Commonwealth Of States Research Articles

Abstract C004: Geopolitical and racial-ethnic trends of social vulnerability impact on oropharyngeal cancer mortality in the United States

Abstract Background: Oropharyngeal cancer (OPC) disparities exist across race-ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and sociobehavioral characteristics, as well as across different US regions. However, no investigations have interactively assessed these multilevel factors in the polarizing dynamics of region-specific political leanings and affiliated local policies. Methods: This retrospective ecological analysis used the NPCR-SEER database to evaluate county-area-summarized OPC age-adjusted annual mortality rates from 2000-2020 and the CDC-Social Vulnerability Index to assess 15 country-level SDH-vulnerability factors across all 3143 US counties. OPC-mortality rates for White, Black, and all race-ethnic groups were regionally stratified based on the Presidential and midterm (categorized into Democrat, Republican) electoral results of their counties’ respective states for each biannual cycle. These stratified mortality rates were regressed against socioeconomic status, minority-language status, household composition, housing-transportation SDH-vulnerabilities, as well as their total composite. Results: Across the US, yearly age-adjusted OPC-mortality mean rate was 2.94 deaths/100k patients from 2000 to 2020, with counties in Republican-leaning states having higher mortality rates (3.09/100k) compared to Democratic ones (2.72/100k). Mortality rates for Black patients were substantially higher in Republican-leaning areas (4.02/100k) than Democratic ones (3.08/100k). Non-Hispanic white patients also showed lesser increases in mortality in Republican-areas (3.04/100k) compared to Democratic ones (2.68/100k). With increasing total SDH-vulnerability, white populations in Republican-leaning areas suffered 0.27 age-adjusted added deaths/100k annually & 0.22/100k in Democratic ones, whereas black populations in Republican states suffered 0.51/100k annually & 0.34/100k in Democratic ones. For white patients, vulnerabilities in socioeconomic status primarily contributed to these mortality disparities in Democratic-leaning areas while both socioeconomic status and household composition vulnerabilities influenced disparities in Republican ones. For black patients, household composition primarily contributed in Democratic areas, whereas socioeconomic status, housing-transportation, and household composition-vulnerabilities all contributed equivalently in Republican ones. Conclusions: The results of this study showcase multilevel, population effects of political leanings and racial-ethnic demographic makeup in conferring SDH-derived OPC-mortality disparities over the past two decades. In particular, black OPC patients from Republican-leaning areas suffered exacerbated associations of SDH-vulnerability-related disparities driven by varied SDH-types. Through this nuanced modeling of the interactions between geopolitical and sociodemographic factors, targeted public health resource allocation and policy-lobbying can more specifically address local legislature through this systematic, large-data approach. Citation Format: David J. Fei-Zhang, Mary J. Xu, Jeffrey C. Rastatter, Anthony M. Sheyn, Daniel C. Chelius, Jill N. D'Souza, Sandeep Samant, Urjeet A. Patel, Caryn E. Peterson, Olga Garcia-Bedoya, Patrick D. Smith, Kate Klein, Mamoudou Maiga, Warren A. Kibbe, Lifang Hou. Geopolitical and racial-ethnic trends of social vulnerability impact on oropharyngeal cancer mortality in the United States [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 17th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2024 Sep 21-24; Los Angeles, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2024;33(9 Suppl):Abstract nr C004.

US Bipartisan Consensus on China: The Making and the Implementation

According to the most experts, there is a bipartisan consensus in the United States regarding China: both parties recognize that China poses an existential threat to the United States, its economy, socio-political structure and the role as a global leader. This core conceptual consent represents a clear contrast with the endless battles between Democrats and Republicans in the domestic political arena, blocking any legislative initiatives and the development of a unified sociopolitical agenda for the country. This rare unity has made many observers to claim the emergence of a new external enemy, in the face of which America will be able to overcome its identical crisis and to come back to national unity. The political elite also actively uses the image of the enemy, calling on the Nation for unity. This article is aimed to understand what lies behind political slogans and the bipartisan concept of confronting China. The study is based on the analysis of several sources that make it possible to judge the attitude towards China in the United States along party lines, specific to each level of the party-political system party platforms at the federal level, legislative initiatives at the state and city levels, public opinion polls at the level of the society. The research hypothesis is that Democrats and Republicans, who agree on the conceptual vision of the Chinese threat, offer different ways to counter it. The difference in methods of struggle stems from different ideological and value models that manifest themselves in the implementation of both the socioeconomic agenda within the country and foreign policy strategies in the international arena. The unity of the parties ends exactly by the developing of a conceptual framework for confrontation with the opponent. The implementation of specific steps of the anti-Chinese agenda at the state and city levels is taking place in accordance with the ideological and political guidelines of each party, and the public attitude towards the Chinese threat demonstrates a clear split along party lines. The conceptual positioning of a new external enemy instead of unification brought to the United States anti-Chinese hysteria among conservative politicians at the state level, which was realized in the adoption of discriminatory laws in Republican states against Chinese citizens and a new wave of anti-Chinese sentiment in society, manifested in outbreaks of violence against Asian minorities.

COVID-19 and beyond: economic outcomes in Republican vs. Democratic States

ABSTRACT The policy responses by state and local governments and reactions by individuals to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic were wide-ranging across the US, often falling along the nation’s political divide. We examine whether Republican states performed better economically, both during the year of the COVID-19 recession and the two years following the recession. We find stronger employment and population growth and smaller increases in unemployment during the COVID-19 recession year in Republican states, though we also find lower per capita income and productivity growth in Republican states during the year of the COVID-19 recession. The employment growth and unemployment advantage in Republican states dissipated during the recovery from the COVID-19 recession such that there was not any longer-term advantage. We compare the COVID-19 and Great Recession years and the periods preceding each recession. The population growth advantage in Republican states during the COVID-19 recession was evident in all expansionary and recessionary periods beginning in 2003, suggesting that the growth advantage was not related to different responses to COVID-19. We conclude that there was not a clear overall economic benefit to the less restrictive COVID-19 policies and lower virus avoidance by individuals in Republican states, particularly in the longer run.

Money and cooperative federalism: evidence from EPA civil litigation

Abstract The federalism structure of the US government requires active cooperation from state governments to successfully enforce federal environmental regulations. What explains the variation in state governments’ participation in lawsuits against firms that are accused of violating major environmental statutes? We argue that firms’ political connections with state politicians affect a state government’s decision to join the litigation process. By constructing a novel dataset on the EPA’s civil cases and settlements for the period 1998–2021, we show that state environmental agencies are less likely to join the EPA in court when the defendant firms contributed to Republican state legislators. We do not find the same pattern when firms have connections with Democratic legislators. We present various mechanisms of how state politicians influence behaviors of state bureaucrats. Our findings highlight how state politics can be an avenue for firms to exert influence on federal environmental regulations.

Identity Politics within Kentucky’s Civil Service and the Growth of the Bureaucratic State

AbstractFor five decades now the various levels of government in the United States, through the use of affirmative action and diversity policies, have sought a more racially and gender-wise equitable society with respect to equal employment opportunity. Governments established hiring goals for women and racial minorities. Goals became quotas as state and local governments (and private employers) that were dependent on federal money made certain that goals produced desired results by preferring people based on their race or gender. This article is a case study of how the Commonwealth’s welfare cabinet over two decades ago used long-standing civil service regulations and policies to pursue preferential employment practices while conterminously pursuing greater societal equity by reducing governmental oversight of welfare programs. All this foreshadowed President Biden’s iteration of affirmative action—federal equity directives regarding employment preferences and greater conditions of equality. After the events described herein, Democratic Kentucky transformed itself into a Republican state.

HISTORICAL CIRCULATION OF OTTOMAN TURKEY: FROM DYNASTIC TO REPUBLICAN SYSTEMS OF GOVERNMENT

This article explores the historical circulation of Ottoman Turkey, highlighting the significant transition from a dynastic system of government to the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. The Ottoman dynasty, which was originally a vast and influential empire, underwent dramatic changes during the 20th century. The main focus was on the post-World War I period when radical reforms were implemented to address internal and external challenges. This analysis covers socio-political aspects, tracing the changes that overhauled the structure of the feudal empire into a modern republican state. The method used is by using a method of literature study or library research related to historical or other similar themes. Based on the theory of the History of Islamic Civilization. As for data collection analyzing historical texts, collecting relevant data, and describing them. The results of this paper reveal that: First, every Kingdom will inevitably experience triumphs and setbacks, for a civilization is inseparable from it. Second, Ottoman Turkey was one of the influential dynasties of world civilization, and it was also crowned as the heir to the Islamic caliphate. Third, the Ottoman Turks underwent significant changes in terms of culture, socio-politics, economy, and others. The setback he experienced led to the secularization of Turkey which began as a dynastic state or caliphate into a republic. This was none other than triggered by the political factors of power that were in the hands of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.

Federal Judges, States Legislators, and State Voting Rights Rollback

Abstract This article claims that recent Supreme Court decisions have allowed state lawmakers to suppress and skew but not subvert the vote. The Court relaxed federal oversight of state election administration in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), Abbott v. Perez (2018), and Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee (2021), and gerrymandering in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), while prohibiting independent state legislative election regulation in Moore v. Harper (2023). These decisions guided state lawmakers toward vote suppression and skewing, and away from election subversion. Consequently, Republican state legislatures have passed state constitutional amendments and statutes limiting ballot access and reforming state redistricting practices. While some Democratic state legislatures have protected ballot access and independent redistricting, these recent Supreme Court decisions help Republicans win a disproportionate share of state legislative seats. National courts thus help preserve the national party coalition by opening subnational jurisdictions to party entrenchment.

Partisanship, elections and lockdowns: Evidence from US states

AbstractIn this article, we use state‐level variation in Senate elections and partisanship to understand the variation in lockdown characteristics in the US. We argue that the state‐level decision makers and their parties weigh off the perceived political costs in an election year of a depressed economy against risks to public health. Democrats and Republicans, and their voters, vary in the weights they attach to these costs and benefits. We are thus exploring the marginal effect of the party–election interaction after accounting for other likely drivers of variations in lockdown characteristics. We find that Republican states with an election have less strict and shorter lockdowns compared to Democratic states with an election. Our results have implications for the communication of pandemic policies, including vaccination strategies.

The general theoretic aspects of the optimization of democracy in the context of the guaranteeing of the order and welfare

The article is devoted to the problems and perspectives of democracy as the form of organization of the social and political existence in general, as well as to the some aspects of the optimization of democracy in the context of the guaranteeing of the social welfare in particular. The real aim of the existence of the democracy was revealed. It was noted that stability is the most important elements of the value of the state. The author pays attention to the advantages of the presidential republic, of the constitutional monarchy, of the «Polybius scheme» of the ideal «mixed» state, of the two-party system, of the indirect elections, of the temporal fixation of the elections and of the absence of the snap elections in the context of the guarantee of the political stability. The optimal model of government, the rational limits of the democracy and its acceptable forms were proposed. The author says that democracy is more or less acceptable only if the laws of the state guarantee the impossibility of the election of the unworthy candidate. The system of the electoral qualifications for the members of the Electoral College as well as for the candidates to the elected positions was recommended. Also, the similar system of the qualifications for the officials of the executive power was recommended. The author says that the republican state should be built «from the below». It was noticed that citizens may make the conscious choice only inside their common during the local elections or during the elections of the members of the Electoral College, when they really know the candidates and their personal qualities. The author recommends the political model, when people elect the members of the Electoral College, and the last one form the local representative organs during the local elections, and after that the local representative organs delegate some their members to the regional representative organs, and the last one delegate some their members and form the parliament of the state. Also, the political model, when the executive power is built «from the below», was recommended. The author says that each official of the executive power should start his service from the primary position in local executive bodies, and that the filling of the vacant positions should be done exclusively on the basis of professionalism, experience, length of service and seniority of the officials, but not on the grounds of the arbitrariness of the highest officials or randomnicity. The main principles of replacing of the post of the head of the state in the parliamentary republic as well as in the presidential republic were outlined. It was noted that the professionalism, experience and the high moral qualities of the officials, and especially of the senior state officials, are the fundament of the effective governance and welfare of society, etc.

Reports of COVID-19 Vaccine Adverse Events in Predominantly Republican vs Democratic States

Antivaccine sentiment is increasingly associated with conservative political positions. Republican-inclined states exhibit lower COVID-19 vaccination rates, but the association between political inclination and reported vaccine adverse events (AEs) is unexplored. To assess whether there is an association between state political inclination and the reporting rates of COVID-19 vaccine AEs. This cross-sectional study used the AE reports after COVID-19 vaccination from the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) database from 2020 to 2022, with reports after influenza vaccines from 2019 to 2022 used as a reference. These reports were examined against state-level percentage of Republican votes in the 2020 US presidential election. State-level percentage of Republican votes in the 2020 US presidential election. Rates of any AE among COVID-19 vaccine recipients, rates of any severe AE among vaccine recipients, and the proportion of AEs reported as severe. A total of 620 456 AE reports (mean [SD] age of vaccine recipients, 51.8 [17.6] years; 435 797 reports from women [70.2%]; a vaccine recipient could potentially file more than 1 report, so reports are not necessarily from unique individuals) for COVID-19 vaccination were identified from the VAERS database. Significant associations between state political inclination and state AE reporting were observed for all 3 outcomes: a 10% increase in Republican voting was associated with increased odds of AE reports (odds ratio [OR], 1.05; 95% CI, 1.05-1.05; P < .001), severe AE reports (OR, 1.25; 95% CI, 1.24-1.26; P < .001), and the proportion of AEs reported as severe (OR, 1.21; 95% CI, 1.20-1.22; P < .001). These associations were seen across all age strata in stratified analyses and were more pronounced among older subpopulations. This cross-sectional study found that the more states were inclined to vote Republican, the more likely their vaccine recipients or their clinicians reported COVID-19 vaccine AEs. These results suggest that either the perception of vaccine AEs or the motivation to report them was associated with political inclination.

The role and place of the constitutional acts of the Ukrainian Central Rada in the history of Ukrainian state formation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the state- building activities of the Ukrainian Central Rada, which was embodied in constitutional documents.The key place of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (1917-1918) in the general historical process of Ukrainian state formation is substantiated.The content of the acts of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which in its short time of existence went from the birth of the national state apparatus to the development and adoption of its own Constitution, was considered and analyzed.The central place among the acts of the UCR is occupied by the four Universals proclaimed by it.Using the methods of systematic and comparative analysis of the texts of these documents, it was possible to: 1) trace the evolution of the national identification of the Ukrainian state: from autonomy to independence; 2) the mechanisms of the formation of the state-authority apparatus and the formation of the democratic foundations of the division of power into branches are analyzed; 3) the norm-making potential of the Ukrainian Central Committee was analyzed. A general review of the rule-making activity of the Ukrainian Central Rada regarding the establishment of norms of a constitutional nature makes it possible to understand that the political and legal idea was aimed at the formation of a democratic republican state system.The positive aspects of the state-building experience of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (1917-1918) were: defense of national interests, democratic development of state institutions, recognition and consolidation of fundamental human rights and freedoms, and their social direction. The policy miscalculations carried out by the Ukrainian Central Council include: maintaining stable ties and hoping for democratic development alongside Russia; chaotic decisions, which is connected, on the one hand, with the lack of experience, and on the other - with the pressure of the russian authorities.

Partisan divide and Racial/Ethnic disparities in COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Parents/Guardians and vaccine uptake among children in the U.S.

ObjectivesWe undertook an observational study to assess the impact of state-level partisanship and parents’/guardians’ race/ethnicity on their degree of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. Material and MethodsWe observed a pooled cross-section of 59,280 U.S. adults residing with children in the same household between June 29 and November 14, 2022. Using household-weighted logistic regression models, we evaluated the association between partisanship, race/ethnicity, and vaccine hesitancy, while controlling for other social determinants of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. Results and ConclusionsWe found that children were less likely to receive a COVID-19 vaccine if they resided in Republican as compared to Democratic states, with the difference in probability greatest among those households where parents/guardians identified as White. We also found that children were less likely to receive a COVID-19 vaccine if their parents/guardians identified as White as compared to any other race/ethnicity, with the differences in probability greatest among households in Republican states.

Planting the Republic: State Regulation of the Discourse on Food Shortages in Public Communication in Early Czechoslovakia (1918–21)

Abstract Czechoslovakia as a victorious, yet still fragile post-imperial state, considered censorship and state propaganda to be a necessary tool to secure its legitimacy at home and abroad. From the very beginning, Czechoslovakia defined itself as a democracy with freedom of speech as its basic principle, yet at the same time, it had to deal with inner fragility and outer vulnerabilities. The strategic agenda of people's nutrition, which was closely associated with the perceived competence of state institutions, serves as a litmus test for the state's regulation of press and public speech and the implementation of republican practices and acceptable limits on public discourse. This study analyzes how the new republican state regulated information on food supply shortcomings in the press and at public gatherings. It argues that Czechoslovakia maintained the prewar Habsburg practices of censorship; however, instead of the vaguely defined public interest of the multinational monarchy, it was now used to protect the public interest of “the national state of the Czechoslovaks.” This study analyzes how the government thought about the consistency of its communication during the postwar (supply) crisis, and thus also options of how to shape a clear and positive brand of the state.

On some Features of Funerary Assemblage of the Egyptian Priestess Nesmut

The subject of this paper is the analysis of funerary assemblage of Nesmut, the Egyptian priestess of the 21st Dynasty (her titles are “Mistress of the House, Chantress of Amun, king of the gods”). The burial of Nesmut was discovered in 1891 in the so-called “Second Cache” at Deir al-Bahri, also known as Bāb el-Gusūs (set no. A.48). Inventory that was discovered on the mummy: leather mummy braces, three “napkins”, linen gloves, shale heart scarab, and wax images of the sons of Horus. Inventory that was found near or inside of the coffin: two shabti-boxes, shabtis. Nesmut’s mummy cover is located in the Museum of Antiquities in Cairo (Cairo CG 6007). Her coffin is currently stored in the Odesa Archaeological Museum (OAM) of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (inv. no. 71695). It was part of the so-called Lot VI presented to Russian Empire by Egyptian government in 1893. In 1895, the coffin of Nesmut was sent from Odesa to the Archaeological Museum of St. Volodymyr Kyiv University. In 1959 the coffin of Nesmut was among other objects that were transferred from the State Republican Historical Museum in Kyiv to the OAM. The lid of the coffin with inv. no. OAM 71695 differs in design style from the trunk and has an earlier dating. Structurally, the lid has retained traces of technological processing and fitting the trunk of the later coffin of its namesake. Accordingly, there were two Nesmuts, whose funerary objects were discovered in Bāb el-Gusūs. The burial of Nesmut (II) corresponds to the set no. A.48 by Daressy and it is linked with the coffin trunk no. OAM 71695. Separate objects from Nesmut’s (I) grave goods were adapted for later burials: the lid of her inner coffin was used for the Odesa coffin of Nesmut (II), and the lid of the outer coffin might have been adapted for an anonymous burial from Bāb el-Gusūs set no. A.54 (Swiss lot IX, Neuchâtel, Musée d’Ethnographie, inv. no. Eg. 184) on which the name “Nesmut” preserved in one segment of the lid. The burial of Nesmut was also equipped with two different types of shabtis. It is possible that like the lid of the coffin, part of the shabtis was “usurped” by Nesmut (II) and previously belonged to the burial of her namesake and probably relative, Nesmut (I). It is quite probable, that they were reused and adopted for the burial of new owner together with the shabti-box, since the two of them were found in the set no. A.48. This may prove that during the 21st Dynasty, not only large objects, but also small items of grave goods could be reused.

Landscapes of boom and ruination: politics of seeing in China’s “tin capital” Gejiu, 1912-1949

This article argues that landscapes of ruination and wasted labour are not an unfortunate finale in the history of mineral-rich cities under the “resource curse” but an always ongoing reality from the start of their involvement in the capitalist world market and pursuit of industrial modernity. Focusing on narratives about the “tin capital” Gejiu in southwestern China during the first half of the 20th century, I conduct a historical analysis and examine how geological and sociological experts introduced new politics of seeing and exploiting land and labour. Boasting the landscape of the industrial boom, Chinese intellectuals and technobureaucrats alike considered geological discoveries and resource extraction as a sign of a nation’s civilizational status and modernization achievements. Their fascination with this outlying small town also exemplified a nationalist claim to the new Republican State’s southwestern borderlands in an era of imperialist territorial divisions. Nonetheless, they had to constantly explain (away) appalling sights of environmental ruination and social polarization, often through promises of mechanization or labour welfare. Offering a close reading of travelogues, social surveys and scientific reports, I challenge the conventional narrative from prosperity to decline and reveal landscapes of ruination at the heart of modernization and nationalist discourse of conquering and utilizing natural resources.

CONFERENCES HELD IN ROMANIA (1930-1942) ABOUT THE REFORMS AND MODERNITY OF THE STATE FOUNDED BY KEMAL ATATÜRK (OCTOBER 29, 1923). WITH THE OCCASION OF THE CENTENNIAL OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY

In our historiography, in the study of Romanian-Turkish relations, circumstantial in the interwar period, the call, in more detail, to contemporary testimonies can also be enriched by highlighting the public conferences held by personalities of scientific or public life (N. Batzaria, Gheorghe I. Brătianu, Petre Gheață, N. Iorga, Ion Gr. Periețeanu et al.), in Bucharest and in other cities of the country; they present to the Romanian reader, above all, the image of the modernizing achievements of the new Eurasian republican state – the Kemalist Turkey. This is the approach we propose, in summary, in the following lines.

Do Political Leaders Impact Economic Freedom at the Local Level? Evidence from Close Elections

This paper examines whether state and local political leaders’ partisan affiliations affect economic freedom at the metropolitan statistical area (MSA) level. Because political leaders’ partisan affiliations likely correlate with unobserved state- and local-level characteristics that also affect the economic freedom levels of MSAs, we use a regression discontinuity design that leverages close elections as natural experiments to identify a causal effect. Using Stansel (2019)’s index, which aggregates a bundle of policies into a single measure of economic freedom, we find that close Republican majorities in the lower State House increase overall MSA-level economic freedom. This effect is realized through consistent governments (i.e., Republican governor and Republican State House majority) and primarily through changes in labor market policy. At the city level, Republican mayors also increase overall MSA-level economic freedom levels.

Understanding the LGBTQ+ Divide: A review on the impact of geographic location and political climate on LGBTQ+ patient care in the United States.

Background: In the United States, laws and policies are proposed and passed daily that either protect or restrict transgender patients’ access to care. The objective of this study is to review the existing body of literature on the effect of state-level policy on transgender patients’ overall health. Methods: Primary literature was identified through PubMed and the National Institutes of Health. Search terms included keywords related to the following concepts: LGBTQ terms, differentiating terms, regional terms, and health outcome terms. Inclusion criteria: Quantifiable studies conducted on the American LGBTQ and Transgender population from January 2015 to April 2023. Exclusion criteria: Studies not conducted in English, on the American population, and not relevant to the research question. Results were individually discussed and then synthesized using a narrative approach. Results: A total of 6 studies were identified for review. The difference in rates of suicidality, suicide attempt, depression, and anxiety between Democratic and Republican states was statistically significant (p Conclusion: Republican-run states, on average, had policies in place restricting access and treatment for transgender patients which is correlated with worse health outcomes. Advocacy is greatly needed to help protect this at-risk population and further research is needed to better understand how state-level barriers impact transgender patients across the US.

Population and Species Composition of Rodents and Insectivores in Settlements of the West Kazakhstan Region Located in the Plague Enzootic Territory

The aim of the study was to analyze the abundance, species composition, dissemination of mouse-like rodents and other small mammals in the settlements of the West Kazakhstan Region over the past 6 years and the factors contributing to the change in the numbers in the long-term aspect.Materials and methods. We utilized the data obtained by employees of the Uralsk Plague Control Station, affiliated branch of the Republican State Enterprise “National Scientific Center of Particularly Dangerous Infections named after Masgut Aikimbaev” during a scheduled epizootiological survey of plague foci located in the West Kazakhstan Region.Results and discussion. The average annual number of rodents and insectivores in the settlements on the plague-enzootic territory of the West Kazakhstan Region was 5.1 in spring season, 8.1 in autumn, with 30.0 % occupancy of the facilities. In outbuildings, the number of rodents was three times higher than in residential buildings and amounted to 11.5 (residential buildings – 3.7). The general species composition of small mammals caught in the settlements was represented by seven species, among which the house mouse was a predominant one (97.5 %). The second place was occupied by the small shrew (1.7 %). There is a downward trend in the number of rodents in the steppe foci of plague (over 18 years – an average of 22.0 %). A slight increase in the number of animals by 2.0 % has been registered in the sandy focus.

The Penalty of Party on Black Homeownership: The Impacts of Judicial Institutional Settings on the Black Political Economy

Black homeownership declines across the U.S.A. at significantly higher rates than white, Hispanic, or Asian homeownership. Although the cost to own a home is lower in Republican states, Black Americans are much less likely to maintain homeownership in those areas. This article attempts to gain leverage on the following question: “what is the penalty of political parties on Black homeownership in America?” The findings presented here provide support to the notion that there is a nationwide penalty of political parties on Black homeownership. The variation in this penalty is dependent on a given state’s opportunity structure for institutional racism, which changes based on the state’s foreclosure laws and partisan leanings. To support the nationwide findings, this article provides a case study on Black homeownership across the state of New York’s judicial districts with 221 partisan-elected judges, revealing that there remains a penalty in Republican judicial districts. Previous scholarship has analyzed the relationship between parties and foreclosures, as well as the relationship between race and foreclosures. This article assesses the intertwined relationship of parties, race, and foreclosures.