Respect For Freedom Research Articles

Why Respect for Freedom Cannot Explain the Content and Grounds of Human Rights

In a recent article in Political Theory (40, 5: 573–601), entitled “Human Rights, Freedom, and Political Authority,” Laura Valentini proposes a “freedom-centered” account of human rights. On this account, “human rights are derived from the universal right to freedom, namely each person’s innate right to a sphere of agency within which to pursue her ends and goals without being subject to the will of others” (574). In spite of its prima facie appeal, I argue that Valentini’s theory does not do a good job at explaining some of our settled convictions about the content of human rights and that she offers an implausibly restrictive view of our reasons for respecting human rights. I conclude by very briefly presenting the main elements of a broader perfectionist and dignitarian account of human rights, which seems more consistent with our settled convictions on these matters.

Dynamics of Vision in Plato’s Thought

The layperson may not have read any of Plato's dialogues, but everyone will know what Platonic love is. Platonic love, in common parlance, is a love not of the body, but of the mind. The concept of Platonic love is derived from a passage in Plato's Symposium, to be discussed below, in which a priestess explains to Socrates that beauty can be found not only in the body, and not even primarily in the body, but that beauty as such is the same wherever we encounter it, and moreover that there is a beauty far beyond that which is visible and can be perceived by our senses. This characterization of beauty, however, which seems to underlie much of Plato's philosophy as explicated in the dialogues of his middle period, must be seen against the background of a culture that was focused, not to say fixated, on the body and its beauty. Athenian culture, the aristocratic culture of those with whom Socrates associated himself, had as its ideal the kalokagathos--the excellent, accomplished, capable citizen and gentleman. (1) This excellence could in theory always be analyzed as being composed of its two constituent aspects of being kalos and agathos: to be agathos is to be 'good,' whatever may count as good, but to be kalos is to be fine, handsome, and 'beautiful.' And often at the beginning of a dialogue Socrates is portrayed as deeply affected and attracted by the physical beauty of a young man or boy. The dialectic of physical beauty and the beauty of the mind will be my starting point. In Section I, I look at a few well-known passages from Plato's early and middle period dialogues: Lysis, Charmides, Meno, Republic, and Protagoras. The familiar picture arises of Socrates as an individual who, as is the case with the society he is part of, is captivated by, and to an extent erotically obsessed with, physical beauty; but the example from the Republic demonstrates that the souls of those who are subject, and in that way subjected, to physical beauty are as liable to be dictated in their thoughts and actions by ugly sights. But at the same time, Socrates from early on sets this vision of physical beauty in relation with a putative beauty of the soul and the mind; the philosopher who can see this beauty can free himself from the tyranny of the senses. In Section II, I provide the theoretical foundation of this assertion in looking at the Symposium, where the eternal form of the beautiful is introduced as the ultimate aim of all our striving, love, and friendship. But in the very act of the philosophers' freeing themselves from all that is mortal, including their subjection to the senses, and the sense of sight above all, they subject themselves, as demonstrated in Republic and Phaedrus, to a new rule--the rule of and determination by those eternal forms--so that the philosopher appears to be in no better a position than the ordinary lover of sights and sounds in respect of freedom and autonomy. In Section III, I attempt to deconstruct this picture through an interpretation of passages from Timaeus, which are read, as Plato intended them to be read, as allegorical. In Section IV, I conclude with a tentative suggestion of the consequences of this deconstruction for a new understanding of the dynamics of the metaphysics of both intellectual vision and the physical gaze in Plato's thought. I I begin with some examples of the attractiveness of physical beauty and its power over the viewer. (2) Near the beginning of the dialogue Lysis, the eponymous young hero is first encountered in a palaestra, or wrestling school (206E9-207A3): [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Among them was also Lysis, and he stood among the boys and youths, being wreathed and outstanding to look at, worthy to hear not only the habitual kalos estin, but the designation kalos kagathos. It is interesting that Socrates reports this as his first impression, when he sees Lysis from afar. Lysis is not just handsome, he has an 'aristocratic appearance. …

Recomendaciones para la toma de decisiones ante la negativa de los padres a la vacunación de sus hijos: análisis ético

Vaccinating children is the most effective primary prevention activity and many lives have been saved due to vaccines. Anti-vaccine movements have spread doubts about the safety and effectiveness of childhood vaccines, leading to some parents refusing to vaccinate their children. This refusal raises a conflict of values between the right of parents to the upbringing of their children according to their beliefs and justice, putting the immunity of the group at risk. In Spain, the law protects this ability for parents to decide not to comply with the official vaccine program. Pediatricians play an essential role in a parent's decision, and must provide accurate information about vaccination. It is necessary to explore The values of the parents, their concerns need to be empathetically examined, in order to reach an agreement. Respect for freedom does not exempt us from using discussion and persuasion to achieve attitudes and healthy choices for children. Our commitment to responsability promotion is essential for maintaining high vaccination levels that protect the health of children.

A Tightrope Act between Freedom and Equality of Speech on the Hungarian Publication of Owen M. Fiss’ Liberalism Divided: Delayed, But Never Too Late

In comparison with the standards of US legal literature on the freedom of speech, Fiss’ work could even be called ‘radical’. The essence of his message is that the state — which, on the basis of the power conferred upon it by legislation, is able to regulate the areas of freedom of speech and the media, to oversee compliance with the regulations via the government, the courts and the various authorities and to make corrections, if necessary — can actually be a friend (supporter or promoter) of freedom of speech. This represents a major leap away from the dogma previously prevalent, according to which it is wise to be wary of the state, as the state’s potential oppressive power allows it to limit freedom of speech for no good cause. The state (the government, the authorities and anyone whose actions may be ‘attributed’ to the state) should be kept an eye on at all times, and any steps taken that could inhibit freedom of speech for any reason whatsoever (be they legitimate or morally sound) should be viewed with caution and reservations. That is, any measure capable of restricting freedom of speech to any extent and for whatever reason should be viewed as unacceptable. Obviously there are certain situations — problems generalized in legal provisions — where such a restriction is not impermissible, but the scope of these is very narrow. By contrast, Fiss argues in favor of the role of the state in respect of freedom of speech. The issue is not that Fiss does not recognize the potentially oppressive nature of the state. Instead, he emphasizes those abilities of the state which the previous defenders of free speech have left unnoticed or claimed to be insignificant, namely, the state is able to eliminate the negative, harmful phenomena that arise during the practice of the exercise of freedom of speech. Such harmful phenomena are the result of the unregulated nature of the ‘marketplace of ideas’ or, rather, the prohibition of its regulation.

Libraries, donations and freedom of expression: The case of Scientology

Whilst until the late 19th century most libraries were dependent on donations for their stock, since then donations have been insignificant for the majority of libraries in comparison with purchased acquisitions. There are organisations, however, which have considerable donations programmes and the Church of Scientology is a prominent example. Scientologists suggest that their donations of sets of the works of L Ron Hubbard are frequently ignored and discarded without due consideration. They adduce information regarding the response to donations made to libraries in Germany and France to support this suggestion. Furthermore, they cite the principle of freedom of expression as a rationale for the inclusion of Scientology material in library stock. The relevance of freedom of expression in the matter of donations is assessed in relation to established library principles relating to balanced and representative collections. The importance of clear policies on collection development, derived from a respect for freedom of expression, is stressed as a basis for reasoned explanations to donors of why their donations might be accepted or rejected.

Accommodation of Western Legislation for Plurality of Beliefs in Family Law

Abstract In the last several years, the European societies, that in their majority were fairly uniform as far as race, culture or religion, have been converted into intercultural places where many different visions of the world live together. Together with a factor of exogenous plurality, produced by the increase in immigration, an internal desegregation should also be highlighted in our own societies. In this new environment of diversity, it is without a doubt, difficult for the Law to accommodate all the different ethical, religious or cultural demands of the people. In my paper I study the means of accommodation rooted in our legal tradition such as: the conscientious objection, the agreements of the State with religious groups, mediation and arbitration as a way of accommodation of plurality in the field of Family Law, etc. I conclude by stressing the fact that allowing space for diversity does not mean giving up our own values. Quite the opposite, accommodation comes from our own values: that is, from the respect for freedom and non-discrimination, founded on the dignity of the person.

Democratic capitalism and respect for the value of freedom

Most theorists believe that when it comes to freedom, no economic system does better than laissez-faire capitalism – the system may have other problems, but as far as freedom is concerned, laissez-faire is as good as it gets. The goal of this paper is to show that this view is mistaken. I begin by criticising two important contemporary conceptions of freedom, the libertarian and the liberal egalitarian conceptions, both of which support the dominant view. I then develop a better alternative, one that I call the social democratic conception of freedom. Using this conception, I go on to show that an economic system that requires firms to have an internal structure that makes decision-making more transparent and responsive to the concerns of workers actually shows greater respect for freedom than laissez-faire capitalism does.

The complexity and the organizing principles of international order

Fifteen years after the end of the Cold War there is a new deep worldwide preoccupation with the short‐ and long‐term outlook for international order. The case of Iraq shows that there is no valid alternative to an international order based on the principles of democracy, respect for freedom, human rights, solidarity and international law. However, the foundations of this order have to be strengthened through effective cooperation and commitment, both by the developed and the developing world. No country, small or large, can feign indifference, go it alone or afford the illusion that it will not be affected by the quality of the international order in the years to come. In this context, introduces a series of analyses that were presented at two international seminars, illustrating the complexity of international order.

Kant on Welfare

Contemporary debate over public welfare policy is often cast in Kantian terms. It is argued, for example, that respect for the dignity of the poor requires public aid, or that respect for their autonomy forbids it. In some recent political discourse, the views of Kant himself have been invoked in defense of public welfare provision. Some have argued that his moral theory mandates welfare as an expression of our duty to be beneficent, or that Kant's commitments to freedom require public provision of aid to those in need. These implications are thought to be reflected in his political theory in a variety of ways.However, at no point in his political works does Kant explicitly argue for the public provision of welfare on the basis of either beneficence or freedom. These omissions are the more striking because he does explicitly endorse the public provision of welfare. But the rationale for welfare he offers is that it is instrumentally necessary for the security and the stability of the state. This approach is very different from one grounded in moral duties of beneficence or respect for freedom, and may perhaps be disappointing to those who would like to establish some more hortatory moral rationale for welfare. But if Kant is to be enlisted in the cause of public welfare provision for the sake of beneficence or freedom, then an explanation is required why he offers no argument to that effect.

The relationship between advisors and students

Considering the influence of graduation courses on the scientific productivity in Brazil, fifty productive Brazilian scientists working in life sciences were interviewed about their relationship with their advisors and their own experience with their students. Admired by freedom and intellectual qualities, by their love and dedication for science, advisors seem to have had a deep influence on their students. This bond is not free from either an idealized frame or from some complaints and conflicts. Interviewed scientists see in themselves lesser qualities and faults but the same respect for freedom. Some students are thought to be specially important to the interviewed's productivity. Eldest and most productive scientists seem to be intellectually more impressed by their advisors than the other groups. The emotional and sometimes strong and idealized bond between advisor and students lead us to believe that the stated frequencies of conflicts might be underestimated.

8: Civil Rights

Catholic teaching must be the basis of any Catholic commitment to civil rights. The right to life is the first and utmost right, and, consequently, respect for freedom and personal responsibility play an important role in society. In fact, when the freedom and the dignity of a person are violated in any way, the entire human family is devalued.Its imperative that Christians respect civil rights, demostrated through their actions to establish a lasting national and international peace. Cardinal Bernardin underlines that peace engendered by arms races proves to be a illusion. Security at the expense of another country's insecurity is unacceptable. Moreover, security is not a reality for the world if people still suffer from hunger, children die every minute, exorbitant military expenditures are continually planned, and racism, segregation, poverty, hopelessness and despair are still so prevalent. In light of this, Joseph Bernardin invites all Christians to act upon their convictions as people of faith. Abortion, he asserts, must not be included among civic rights, but rather the right to life must be considered as the first and foremost among fundamental human rights.Among other civil right violations, apartheid has not yet been eliminated in South Africa. In countless nations violent civic wars have diminished human dignity, providing examples of social injustice. Immigration has been charged with creating problems; however, immigrating people move from one country to another in search of a better life and most times find themselves, once again, in poverty. When nations, in a desperate attempt to solve immigration problems, try to build a protective wall around their borders to keep other people out, they forget we are all members of a single human family in which every individual's rights must he respected.

Liberal Civic Education and Its Limits

Respect for diversity is one of today's great watchwords, nowhere more so than in education. Whether what is being advocated is multiculturalism, parental choice, or educational privatization, support for common values and common institutions is giving way to increasingly assertive forms of particularism. There are often, of course, good grounds for welcoming these developments: respect for freedom and diversity are among the deepest commitments of liberal democratic political orders. From a political or constitutional perspective, however, it is troubling that so many of today's proponents of diversity have so little to say about the values and practices that should hold us together as a society. So great is the desire to respect diversity, difference, and particular commitments and identities that many seem to forget that peaceful, orderly, tolerant liberal diversity needs to be planned for: it does not come about naturally or by the deliverance of an invisible hand.

Ideology as Constraint

The debate between the Critical Legal Studies movement and its critics has often seemed little more than a collection of arbitrary dismissals from both sides. For this reason, few books can be more welcome than the philosopher Andrew Altman's recent study of the Critical Legal Studies movement. Altman discusses and critiques CLS writings from the standpoint of a scholar deeply committed to liberal political theory. But there is nothing dismissive about Altman's work; if Altman's is a criticism of CLS, it is a very sympathetic criticism. Altman is a liberal who nevertheless recognizes the potential failings of liberal legal theory. He agrees with Morton Horwitz that the Rule of Law is not an unqualified human good, despite its obvious importance in preserving human liberty.' He accepts the claim that social rules and practices affect the justice of the legal system as much as do legal rules, and argues that without a culture of tolerance and respect for freedom, legal guarantees of human rights will not be sufficient to prevent oppression.2 Thus, Altman has much in common with the CLS thinkers he purports to criticize. Nevertheless, he has an abiding faith in liberalism as a political theory that can adapt to changes in human affairs and reform itself in order better to protect human rights and human values.3 In his view, the soundest versions of liberalism have nothing to fear from CLS critiques, and much to gain. His book is not an apology for liberalism but rather a call for an invigorated version of it.

International Labor Organization

The 137th session of the Governing Body of the International Labor Organization (ILO) was held in Geneva from October 29 to November 1, 1957, under the chairmanship of E. Calderon Puig. The Governing Body devoted three sittings to the consideration of matters concerning freedom of association, in connection with which it received from the Director-General a report on the establishment of machinery to determine the facts relating to freedom of association in ILO member states. The report contained proposals to strengthen ILO methods of promoting respect for freedom of association under regular constitutional machinery through factual inquiries and the establishment of independent machinery for the adjustment of disputes. Several members of the Governing Body felt that prior to forming the proposed body the definition of freedom of association would require clarification, while others felt that the tripartite principle should be introduced into the suggested independent commission or that a body representing the Governing Body should be installed between the commission and the Governing Body.