Democratic Policy Research Articles

Industrial food system or ‘Global South’ agroecology? A philosophical analysis of the concept ‘sustainable diets’

ABSTRACT How can we feed over nine billion people by 2050 with limited resources? This question reveals a clash between two agricultural paradigms amidst an escalating food polycrisis. The first paradigm, industrialized agriculture, practices monoculture cropping, and global production chains, often deepening divides between large and small-scale farmers and causing environmental harm. The second paradigm, agroecology, is a local, small-medium scale, sustainable food production system with the potential to redefine industrial practices, especially in the Global South. This article critically analyzes the FAO’s definition of “sustainable diets” and illustrates how Southern agroecology exemplifies sustainable food production through holistic-philosophical analysis. In contrast, industrial agriculture is seen as reductionist. The conclusions highlight the importance of holistic-systemic thinking in agriculture. Southern agroecology offers a grassroots approach to addressing the food polycrisis, mitigating socio-economic inequalities, providing nutritious food, and supporting participatory democratic policies. It secures food sovereignty as a human right, reducing poverty and hunger by reinforcing local food identity and embodying holistic thinking.

Transformation of foreign and domestic Polish politics by conservative national populism: consequences of the rule of “Law and Justice”

The article analyzes the transformation of Poland's foreign and domestic policies after the rightwing populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) came to power and established national conservatism as the state ideology. First of all, the article examines the specific historical narratives of the PiS, which justify the policies it pursues, and the transformation of the Polish vision of diplomacy and geopolitics by these narratives. Particular attention is paid to the study of the role of history and the past as a guide to political action for right-wing conservative populists using the example of PiS. The specific populist ideological attitudes of the PiS directly affect Poland's relations with the EU, Germany, France and the United Kingdom. The author proves that the party's rule sowed discord in the European Union, demonstrated the inadequacy of its mechanism for controlling its own members and worsened Poland's relations with Western European countries, established back in the 1990s. In its domestic policy, the PiS openly pursued an illiberal democratic policy. Our focus is on both the specific steps of this policy and the study of the reasons for its support by broad sections of the Polish electorate. The article identifies the political-economic and legal-administrative consequences of the PiS rule, the damage it has caused to the media and court systems, the creation of a developed paternalistic or client-corporatist system in the country. Separately, we study the PiS policy of exclusive ethnic identity, which forms a new party-Polish identity and excludes critics of the regime from the nation, which has led to increased mistrust, intolerance, and rejection of consensus as a method of achieving socio-cultural harmony. This may lead in the long-term, to profoundly disastrous consequences for Polish society, resulting in a dangerous level of social polarization and conflict, entailing violence.

‘United as Free and Equal’: The New Commonwealth, Prime Ministers’ Meetings, and the Korean War

The New Commonwealth emerged from the first wave of decolonisation in South Asia in the late 1940s. The seminal moment occurred with the signing of the 1949 London Declaration that allowed republican India to remain a Commonwealth member. However, India, Pakistan and Ceylon were divided at the first two Prime Ministers’ Meeting after independence and made no attempt to unite in opposition to the Old ‘white’ Commonwealth members. This article will thus demonstrate that the three Prime Ministers’ Meetings that took place during the Korean War marked a watershed for the New Commonwealth. In 1951 with the Korean War close to escalating into a global conflict, Jawaharlal Nehru, Liaquat Ali Khan and D. S. Senanayake worked in unison to forge a Commonwealth policy to end the fighting before Washington pressed the UN to brand China an aggressor and used its atomic arsenal. This effort met resistance from the Old Commonwealth countries but at least partially achieved its goal. The 1951 Prime Ministers’ Meeting, therefore, set the precedent for united New Commonwealth action at future Prime Ministers’ Meetings. Nevertheless, at the 1952 and 1953 Prime Ministers’ Meetings conditions were not right for further New Commonwealth attempts to influence Commonwealth policy.

“Nos veremos en la necesidad de ir a vuscar la paz i el sosiego en las vastas soledades que nos rodean”Disolver, enajenar y resistir. Indios en Antioquia, 1845-1863

The purpose of this article is to analyze how the republican policies promulgated in the mid-nineteenth century, punctually between 1845 and 1863, affected the indigenous people in Antioquia as regards of the dissolution of the “resguardos” and the free alienation of their lands. The article argues that the ruling elite hierarchized the population to achieve effective control over it; the indigenous, as a result, were labeled as savage and uncivilized with the purpose of privatizing their “resguardos” and inserting them into the civilizing paradigm of the time. But them, far from being passive actors before such situations, appealed to different forms of resistance and answered from their own forma mentis.

Analysis of vaccination policy in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia

This study aims to reflect on the pattern of vaccination policies implemented by the Indonesian government and to analyze public sentiment (pro/con) towards vaccination policies and the government's strategy in formulating democratic policies, prioritizing the aspirations of those affected by the policies adopted. This paper uses qualitative research methods with NVivo 12 Plus as a data processing tool. This study's results indicate that vaccination policies tend to be mandatory in Indonesia with an indirect compulsory application polarization. Hence, the government still uses a coercive and restrictive approach to vaccination programs. In Indonesia, vaccination policy intersects with ethical aspects, especially religious values, resulting in diverse public sentiments.

Magdeburg Law as a Factor in the Formation of Democratic Principles in the Ukrainian Political Tradition

Magdeburg law, which began to be introduced in the Ukrainian lands in the fifteenth century, became one of the important tools for the formation of local government and the legal system in the future. In this aspect, it was not an absolute novelty for the local population, but was a logical continuation of the political tradition of the viche system that existed in the times of Kievan Rus and in the democratic policy of the Lithuanian princes who consolidated their power in Ukraine in the fourteenth century. Based on the collected materials, the origin, implementation and functioning of the Magdeburg Law in Ukraine, substantiates the similarity of democratic principles in the European and Ukrainian political mentality, and demonstrates the integration of the national political tradition into pan-European processes are analyzed. A comparative analysis with the Muscovy, where such innovations did not take root, shows how different the cultural and political traditions of Ukrainians and Russians are, which is one of a number of factors that debunk the myth of the so-called “brotherly peoples”.

Dynamic transnational inter-ecosystem framework for smart and inclusive age-friendly environments: The Transnational Local-Sphere Model

The demographic change calls for the creation of age-friendly environments that result from the collaboration between several fields. Previous initiatives fostering age-friendly environments often had less-than-desired impact or reach due to financial and bureaucratic constraints. Additionally, territory-specific standards and needs hinder the replication of good practices. Based on a mixed-methods approach combining a narrative review of knowledge models followed by expert consultation, we propose a framework to maximise the sustainability of Smart Healthy Age-friendly Environment (SHAFE) initiatives by connecting local ecosystems and stakeholders, including underrepresented entities, and thus promote sustainable business models, to ensure the replicability, scalability, and sustainability – the Transnational Local-sphere Model. This social innovation framework goes beyond previously established helix frameworks, by incorporating fresh ideas on democratic policy making, transnational spanning, and inter-ecosystem collaboration, as well as emphasising the role of institutions, stakeholders, networks, and principles. The collaboration and competition between the different stakeholders ensure a value-driven, cost-effective, and inclusive intervention, maximising impact. The Transnational Local-Sphere Model can also be applied in the development of other social innovation initiatives that benefit a usercentred multi-stakeholder inter-ecosystem approach.

The Geopolitical Implications of NATO’s Enlargement in The Nordic Region: The Accession of Finland and Sweden 2022 A Case Study

Objectives: This study aims to examine and analyse the geopolitical implications of NATO's enlargement in the Nordic region through the accession of Finland and Sweden. Methods: Utilising the case study method, this study describes analyses and attempts to predict the phenomenon of NATO’s enlargement through the membership of Finland and the prospected accession of Sweden to NATO. This method enables the researchers to provide an in-depth investigation and understanding of the correlation between different variables and dynamics that influenced NATO's enlargement in the Nordic region and the geopolitical implications of this enlargement. Results: The accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO carries significant geopolitical implications, which establishes NATO's preponderance in the Nordic region and encircles Russia's vital sphere. This turning point represents an extensive strategic challenge for Russia, as it doubles the common borders to approximately 2,500 km. Conclusion: This study concludes that Finland and Sweden's accession to NATO marked a turning point in the geopolitical, security and balance of power landscape in the Nordic region. Furthermore, the enlargement of the common borders between NATO and Russia will lead to a new interaction pattern, with increased chances of unintentional military skirmishes. Moreover, despite the democratic policies held by Finland and Sweden, the Realpolitik approach in foreign affairs remains most appropriate for security and survival. Eventually, the study emphasises the importance of classical geopolitical assumptions and the significance of the Realism paradigm in interpreting international relations and issues.

Participation in Energy Transitions: A Comparison of Policy Styles

Stakeholder and public participation in policymaking for energy transitions is one of the most promising approaches to fulfilling the promises of a democratic sustainability transition. Over the years, many studies have been published about concepts, methodologies, and empirical results of participatory approaches and implementations. In this paper, we focus on the compatibility of participatory processes with different policy styles of democratic governance. We conducted a systematic literature search comparing different concepts of democratic governance and applying them to public participation, in particular that associated with energy transitions. Our main objective in this paper is to link the requirements for a sustainable energy transition to governance processes and structures; we further aim to delineate suitable formats for stakeholder and public participation. Our analysis provides a basis for a wide-ranging and multi-perspective research agenda that promises to provide a deeper understanding and explanation of complex governance arrangements for energy transitions. The five democratic policy styles that we selected for this review are: autocratic, adversarial, collaborative, reflexive, and inclusive governance. We conclude that none are adequate on their own, and so we put forth a novel hybrid we call the “mediative approach.” From this approach, we derive a new research framework for addressing the current challenges of democratic decision-making in energy transitions. Three pressing questions emerge, one relating to the interplay of top-down and bottom-up modes of governance; a second to the conditions for actor collaboration; and a third to the perception of democratic legitimacy by affected parties.

Forging the Resistive Republic: Social Capital, Institutional Stability, and Civic Virtue in Pluralist Democracies

Republicans too often take for granted features not easy to bring about in the absence of social capital. Lovett and Pettit (2009) consider that it is through collective political actions that citizens shed light on acts of domination. For Pettit (2012), civic vigilance is the only guarantee that “the government will be forced to remain responsive to popular inputs”. As Kimpell (2023) mentions, one of the weak points of republican theories remains the lack of an account of norm generation. I aim to show how this could occur in a way that does not constitute itself an arbitrary interference of the government in the people’s lives. The kind of generalized reciprocity which is of utmost importance for republicanism often depends on the presence of ties that connect different socio-economic groups within communities and, “where such interactions do not naturally occur, forums for interaction can be intentionally created and designed to encourage development of social capital” (Warner 2001). More specifically, I argue that such forums for interaction could be represented by polycentric systems. Furthermore, I argue that embracing polycentricity constitutes a non-dominating way in which we could promote the “resistive community” (Pettit 2012) required by republicanism. I consider that the empirical results extensively documented in the Institutional Analysis and Development framework are an appropriate starting point for designing novel republican policies and institutions that can function alongside sufficient levels of trust.

The Energy Security of the Republic of Moldova Concerning the Policies Adopted by the European Union – A Multi-Facetted and Complex Topic

Abstract The new geopolitical dynamic has brought a series of energy security transformations in the Central and Eastern European region. The Republic of Moldova, located at the confluence of the pro-European, western, and Eastern trends, has started a series of efforts, visible on the stage of international relations, to acquire as many degrees of freedom as possible in the energy sector, limiting the effects of Russian pressures and encouraging the adoption of democratic policies. The state is a candidate for accession to the European Union, in which sense the present work aims, on the one hand, to simulate the application of the conditions of European forums in the energy field on the Moldovan market, as well as to x-ray the energy policy at the local level. The applied methodology, mostly qualitative, was based on the analysis of some documents with a European normative character, simulating the application of their provisions in the case of the Republic of Moldova. Punctually, through quantitative methods, with the use of secondary data, certain limits were determined regarding the amounts of energy resources that the Republic of Moldova should fall within to comply with European legislation. The conclusions of the paper demonstrated the pro-Western conduct of the Republic of Moldova in the energy segment in the period 2022-2023 and the state's ability to synchronize its legislation with the European one.

Political determinants of government transparency: Evidence from open government data initiatives

AbstractThe increasing availability of extensive governmental data, technological advancements, and a rising standard for government openness are encouraging global governments to implement open data initiatives. While some governments are actively adapting to these trends, others remain behind, despite the pressure. This research explores the political and administrative reasons behind these differences. By analyzing how local governments in South Korea handled requests for open data from citizens between 2007 and 2016, the study highlights the importance of political competition and administrative strength in fostering government transparency and effectively addressing citizen data requests. The study assesses open government data based on its scope, time, and quality, finding that higher levels of electoral competition and better administrative capabilities contribute to increased transparency and responsiveness. However, the study's use of a regression discontinuity design reveals that the political party controlling local governments had minimal influence on these factors.Related ArticlesHeo, Inhye. 2013. “The Political Economy of Policy Gridlock in South Korea: The Case of the Lee Myung‐bak Government's Green Growth Policy.” Politics & Policy 41(4): 509–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12029.Heo, Inhye. 2022. “Energy Democratization Policy without Democratization of Policy Governance in South Korea: A Participatory Democracy Perspective.” Politics & Policy 50(4): 834–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12480.Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522.

Specifying and Contextualising Predictive Theories of Democratic Policy Representation

This article complements Wlezien’s review of ‘conceptualisation, measurement and interpretation in representational research’ by considering how these operate within five predictive theories validated against comparative evidence, as recommended for cumulative research by Taagepera: and related to their wider institutional and methodological context by Budge. Methodologically, the article illustrates how predictive theories can be set up to explain political processes and validated against statistical evidence. Substantively, the theories both highlight and resolve the ‘Paradox of democracy’ – how can ideologically based political parties effectively match public policy to popular preferences with only weak guidance from citizens?

Evaluating the Role of Public Hearings within Deliberative Democracy: Operationalising the Democratic Standards as a Framework

Public hearings are used widely in policy and decision making. Hearings have been subject to criticisms in some academic quarters. While some of these criticisms are valid, hearings have been overlooked in terms of the democratic value at a relational level. It has been suggested in theory that they are valuable for a deliberative approach to democracy, yet very little evidence exists to support this or to illustrate how hearings can best be utilised as part of a deliberative democratic system. This article contributes to the deliberative literature in two key ways. First, I introduce the democratic standards set out by Smith (2009) in a comparative framework, the Democratic Standard Enactment Index (DSEI), which offers a systematic way to analyse public hearing’s capacity to enact core democratic norms inclusiveness, popular control, transparency and considered judgement. Second, using four case studies, I highlight the strengths and weaknesses of hearings, evaluate how effectively they can be coupled with other democratic institutions, and consider where there are best placed to contribute to a deliberative democratic policy making process. Overall, the democratic norms are consistently fulfilled by the hearings. Their limitations can be overcome by changes to the format and by linking the hearings with other participatory and deliberative processes. The findings provide important nuance to our understanding of the role of public hearings as part of a deliberative democratic system.

Access policies to higher education: from merit to expansion and democratization

This article provides a contextualized analysis of the different forms of access to higher education in Brazil, considering its historical evolution. It employs a historical-dialectical approach as the analytical framework, understanding that the analysis of a social phenomenon should take into account the context in which it originated, exploring its mediations and contradictions. The article starts from the assumption that access to higher education has generally been elitist and exclusionary, considering the demand for this level of education and the availability of slots, thereby highlighting the issue of merit. This situation undergoes changes with the implementation of access democratization policies in the country since the 1990s, which utilize the Unified Selection System (SiSU) through the National High School Exam (Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio – ENEM). The article concludes that although these measures have expanded access for populations from less privileged classes to higher education, they have also generated other factors that compromise access democratization and increase dropout rates.

Развитие туризма в Республике Северной Осетии – Алании

The relevance of the study is due to the serious potential of the Republic of North Ossetia – Alania (hereinafter referred to as RSO – Alania) in the development of the tourism industry, the uniqueness of the natural cultural landscape, which are very popular with tourists. This is especially noticeable in the context of the changing conjuncture of tourist flows, which began to focus on the domestic market. All of this creates an urgent need to improve the republican policy on tourism. The main purpose of the study is to study the key trends in the development of tourism in the Republic of Albania with an in–depth analysis of statistical data in recent years. Research objectives: to characterize the prospects and assess the potential of the tourism industry in North Ossetia; to analyze the dynamics of key tourism indicators in the republic in recent years; to develop recommendations for improving the tourism infrastructure and attracting additional investments in the industry. The methods of logical analysis, modeling, systematization and analytical approaches to assessing the current state and identifying development prospects were used. The analysis of tourism indicators in the republic shows a steady increase in demand for tourist services. The main factors that cause it are the growth in the number of infrastructure facilities, the development of domestic tourism, and the difficulty of traveling to foreign countries.

Religious lobbying and policy influence: Christian interest group impacts around the legalization of same‐sex marriage in England and Wales

AbstractThe influence of religious groups in democratic policy making has often been a source of political controversy. In the United Kingdom, the legalization of same‐sex marriage in England and Wales may in some ways be thought to exemplify the weakening social position and policy power of the churches. Drawing on a mixture of methods—including analysis of newspaper coverage, legislative debates, and policy documents, plus interviews—this article assesses the extent to which Christian interest groups achieved different forms of policy‐related influence, and its dynamics. It finds that, despite important failures, these groups nonetheless achieved various types of success, including over the policy debate, small policy shifts, and “counteractive” influence, reflecting both the weaknesses and persisting strengths of Christianity within British society. The findings are likely to have wider implications for understanding the policy strengths of religious actors in similar contexts of socio‐religious change elsewhere.Related ArticlesBramlett, Brittany H. 2012. “The Cross‐Pressures of Religion and Contact with Gays and Lesbians, and their Impact on Same‐Sex Marriage Opinion.” Politics & Policy 40(1): 13–42. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00337.x.Ledet, Richard. 2017. “Sorting the Left from the Rest: The Communitarian Religious Perspective and Liberal Economic Attitudes.” Politics & Policy 45(6): 1051–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12238.Tubadji, Annie. 2023. “You'll Never Walk Alone: Loneliness, Religion, and Politico‐Economic Transformation.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 661–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538.

Рецензия на книгу: Макарова Г.И. Образ Татарстана в стратегиях региональных элит и в массовом сознании: монография (Казань, 2020. 308 с.)

The review contains a brief overview of the content of the monograph by G.I. Makarova “The Image of Tatarstan in the Strategies of Regional Elites and in the Public Consciousness.” The book is based on the results of a sociological research in 2013–2019 in the Republic of Tatarstan. The author of the review draws attention to the complex and systemic nature of G.I. Makarova research work, confirmed by the synthesis of theoretical approaches to the problems of ethnic and regional identity, the image of territories, as well as the triangulation of methods. It is noted that the conclusions of the monograph are based on the results of several sociological methods – mass and expert surveys, in-depth interviews, analysis of official documents, and case studies. It is concluded that in the monograph G.I. Makarova developed a conceptual model for the analysis of the republican policy in the field of region branding and a methodology for sociological study of the results of its application. The conclusions and practical recommendations made by the author regarding the content of this policy and its social consequences, according to the reviewer, go beyond the boundaries of the Republic of Tatarstan. They can be used to study similar issues in other republics within the Russian Federation, while improving branding strategies and identity policies.

Does public consultation affect policy formulation? Negotiation strategies between the administration and citizens

ABSTRACT While public consultation is a signature process of democratic policy formulation, many governments manoeuvre to refract citizen’s opinions or conduct it perfunctorily. Using the case of a medium of instruction policy in Hong Kong, this article unveils the strategies that the state and citizens employ to put their opinion through to the final policy text, during a public consultation process. Recent literature has identified the mechanisms through which individual actors or organisations contribute to broad policy agenda-setting or policy programme development. However, yet to be investigated is how they – sometimes with conflicting interests – collectively negotiate a policy with the state via public consultations. This paper investigates this very phenomenon, building on previous work conducted in the public policy field, analysing 51 government-generated documents through both thematic content analysis and critical discourse analysis. The paper uncovers four strategies adopted by administrations (non-commitment, case closure, disengagement for irrelevance, and placation) to evade citizens’ equity-oriented demands and stakeholders’ three counter strategies (mobilising other stakeholders into a coalition, reopening the case pointing out a new problem, and appealing by affirming relevance). The state’s discrete refusals and stakeholders’ conjoint reengagement tactics draw our attention to the complexity and subtlety involved in negotiation via public consultations.

Rethinking Gore-War: Counterfactuals and the 2003 Iraq War

ABSTRACT This paper offers a constructivist critique of Frank Harvey’s ‘Gore-War’ counterfactual, in which he argues that the hypothetical President Al Gore also would have gone to war with Iraq. Harvey overlooks how the George W. Bush administration shaped the structural context in which it acted in ways that made war increasingly likely. I trace two key phases in the road to war in which this dynamic occurred: 1. The half-year after 9/11 in which Bush established Iraq as the centerpiece of his response to terrorism. 2. The period from fall 2002 to early 2003 in which Bush pursued the strategy of ‘coercive diplomacy’ in a manner that all but predetermined the failure of inspections. Using historical evidence about the views of Gore, his likely advisors, and the Democratic policy establishment, I argue for the plausibility of the ‘Gore-Peace’ counterfactual in which President Gore shaped the context of decision-making on Iraq differently than Bush, prioritized Iraq less, and thereby avoided generating pressure or momentum for war. I conclude with reflections on this argument’s implications for counterfactual methodology, historiography, and policy.