward the government more supportive of civil liberty restrictions. These findings help us understand the psychological mechanisms that leads citizens to swiftly decide to sacrifice their civil liberties in the light of threat. Further, they offer empirical support for the causal role of affect in political decision‐making.

The impact of Covid-19 pandemic on the institutional change in developing countries

Motivation: The Covid-19 pandemic is having a critical impact on economies, especially in developing countries. Such a serious external shock affects the distribution of economic rents, thus leading to potentially large institutional changes. Naturally, in the short term we are dealing with an economic crisis and a restriction of civil liberties in both autocratic and democratic countries, however, it is not known what the dynamics of institutional changes will be in the longer run.&#x0D; Aim: The main purpose of the article is to answer if the Covid-19 pandemic becomes a turning point that will determine the institutional system in developing countries for the next few decades. The first part of the article outlines the theory of institutional change, with particular emphasis on the role of external shocks. The next section presents studies on the socioeconomic impact of two major epidemics: The Black Death and the Great Influenza Pandemic. The third part conducts an assessment as to what extent the current pandemic may affect institutions in developing countries, by reference to the example of two countries: Tunisia and Cambodia. The analysis is conducted from the perspective of the new institutional economics.&#x0D; Results: If we look at the experiences from previous pandemics, current events and refer to the literature on the theory of institutional change, we can conclude that significant institutional changes caused by Covid-19 are unlikely. The process of institutional change is characterized by a specific complexity and changing dynamics. Nonetheless, it is the internal factors, reflecting the actions of people trying to maximize the benefits, which are the main cause of change in an institutional system. Therefore, the Covid-19 pandemic is more likely to strengthen the endogeneity of the process of institutional change, rather than change its course.

Sophisticated but Scared: The Effects of Political Sophistication, Right‐Wing Authoritarianism, and Threat on Civil Liberty Restrictions

AbstractDespite the widely ratified United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, support for civil liberties is easily eroded in times of threat. Understanding which factors moderate the relationship between threat and support for civil liberties is critical, yet remains relatively unexplored. In this study, we test a double moderation model in which support for the restriction of civil liberties in the face of threat is moderated by both right‐wing authoritarianism and political sophistication. In a national representative dataset (N = 12,507), those low on right‐wing authoritarianism became more like their high right‐wing authoritarian peers in the face of threat. Also, those more sophisticated about political issues were less supportive of restrictions on civil liberties, but only when threat was low. We tested this model on both restrictions for the in‐group, in terms of being wiretapped, and for the out‐group, in terms of torturing suspected terrorists. Our results suggest that increasing political sophistication may have desirable consequences when considering the outcomes for in‐group members, and we argue for increased efforts to expand the in‐group we seek to protect.

Prejudice in the wake of terrorism: The role of temporal distance, ideology, and intergroup emotions

The shootings at the Canadian Parliament on October 22, 2014 received international coverage and fueled concerns about terrorism and growing Islamoprejudice. In the wake of this event, our two studies (n=215, n=492) investigated objective temporal distance, right-wing ideology, and intergroup emotions as predictors of prejudice, outgroup trust, and the restriction of civil liberties. Objective temporal distance from the shootings was also examined as a moderator of the relations between ideology and intergroup emotions with intergroup attitudes. Results showed that greater endorsement of right-wing ideologies, higher intergroup anxiety, or higher intergroup disgust were associated with greater prejudice and lower outgroup trust. Of particular note, participants who completed the survey further from (vs. closer to) the event reported more positive intergroup attitudes and were less likely to endorse restricting civil liberties. Objective temporal distance also moderated some of the associations between intergroup emotions with intergroup attitudes. Implications are discussed.

El movimiento social nicaragüense por la defensa de la tierra, el agua y la soberanía

En primer lugar, se describen las características del proyecto del canal interoceánico y otras inversiones concedidas por el gobierno de Nicaragua a una empresa extranjera por un periodo de 116 años en una zona de 3,423.9 km2, donde viven 119,200 personas. En segundo lugar, se expone el surgimiento y desarrollo del movimiento campesino hasta la fecha (17-06-2016), las acciones realizadas, la modalidad organizativa, las alianzas y las respuestas del gobierno. Luego se presenta un análisis sociológico de los factores históricos y coyunturales que permiten comprender la conformación de este movimiento en un contexto de restricción de libertades públicas. Por último, se plantean algunas reflexiones sobre los resultados, retos y perspectivas de este movimiento social.

Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton by William Marvel

Reviewed by: Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stantonby William Marvel Angela M. Zombek Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton. By William Marvel. Civil War America. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. Pp. xx, 611. $35.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-2249-1.) In Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton, William Marvel paints an extraordinarily detailed portrait of the life of Abraham Lincoln’s secretary of war. Marvel, like Elizabeth D. Leonard in her biography, Lincoln’s Forgotten Ally: Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt of Kentucky(Chapel Hill, 2011), spotlights a key figure in the Lincoln administration and reveals the instrumental role that cabinet members played in orchestrating the war effort, ensuring loyalty, and consolidating federal power during the sectional crisis. According to Marvel, Edwin Stanton, the humble Steubenville, Ohio, native born during the War of 1812, matured to be a power-hungry, deceptive, self-interested legal mind who brought the federal government into a “virtual dictatorship” during the Civil War’s second year, especially as dissident newspaper editors were targeted (p. 221). Marvel’s treatment of Stanton is admittedly harsh in light of the author’s purpose to correct and counterbalance Stanton: The Life and Times of Lincoln’s Secretary of War(New York, 1962) by Harold M. Hyman, who completed the unfinished project begun by Benjamin H. Thomas. Hyman, according to Marvel, depicted Stanton in the most shining light possible, overlooking and excusing his administrative mistakes and downplaying his calculating nature. [End Page 941]Marvel contends that Stanton’s early development significantly influenced how he maneuvered his way to power in the federal government and in Lincoln’s administration. Marvel provides a masterful overview of Stanton’s youth in Steubenville, the struggles of his parents, his personal trials, especially the death of his beloved first wife, and challenges he faced and overcame in making a name for himself in the legal profession. One of the major strengths of Marvel’s work is how he situates Stanton’s personal life and experiences within the political, social, and economic dynamics of the nineteenth century. Most chapters open with national vignettes giving a clear sense of how Stanton and his family experienced and reacted to economic downturns and political crises like the bank war and the South’s secession. That said, it would have been helpful if chapter titles reflected the chronological progression of Stanton’s life and experiences, instead of being based on vaguely descriptive phrases that ultimately do not match the level of detail that Marvel brings to his depiction of Stanton’s life. That minor quibble aside, Marvel achieves his objective of reassessing Stanton’s life and demonstrating just how manipulative, ambitious, and intense Stanton was as he built his legal career and became a powerful member of Lincoln’s cabinet despite his “lack of experience and aversion to all things military” before his appointment as secretary of war (p. 150). Subtle criticisms such as these reinforce Marvel’s purpose as he depicts how Stanton used his position to attack General George B. McClellan, flip-flopped on issues like emancipation and the arming of black soldiers to appease whatever constituency was serving as his immediate audience, adopted a hard line on prisoner exchanges to give the North a numerical advantage, and left a legacy as one who treaded heavily and, according to Marvel, unnecessarily on civil liberties. Here again lies another of Marvel’s minor flaws—his narrative does not aim to shift the scholarly conversation on civil liberties and suppression of dissent during wartime that is led by Mark E. Neely Jr., among others. But Marvel’s blatantly critical depiction of Stanton often ignores much of the war’s broader context that led to the Lincoln administration’s restriction of civil liberties. Marvel often makes these issues seem primarily about Stanton’s ego rather than decisions inspired by the exigencies of war. Nonetheless, Marvel’s extraordinarily detailed and meticulously researched work is eye-opening, providing a window not only into Stanton’s life and personal challenges but also into how nineteenth-century Americans experienced day-to-day life. Angela M. Zombek St. Petersburg College Copyright © 2016 The Southern Historical...

Effects of viewing 9/11 footage on distress andIslamophobia: a temporally expanded approach

AbstractWe investigated whether viewing September 11 footage affected peoples’ perceived distress spanning past, present, and anticipated future. Participants (n= 174) were randomly assigned to a 9/11, fear, or neutral condition and completed measures of temporal perceived distress, distress of future terrorism, Islamophobia, and restriction of civil liberties attitudes. Participants in the neutral and fear conditions perceived their 9/11‐related distress as declining over time. Those in the 9/11 condition perceived their distress as higher at present and declining from present (vs. past ratings). Those viewing 9/11 (vs. neutral or fear) footage reported greater future terrorism distress, more prejudice, and greater restriction of civil liberties. These differences were explained by higher 9/11‐related distress ratings for past 5 years, present, and future.

Motherland under attack! Nationalism, terrorist threat, and support for the restriction of civil liberties

Motherland under attack! Nationalism, terrorist threat, and support for the restriction of civil liberties The paper addresses the role which national attitudes play in terrorist threat perception and in the choice of specific counterterrorism strategies. Study 1 shows that participants higher on nationalism tend to perceive the threat of terrorism as more serious than participants lower on nationalism. Moreover, we found that nationalism mediated the relationship between the perceived terrorist threat and the support for tough domestic policies, even at the expense of considerable limitation of civil liberties. Study 2 confirms the link between the perceived terrorism threat and the support for suspension of civil liberties. Nevertheless, when terrorism was seen in terms of crime rather than in terms of war, the mediating role of nationalism disappeared. The results contribute to a better understanding of the process whereby the perception of one's own national group and the perception of one's own nation-state translate into specific reactions triggered by external threats.

Effects of Right‐Wing Authoritarianism and Threat from Terrorism on Restriction of Civil Liberties

In an Internet survey (N = 275), we investigated how right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), personal values, and political ideology predicted attitudes toward restriction of civil liberties and toward surveillance measured one year later. Feelings of threat from terrorism were also taken into account. RWA, SDO, political ideology, security values, and self‐direction values were significant predictors. In addition, RWA interacted with threat from terrorism, in that threat reinforced the positive effect of RWA on support for surveillance measures. Thus, the study contributes to the understanding of psychological reasons for support for political measures related to civil liberties.

Civil Liberties in Wartime

I have a simple thesis: In time of war—or, more precisely, in time of national crisis—we respond too harshly in our restriction of civil liberties, and then later regret our behavior. To explore this thesis, I will briefly review our experience in 1798, the Civil War, World War I, World War II, the Cold War and the Vietnam War. I will then offer some observations.

Terrorism and the internet: Resistance in the information age

The purpose of this paper is to document the relationship between technology and terrorism. The discussion will focus on the Internet, in an attempt to discover whether the threat of insurgency is justification for the increasingly restrictive privacy of Internet users. The problematic definition and changing nature of resistance, as they evolve symbiotically with technological developments, and the possible consequences this could pose to civilian populations and law enforcement agencies are examined. In order to achieve these aims, controversial descriptions of terrorism and aspects of government and policing in cyberspace are explored before critically evaluating the Internet as a means of resistance. The interception of communications is discussed to ascertain whether such intrusive measures are necessary, in the name of national security, or merely signify a restriction of civil liberties, the loss of which can be a contributing factor to the instigation of dissident movements. To conclude, the paper will emphasize the main aspects of the discussion, rationalizing the problem of a lack of evidence to support increasingly restrictive public policies and the consequent disappearance of privacy and human rights.

Civil Liberties in Wartime

Civil Liberties in Wartime GEOFFREY R. STONE* I have a simple thesis: In time of war—or, more precisely, in time of national crisis—we respond too harshly in our restriction of civil liberties, and then later regret our behavior. To explore this thesis, I will briefly review our experience in 1798, the Civil War, World War I, World War II, the Cold War and the Vietnam War. I will then offer some observations. The “Half War” with France The period from 1789 to 1801 was a critical era in American history. In an atmosphere of fear, suspicion and intrigue, the new Consti­ tution was put to a test of its very survival. Sharp internal conflicts buffeted the new na­ tion, which also found itself embroiled in a fierce international struggle between Europe’s two great powers, the French Republic and Im­ perial Britain. It was a time ofbitter party war­ fare and rampant hysteria.1 By 1798, many of the ideas generated by the French Revolution had aroused deep fear and hostilityin some segments oftheAmerican population. A rancorous political and philo­ sophical debate raged between the Federalists, then in power, and the Republicans. The Fed­ eralists feared that the sympathy ofthe Repub­ licans for the French Revolution indicated a willingness to plunge the United States into a similarperiod ofviolent upheaval. The Repub­ licans feared that the Federalist sympathy for England denoted a desire to restore aristocratic forms and class distinctions in America. As the war in Europe raged and the United States found it increasingly difficult to maintain a perilous neutrality, President John Adams sent John Marshall to Paris to nego­ tiate a treaty to guarantee the immunity of American shipping from attacks by French corsairs. When this effort failed because the French demanded “tribute” to help finance their war with England, Americans were out­ raged atthe arrogance ofthe French. A wave of patriotic fervor swept the nation under the ral­ lying cry “Millions for Defense, but Not One Cent for Tribute.” President Adams placed the United States into a“virtual state ofundeclared war.”2 Congress gave the President everything he asked for and more. It ordered additional war­ ships, appropriated substantial funds to fortify harbors, established a new Department of the Navy, expanded the army by adding twelve new regiments ofinfantry, authorized the navy 216 JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY This 1798 cartoon shows France as a monster, with one foot in Switzerland, saying to Britain “We will come and plant the tree of liberty in your hearts and make your nation free.” The Federalists entered into an undeclared war with France over its demand for tribute money to guarantee immunity from attacks by French ships, but the Republicans believed that America should stay out of the Anglo-French conflict. to attack armed French ships, and abrogated all treaties with France. George Washington was recalled from Mount Vernon to assume command ofAmerica’s military forces. Adams was suddenly a national hero. Whenever he ap­ peared in public, he was greeted with huzzas. The nation was on a war footing. The Republicans fiercely criticized these measures. Vice President Thomas Jefferson feared that a war with France would drive the United States into the arms of England and deliver the nation over to the forces of anti-republicanism and monarchy. He be­ lieved that if the United States could main­ tain its distance from the European conflict, the French might defeat the English and thus make republicanism secure once and for all in America.3 Republican Congressman Albert Gallatin protested that the Federalists had ex­ aggerated the dangers facing the nation and that the measures they proposed would precip­ itate an unnecessary and disastrous war with France. He derided as “wild” the Federalist claim that France intended to “subjugate our country.”4 Congressman Brent added that he was no more apprehensive of a French inva­ sion than he was of being “transported before night into the moon.”5 The Federalists were aghast. Congress­ man Robert Goodloe Harper warned that the nation had to prepare immediately rather than waiting until invasion was imminent, and Con­ gressman “Long John” Allen of Connecticut warned of“bloodshed, slaughter, pillage, and a complete subjection to...

Book Review: Crack in America: Demon Drugs and Social Justice

Crack in America: Demon Drugs and Social Justice, edited by Craig Reinarman and Harry G. Levine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), xvi + 388 pp., $48.00 cloth, $17.95 paper. Clearly, both cocaine and crack have the potential to produce serious harm, even death; but the evidence is-despite government reports showing ever-increasing harm-that most people consume these drugs in a way that does not cause them lasting or even temporary harm. This sentence, from John Morgan and Lynn Zimmer's chapter on the social pharmacology of smokable cocaine (p. 141), captures both the theme and the residual ambivalence of Crack in America. Cocaine is a potent drug, but its dangers have been oversold by cynical journalists and vote-hungry politicians. Cocaine smoking has become the chief pretext for an expensive, unjust, and counterproductive drug war that fails to address the root causes of drug abuse: the despair of the urban underclass. These themes are laid out in two introductory essays by the book's editors, Craig Reinarman and Harry Levine, and are developed at length in 12 well-chosen chapters, mostly classic articles from the late 1980s and early 1990s. Phillipe Bourgois's In Search of Horatio Alger stresses that crack dealing is a quest for meaning and money by those who have little hope of success in the legitimate economy, a point reiterated by several contributors. Contingent Call of the Pipe, by the editors and Dan Waldorf and Sheigla Murphy, argues that few crack users turn their lives into one long binge, drug-war propaganda notwithstanding. Sheigla Murphy and Marsha Rosenbaum's profile of two female crack smokers makes the point that cocaine craving and bingeing are most common among those who have fewer life options. Middle-class users are more likely to use powder, to control their intake, and to avoid prostitution and crime. Most of the violent crime associated with crack, as Paul Goldstein and his collaborators show, is systemic in nature-dealers shooting dealers, not coke-crazies blazing away at the nearest moving object. The notion that crack is a direct, unmediated source of criminal violence is an example of what Morgan and Zimmer call pharmacocentrism. Drawing upon the pioneering work of Norman Zinberg, the patron saint of this anthology, they and other contributors stress that set and setting are more important than the effect of crack cocaine itself. Users get in trouble with the drug because they have been, so to speak, set up by their miserable life experiences. Crack bingeing blots out the misery. Crack is most dangerous when, in the editors' phrase, it is used as an antidespondent drug. Three comparative essays on crack in other nations-Yuet Cheung and Patricia Erickson on Canada, Stephen K. Mugford on Australia, and Peter Cohen on the Netherlandsunderscore the antidespondency theme. Their collective claim is that crack does not flourish in these countries because they have superior social welfare systems and hence a smaller and less desperate underclass. An even more obvious factor, though one discounted by the authors, is their distance from primary cocaine trafficking routes. To reject pharmacological determinism is to reject the belief that drugs are a sufficient cause of addiction. But one need not reject the belief that drugs are a necessary cause. No supply, no users-that's the Ockham's Razor of why there is no crack problem in Australia or, for that matter, in the slums of Calcutta. You can, as Ethan Nadelmann does in his updated essay on U.S. drug policy, concede that increased exposure will entail increased use, yet still reject prohibition. The reason is that the concomitants of prohibition outweigh the public health gains. Several contributors describe those costs: Ira Glasser and Loren Siegel on the restriction of civil liberties, Loren Siegel on the prosecution and harassment of pregnant drug users, and Troy Duster on the disparate racial impact of the drug war and the crisis in the credibility of the criminal justice system. …

Social Movements and Women's Participation in Brazil

To understand the present situation of Brazilian women, this article sets out to examine the way it has evolved in the past 20 years. The change of regime in 1964 led to an exacerbation of the economic crisis for the ordinary people of Brazil. This was accompanied by a restriction of civil liberties. Thus deprived of formal channels of negotiation, women formed a new movement. They began to play a public role, motivated by a desire for a better life for their children, the release of imprisoned relatives, and higher wages. In this way, they began to penetrate the public realm.