Republican Patriotism Research Articles

Патриотизм и идеология белорусского государства: конституционный взгляд

A constitutional assessment of patriotism in comparison with the ideology of the Belarusian state was given. It is noted that in all its manifestations and characteristics, patriotism is associated not with the state, but with the Fatherland. The state is a political form of the Fatherland. A person has one fatherland and it does not change. Therefore, the object of patriotism is the Fatherland, but not the state. It has been shown that in the Republic of Belarus patriotic ideas are filled with state ideological content. As a result, patriotism devalues its significance. There is a transformation of republican patriotism into a monarchized one, with the assertion of loyalty not to the Fatherland and not even to the state, but to the Head of State – to the President. In this regard, the formation of patriotism takes place in the context of the opposition of some social groups to others (“we are them”). It is concluded that a combination of two elements is objectively necessary in patriotism: state interest and a civilian autonomous open position. The author's definition of the concept of “patriotism” is proposed

Introduction to the Special Issue

How do political communities stick together as polities in times of crisis? What is needed to motivate their citizens work together to deter threats, maintain state monopolies of violence, and sustain different forms of military alliances and cooperation? The answer, in large part, is patriotism. Patriotic thinking—both as a sentiment and as an element of political ideology—is a central tenet in building states and conducting state affairs. From the perspective of political philosophy, patriotism is often characterized as love for one’s country and as an affective relationship imbued with such emotions as pride, honor, and appreciation for the collective that it represents. Scholars from the tradition of republican patriotism argue that such love may be directed toward political institutions and that it helps form a way of life that sustains the liberty of a state’s population. This stands in contrast to nationalism, which regards thesame object of veneration, the homeland, with less tolerance of heterogeneity and political disunion. Both patriotism and nationalism are conceptualized in a variety of ways and can take on meanings as varied as benign civic unity and exclusionary chauvinism. Patriotism is often conceptualized as a form of civic virtue, stressing the way it prioritizes the community ahead of the individual.

II.5. La survie des Juifs en France : une approche multifactorielle

In 1945, 75% of the Jewish population in France was still alive. Rather than look for a single explanation for this extraordinary figure, this article adopts a multi-causal approach, presenting a range of geographic, social, cultural, and political factors within an evolving international context. With respect to geography, many Jews in France were scattered throughout the countryside, especially in the “Free Zone,” rather than interned in camps. Regarding society’s response, non-Jewish citizens provided some aid to the persecuted, which marked a shift in public opinion beginning in the summer of 1942 (despite the anti-Semite ideology promoted by the French government). These measures became even more widespread when they were either not punished at all or punished very lightly.French Jews were able to access assistance more easily because of their networks of friends and family, which they had formed as a result of their secular integration with French society. Jewish and Christian organizations focused more on saving foreign Jews, and especially children. As a result, it is important to take cultural factors into account, whether they be rooted in religion or a sense of republican heritage and patriotism. French society seemed to act as a sort of “watchdog” (however weak) that prevented Vichy from fully implementing its criminal plans. Political and international factors played an outsized role during this period. The Vichy government was relatively autonomous. While it initially collaborated with Berlin, it partially distanced itself from the policy of deportation when the war began to shift.

Cosmopolitan Patriotism as a Civic Ideal

AbstractRecent theoretical debates have questioned the compatibility of patriotism with global political responsibilities, as identified by cosmopolitan theory. In response, several authors claim that a cosmopolitan patriotism is both possible and desirable. In this article, we propose two desiderata for cosmopolitan patriotism as a civic ideal, which existing accounts fail to meet. First, arguments for cosmopolitan patriotism should provide an account of collective identification, supporting the relation between the actions of one's country and one's appropriate reactive attitudes. Second, such a theory should be able to explain the patriot's commitment to critical engagement with her country's actions. We then offer a critical appraisal of two accounts linking patriotism with global responsibility—Permissible Partialism and Globally Responsible Nationalism—‐and demonstrate how they fall short. Finally, we propose an account of civic republican patriotism, which better explains how cosmopolitanism and patriotism can be brought together.

Justifying republican patriotism

My paper is on the republican version of patriotism and its justification, as developed most systematically by Philip Pettit and Maurizio Viroli. The essence of the justification is as follows: patriotism is to be viewed as valuable insofar as it is an indispensable instrument for the upholding of the central republican ideal, namely freedom understood as non-domination. My primary aim is to evaluate the normative force of this justification. In the first section, I introduce minimal descriptive definitions of the concepts of patriotism and the patria. Second, I reconstruct the republican patria-ideal to which patriotism is linked to. In the third section, I reconstruct the republican justification of patriotism. Finally, I ask what we justify when we justify republican patriotism. Two views are prevalent in this regard. According to the first, republican patriotic motivation, similarly to its justification, ought to be instrumental itself too (Pettit, Viroli). I argue that this view is untenable, since it is in tension with the minimal definition of patriotism. The conclusion is that the other view - according to which the patriotic motivation ought to be of intrinsic character (Miller) - possesses greater normative force.

Amor y política: dos modos de entender el patriotismo en el tránsito del Virreinato a la República en el Perú

The enlightened elite of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries understood the concept of patriotism in two different ways; the term “utilitarian patriotism” is proposed to refer to the patriotism promoted by the Sociedad de Amantes del Pais and “republican patriotism” to the option spread by Hipolito Unanue in the newspaper Nuevo Dia del Peru (1824), which could be extrapolated to the rest of supporters of the republican regime after the Peruvian declaration of independence. The exploration of the ethical foundations and models of society and government ideals related to both forms of patriotism, makes evident the complexity of this concept´s reception by a particular social group, and its relevance within the history of Peruvian political thought is recognized.

Republican patriotism and Machiavelli’s patriotism

ABSTRACTThe theories of republican patriotism, especially articulated by Maurizio Viroli, promote Machiavelli's patriotism as the archetype of patriotism without nationalism. The upshot is that in Machiavelli's republicanism, the ideal of liberty as non-domination cultivates moral obligations towards humanity. Rather than engaging in debates on the tension between republican liberty and republican imperialism in Machiavelli's writings, this article tackles this interpretation with textual evidences that shed light on Machiavelli's patriotism prone to the same problems as those Maurizio Viroli sees in nationalism. More specifically, I argue that Machiavelli's patriotic aspiration neglects the role of regulative principle in guarding patriotic loyalty from degenerating into collective selfishness.

A Study on Republican Patriotism : Focused on the Patriotism Propounded by M. Viroli

A Study on Republican Patriotism : Focused on the Patriotism Propounded by M. Viroli

The State of Speech

The State of Speech

Educating Émile: Jean-Jacques Rousseau on Cosmopolitanism

Rousseau tries to show that civic patriotism is compatible with genuine moral cosmopolitanism as well as republican cosmopolitanism (the compatibility thesis). I try to clarify these concepts, and distinguish them from other types of cosmopolitanism, such as moral, cultural, economic, and epistemological cosmopolitanisms. Rousseau winds up with a form of rooted cosmopolitanism that tries to strike a balance between republican patriotism and republican as well as thin moral cosmopolitanism, offering a synthesis through education. A careful reading of Émile shows that this is a book about the formation of a moral and cognitive cosmopolitan who avoids the deformations of a commercial society influenced by processes of globalisation.

Is Education for Patriotism Morally Required, Permitted or Unacceptable?

If patriotism is morally unacceptable, as some philosophers believe, then also education for patriotism cannot be tolerated, although some other non-moral reasons might be in favour of such education. However, it seems that not all types of patriotism can be convincingly rejected as morally unacceptable. Even more, if MacIntyre’s claim is correct that patriotism is not only a virtue but also the foundation of morality (since we can understand and adopt moral rules only in the particular version in which they are endorsed by our community), then schools ought to cultivate patriotism. For, in this context, patriotism (understood as a moral duty, a duty to show special concern for one’s country and compatriots) is morally required. But if this claim is mistaken and some sorts of patriotism are at best only morally allowed, as Primoratz argues, then schools are not obliged to cultivate patriotism. Although they are not required to cultivate it, they may promote morally acceptable types of patriotism such as “moderate patriotism” (Nathanson), “constitutional patriotism” (Habermas), “republican patriotism” (Viroli) and “cosmopolitan patriotism” (Appiah). And the contrary, extreme patriotism which leads to hostility towards other countries, international tensions and conflicts should not be promoted in schools. Therefore, the answer to the question as to whether education for patriotism is morally required, permitted or unacceptable depends on which kind of patriotism is being discussed.

Gavroche and the Great War: Soldier Gouaille and the Legend of the Poilu

This article describes the use of soldier Gouaille or cocky humour in the construction of a consensual typology of the French infantry soldier (Poilu) of the First World War. Drawing on a variety of nineteenth-century literary models, including that of the gamin de Paris, Great War novelists depicted the Poilu as a clever, resourceful, Parisian working-class grumbler and joker. In so doing, they created a model of soldier heroism and of republican patriotism that would have a wide national appeal and that would inform representations of the soldier throughout the twentieth century.

Thick, Thin and Thinner Patriotisms: Is This All There Is?

The ‘reinvention’ of nationhood in theory and the reform of British naturalization rules in praxis have been unable to address satisfactorily the issue of unjust exclusion and to make naturalization law and citizenship more compatible with democratic ideals. This has much to do with the fact that the discourse of new patriotism and the reconfiguration of national citizenship have inbuilt limits. In examining the ‘new’ discourse of patriotism in its various shades, I argue that it is inconsistent and unpersuasive. Neither the rehabilitation of civic nationalism under ‘republican patriotism’, nor ‘constitutional patriotism’, nor ‘rooted patriotism’ succeed in transforming the nationality model of citizenship in order to render it more compatible with contemporary developments and with cultural pluralism. Similarly, the three models of citizenship developed by the literature, namely, postnational, transnational and multicultural citizenship remain rooted within the civic nationalist trajectory. Instead of arguing for the liberalization of naturalization requirements and the ensuing pluralization of citizenship, I put forward an argument as to how the nationality model of citizenship might be transcended by developing a model of civic registration. By contrasting this model with the Labour Government’s reforms in the fields of naturalization and citizenship, I argue that the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 places too much emphasis on social cohesion, thereby overlooking that a sense of belonging to community develops with inclusion in society and politics rather than as a result of citizenship ceremonies and language proficiency tests.

Patriotism and Internationalism in the ‘Oath of Allegiance’ to Young Europe

This article examines the ‘Oath of Allegiance’ of an international semisecret society, Young Europe. The society’s programme defined the struggle to create democratic republics throughout Europe in the first half of the 19th century. Its founding documents and charter in 1834 represented radical shifts in both the ideas and practice of European republicans on the principles of liberty and equality, and in the conceptualization of a trinity that linked republican patriotism to both nationalism and internationalism. The society also offered new understandings of both fraternity and humanity. The doctrine combined the working of international and national organizations as the blueprint with which to construct republics. The emergence of Young Europe signified a change in both the ideological language and in the core values of republicans. It also represented a break in its organizational principles; in its conception of the nation and the nation’s role within the republic; and in the appreciation of the international role of republicans.

From Republican Patriotism to National Sentiment

This article attempts to add a corrective to the exclusive focus of the academic historiography of republicanism on the mainstream of the tradition in Italy and north-western Europe by bringing a perspective from the European south-east on the transmission and evolution of republican ideas. An illustration of this broader perspective on the history of republicanism is provided by the treatise Hellenic Nomarchy anonymously published in Italy in 1806. The article examines the origins of Modern Greek republicanism, the meaning of ‘nomarchy’ and the context and sources of the work. It stresses its social and political radicalism and points to its affinities with the ideas of 18th-century Tuscan republicanism and with the work of Vittorio Alfieri and Ugo Foscolo.

El sentido olvidado del patriotismo republicano

In this article Maurizio Viroli shows that although republican patriotism has a cultural dimension it is primarily a political passion based upon the experiencia of citizenship. Patriotism is the love for a free republic and for its way of life: il vivere libero . In this sense republican patriotism is almost the contrary of nationalism. For nationalists patriotism is the love for a modest liberty: the freedom to enjoy in the shadow of the throne one´s dwelling and vineyard in peace. For republican patriots love of country is an artificial passion, for nationalists it is a natural one. As a conclusion, Viroli suggest that republican patriotism is able to answer the dylemas of modern democracy beyond the choice between the myth of civic nationalism and the horror of ethnic nationalism.

Republics, Nations and Transitions to Modernity

Abstract. There is virtually no treatment of republican political cleavages or political culture in the literature on European political development. This article fills part of this gap by examining the consequences of republican political culture for the history of nations and nationalism. I argue that the republican question was a central political cleavage in Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but that it has been largely overlooked, or reduced to the politics of class or to the politics of nation. The article critically assesses some of the central elements of standard political histories of nationalism, in light of the importance of republican politics. This exercise includes a sketch of the republican challenge to dynastic states, and a more detailed discussion of two individuals who figure prominently in every history of nationalism: Renan and Mazzini. It also includes a discussion of the relationship of nationalism and marxism, in light of the analysis of republican patriotism in the first part of the article.

Nationhood and political theory

Part 1 Introduction. Part 2 The case against nationalism: romantic-collectivist nationalism liberal-individualistic nationalism nationalhood as a tacit assumption in political theory. Part 3 Democratic theory - government by the people: the geographic limits of the people membership of the people collective identity. Part 4 Social justice - looking after our people: boundaries and bonds social solidarity and effective government. Part 5 Liberal universalism - a national heritage?: political theory, political community and nationhood. Part 6 What is a nation?: nations as states nations as cultural communities nations and subjective identity nations as ethnic groups modernization and nation-building nation-building and modernization. Part 7 Power from the people - nationhood and political community: nations as mediators nations as worlds nations as batteries English/British nationhood. Part 8 Nationhood, patriotism and universalism: states without nations the state as a service station constitutional patriotism universal principles and particluar polities republican patriotism. Part 9 Nationalism versus liberal democracy: national variations nationalism as politics the modern prince the dialect of nationhood nations under threat? Part 10 Nationhood and political theory: beneath and beyond the nation-state defending the nation-state national liberalism? realism, utopianism and muddling through nationalist realism universalist utopianism neo-Hobbesian realism muddling through.

The End of the Old Regime in Europe, 1776-1789; I: The Great States of the West, II: Republican Patriotism and the Empires of the East

The End of the Old Regime in Europe, 1776-1789; I: The Great States of the West, II: Republican Patriotism and the Empires of the East

The end of the Old Regime in Europe, 1776-1789: v.1: The great states of the west; v.2: Republican patriotism and the empires of the east

The end of the Old Regime in Europe, 1776-1789: v.1: The great states of the west; v.2: Republican patriotism and the empires of the east