Republican Ideology Research Articles

Արմենական-ՌԱԿ անցումային շղթան և դրա գաղափարական հետագիծը / The Armenian-RAK transition chain and its ideological trajectory

From the moment of independence to the present day, parties have played a decisive role in the highly politicized life of the Republic of Armenia. And in the early years, Armenian traditional parties stood out in this field. Later, the established parties were characterized as ruling and oppositional, as well as those who swam between them. By their nature, the Armenian people are largely followers of the Liberal Democratic ideology, the pioneer and torchbearer of which was the LDP. In this sense, the study of its history is of scientific and practical importance. Especially nowadays, when our country finds itself at the crossroads of geopolitical interests and it has become necessary to take the right position on international platforms, it is more than important to know history and learn from it. In this regard, knowledge of the history of the locomotive parties of political life becomes a kind of searchlight for proper orientation in the created chaos The history of LDP is one of the most important.

Political perspectives and their impact on fintech mortgage lending adoption

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the link between political perspectives and the adoption of financial technology (fintech) mortgage lending, a new type of mortgage lending facilitated by online platforms.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use fintech mortgage lending and presidential election data for the United States of America (USA) counties from 2010 to 2017. Employing several analysis techniques including ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions and propensity score matching (PSM) methodology, the authors test whether political views are related to fintech mortgage lending, after controlling for other county characteristics including population, unemployment rate, median income, median age, minority ratio and education.FindingsThe authors find that a higher tendency toward Republican views is positively associated with adoption rates of fintech mortgages. The empirical results are supported by Republican ideology, which advocates for deregulation and market-driven solutions, as well as an increasing skepticism among Republicans toward traditional banking and financial institutions.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the growing body of literature on fintech credit. By focusing on political views to explain the adoption of fintech mortgage lending – a recent and potentially disruptive innovation – the authors provide new insights into the dynamics within fintech credit markets.

TRANSITIVITY ANALYSIS OF SENATOR HAWLEY AND PROFESSOR BRIDGE’S GENDER IDENTITY DEBATE

Using Halliday’s transitivity concept, this paper analyzes the debate between Senator Hawley and Professor Bridges conducted on July 12, 2022. The debate focuses on the topic of people with a capacity for pregnancy, which led to views of gender identity. The way individuals identify their gender has become a social phenomenon, as the idea of gender has broadened to the point that it is seen as a spectrum. The creation of new words outside the two polarizations (i.e., man and woman) could create acknowledgment for the minority group of people with lesser-known gender identities. Using Halliday’s (1994) Transitivity Concept in Systemic Functional Linguistics, this study analyzes the clause structures of both Senator Hawley and Professor Bridges to examine the distribution of the six transitivity processes and their relation to the clauses chosen to represent each participant's ideology regarding their views on gender. The different approaches in their arguments regarding gender identity also show the different ideological beliefs of their parties, which are the Republicans and the Democrats. Senator Hawley dominantly uses mental processes consisting of the desideration process, cognition process, and emotion process. In comparison, Professor Bridges shows a high use of relational processes consisting of the attribution process and identification process. Professor Bridges' relational processes point out Senator Hawley's rigid idea of gender by identifying and valuing the variety of genders. The many clauses stated by Professor Bridges also affirm her liberal belief that views gender as more than just two polarizations while also supporting equality in the idea of abortion rights as something that is needed for women and other groups of genders. Senator Hawley counters Professor Bridges' allegations using mental processes by seeking clarification to align their awareness of gender, which reveals his gender polarization. The use of clauses mentioned by Senator Hawley is done to showcase his implied Republican ideology, which does not find significance in the topic of people with the capacity for pregnancy leading to transphobia.

Beyond the board: a thematic analysis of political actions from 4chan’s /pol/ board

This article aims to understand the organisational practices of digital political actions on 4chan’s /pol/ (Politically Incorrect) board, as well as the underlying worldview within which those actions were nested. By using a qualitative thematic analysis of 21 threads, several themes were identified regarding preferred goals, methods, content, dissemination strategies, and worldview of intentional, orchestrated political actions with supposed real-world effects. Results show that the observed political actions were bottom-up, non-hierarchical, and collective actions, through which collective identity was established despite the almost complete anonymity of the /pol/ board. Additionally, the political actions were marked by the negative perception of Western liberal democracy, extremely negative attitudes toward the Left, minorities, and progressive liberals, antisemitism, and racism - values closely related to the far-right. Although the goals of /pol/ political actions differ, the dominant broader goal is to “redpill the normies” - indoctrinate the general population into denouncing liberal democratic ideology and accepting the far-right worldview.

Cato as Disruptor: Republican ideology and the frustrated imperatores of the 60 s and 50 s BCE

Abstract Triumphal policing in the 60 s and 50 s BCE was unusually intense. During this period, nearly all triumphatores were forced to wait for years ad urbem (outside the pomerium) while their petitions were obstructed by their opponents, a trend that certainly contributed to an historically low rate of processions (an average of around one every three years). No figure appears as frequently in our evidence for triumphal policing and obstruction in the late Republic as Cato the Younger. Whereas scholarship has previously discussed his triumphal interventions through familiar (and problematic) lenses (e. g., Cato the “arch-conservative,” Cato the “political nemesis of Caesar,” Cato the “unrealistic citizen of Plato’s Republic”), this piece offers a new reading of Cato’s letter on the topic (Fam. 15.5), contending that Cato’s interest in the triumph was motivated by his anxiety over the use of military achievement to legitimize aristocratic political power. When read correctly and in context, Cato’s beliefs and actions regarding the triumph were revisionist, not conservative; ideological, not personal; and genuinely interested in bringing about tangible change in Roman political culture.

Ideologies on Display: A Critical Analysis of First-Term Gubernatorial Inaugural Speeches in Nigeria

The interest of scholars in political discourse has always been drawn to the dynamics of inaugural speeches and the implicit/explicit portrayal of ideologies. Extant studies have explored discourse patterns, thematic orientations, power relations, rhetorical devices, ideologies, and other issues in inaugural speeches. This paper offers a holistic investigation of the recurring ideologies in first-term gubernatorial inaugural speeches across Nigeria. The data for the study are drawn from 25 inaugural speeches made between 2014 and 2015 across the 36 states in Nigeria. The source of the data is Inaugural Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria (2014-2017). Through the theoretical lens of van Dijk’s approach to critical discourse analysis, four ideologies were identified in the speeches. These manifest ideologies in the speeches are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology, messianic ideology, and democratic ideology. They are found to drive the establishment of the authority of the governors through the process of sensitizing the citizens about the governor’s interpretation of the election, the presentation of novel principles and perspectives that the new administration would imbibe, and how they would inform governance for the tenure. The reoccurring strategies actualized to project the ideologies are consensus, polarization, lexicalization, presupposition, and metaphors.

Political Polarization and the Dynamics between Actual Income and Perceived Income Inequality in the United States, 1987 to 2021

The rich often perceive lower levels of inequality than the poor. In recent decades, however, notions regarding the equality or inequality of our society have progressively taken on a more political nature. Consequently, people’s perceptions of income inequality may be less associated with their actual income status and more with their political ideology. The authors visualize this “political turn” using data from the U.S. General Social Survey (1987–2021). The analysis shows that historically actual income and perceived inequality had an inverse relationship, independent of political alignment. Yet since 2000, this has changed: whereas Republicans show a deepening inverse correlation after some attenuation in prior years, Democrats reverse it. With this said, we see an increase in overall concern about inequality among those who identify strongly with either Democratic or Republican ideologies, but importantly the biggest increase is among those in the Democratic group. This invites reflections on the nature of the “political turn.”

Democratic Conundrum: Introspecting Complexities and Dynamics in Pakistan's Political Landscape

Research Problem: This research aims to explore the main obstacles hindering Pakistan's democratic transition, including weak economic policies, structural imbalances, and military interference, all of which have led to insecurity, conflict, and the oppression of civilian rule. In addition, this research also aims to understand Pakistan's political culture which combines autocratic and democratic ideologies, as well as how political satisfaction with different regimes impacts the acceptance of military regimes and the inability of marginalized groups to express their opinions under authoritarian rule. Research purposes: The aim of this research is to identify and analyze the main challenges facing Pakistan's democracy, including issues of partisanship and segregation practices, as well as to understand historical and current issues that can help identify changes needed to strengthen democracy in Pakistan. Research methods: This research uses a descriptive-analytical approach by collecting data through literature reviews and analysis of official documents, such as government reports and international agency reports. Interdisciplinary analysis is used to understand the impact of historical and socio-cultural factors on the development of democracy in Pakistan. Results and Discussion: The research results show that the main challenges to Pakistan's democracy include fraudulent electoral processes, political centralization, segregation, and biased party politics. The lack of a dynamic civil society and military domination of civilian government are contributing factors to the failure of democracy in Pakistan. Discussions of history and current issues also provide insight into the changes needed to improve democracy in the country. Research Implications and Contributions: This research has important implications for policymakers and stakeholders interested in improving democracy in Pakistan. By understanding and identifying the challenges faced, this research can provide guidance for developing appropriate strategies and measures to strengthen democracy and promote political inclusion in Pakistan.

A Critique of the Turkish Education System During the Early Republic Period (1923-1943) Based on Syed Ahmet Arvasi’s Idea

States established as nation-states in the 19th and 20th centuries have used education to defend their principles of existence and legitimacy. In this context, the Republic of Turkey, founded on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, has made great efforts to transform its people into a modern nation-state. The most important tool of the state in this effort has undoubtedly been education. Since the basis of the republican ideology is secularism, the basic building block in education has also been secularism. The education system has been the most important part of secular modernization and the construction of a new national identity. New and secular values that form the national identity have been transferred and transmitted to new generations through education. In this context, education policies have been under the influence of the new regime for a long time since the founding of the republic. This study has drawn from Syed Ahmed Arvasi’s ideas in analyzing the historical development of education in Turkey, and identified that problems such as moral corruption, anarchy, lack of national consciousness, and lack of personality in today's society are closely associated with the secular education policies of the Republican period. In moving forward, the study supports Arvasi’s idea of educating the younger generation according to the principles of Turkish-Islamic culture. Future studies may explore further the viability of Arvasi’s ideas and how they can be implemented in the formal system of education in Turkey

Ağrı Community Center and Its Activities as a Means of Implementation of the Republican Ideology (1934-1951).

Cumhuriyetin ilanıyla birlikte yeni devlet anlayışı çağdaş medeniyetler seviyesine ulaşmayı amaçlamıştı. Modern devlet yapısına ulaşmak için öncelikle halkın bu alana dahil edilmesi gerekliydi. Bunun için çeşitli adımlar atılmaya başlanmıştır. Cumhuriyet rejiminin yerleşmesinde, gerçekleştirilen inkılâpların toplumun büyük kesimleri tarafından kabul görmesinde ve ülkenin sosyal ve kültürel alanlarda belirlenen hedeflere ulaşmasında Halkevleri önemli rol oynamıştır. Türk İnkılâbı’nın modernleşme araçlarından biri olan Halkevleri, Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nin, 1932-1951 tarihleri arasında, en önemli kültür kurumları arasındadır. Bu çalışmada, Ağrı Halkevi özelinde bu kurumların kuruluş süreçleri, kendilerinden beklenen görev ve sorumluluklar, Halkevlerinin kuruluş amaçları tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bununla birlikte; bu kurumların faaliyet sahaları CHP hükümet programları, siyasi parti programları, tarih bilimi için birinci el kaynak olan Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri verileri ışığında ortaya konulmuştur. Bu bağlamda Ağrı Halkevinin örgün eğitim modeliyle gelecek nesillerin modern eğitim düzeyinde yetiştirilmesi için bölgede Türkçe öğrenme ve yazma, dikiş-nakış kursları ve halkın bütünleşmesini sağlayan her türlü faaliyetleri ele alınmıştır.

A HOME FOR THE POLITICALLY HOMELESS? THE AMERICAN SOLIDARITY PARTY, CATHOLICS, AND THIRD PARTIES IN U.S. POLITICS

U.S. Catholics in recent decades have been given the choice between Republicans and Democrats, representing two parties whose platforms diverge significantly from Catholic social teaching (CST). The American Solidarity Party (ASP) was founded on the same principles as CST, particularly consistent respect for the dignity of human life, including safeguards and support for the poor, vulnerable, and oppressed. Thus, it offers U.S. Catholic voters, as well as many other constituencies, an alternative that can greatly reduce their cognitive dissonance regarding CST in the voting process. However, this reduction in cognitive dissonance is balanced by the low probability of immediate electoral success. 71 ASP supporters were interviewed at length to ascertain why they support the party, how they view the party’s internal dynamics, and what they hope to see the party achieve. The ASP attracts supporters committed to upholding human dignity. While members appreciate having finally a found a political home that respects their commitment, their characteristically principled stances often discord with other supporters’ stances. They have developed novel strategies, perhaps shaped by their Christian Democratic ideologies, to navigate their differences to form a united front as they strive to promote, in conventional and unconventional ways, greater protection for human dignity.

US Higher education and fossil fuels: the limits of liberalism in university climate action

ABSTRACT US universities have positioned themselves in recent years as sites of progressive green action, cutting-edge research, and student-driven change. These universities have even been exported to wealthy oil-dependent states in the Arabian Peninsula under the guise of developing their societies away from fossil fuels through liberal education. These countries, however, have developed their national strategies within imperial relationships with Great Britain and then the United States, in part to uphold the prosperity of the West and its development of liberal democratic ideologies and institutions, of which higher education has played a central part. Drawing on research within US branch campuses in Qatar, and focusing specifically on Texas A&M Qatar, an engineering school that is a site of what we call ‘petro-education’, we trace how these US universities reproduce the fossil fuel industry’s operations. Bringing this research in conversation with scholarship that challenges the liberal mythologies of US higher education, we argue that US universities largely remain embedded in a broader agenda to reconcile the climate crisis with what appears to be a greener capitalism that extends fossil fuel extraction into the future.

The shifting landscape of the Italian left: Exploring its contemporary state

ABSTRACT This article asks, ‘What’s left of the Italian left?’ arguing that an answer to the question presupposes having the answer to four more specific questions, namely, what does the term ‘left’ mean? What parties belong to this category thus defined? What accounts for the parties’ electoral decline since the end of the cold war? What, if anything, can be done to revive their fortunes? I argue that the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ describe a spatial metaphor having to do with attitudes to equality. The electoral difficulties of the parties belonging to this category over the past thirty years can be explained by reference to three interlinked processes of long-term economic, social and political change that help account for the electoral decline of mainstream parties of the left in Western democracies in general in recent decades. In the context of globalization, a revival of the fortunes of the left in Italy appears to lie in the direction of an embrace of a social democratic ideology combined with a renewed emphasis on the principal of internationalism.

The Western Factors of the Republican Thought of the Bourgeois Revolutionaries

As a pioneer of revolution, Sun Yat-sen's republican ideology is the glorious banner of the Chinese revolutionary democratic movement. His experience of studying abroad in the West had a huge impact on his republican ideology. Firstly, the founding model of the United States and its republican spirit provided a certain theoretical support and template for Sun Yat-sen's founding. Secondly, the Western idea of decentralization also had a profound impact on him, promoting him to creatively incorporate the two powers of examination and inspection on the basis of the separation of powers, localizing and improving the idea of decentralization. Finally, the social contract theory and the theory of sovereignty in the people laid the foundation for Sun Yat-sen's civil rights ideology and the latter half of his revolutionary life. This paper focuses on studying the Western factors in Sun Yat-sen's democratic thought, analyzing its deep theory and internal spirit, in order to critically view the strengths and weaknesses of Sun Yat-sen's thought, and experience the main theme of saving the nation and the patriotic spirit behind his thought at that time.

Equality and Corporal Punishment: Wage Labor's Crisis of Legitimation, 1795–1835

Abstract: In the decades following the Revolution, American culture enthusiastically embraced the classical-republican ideals of equality and personal freedom from domination. But as nascent industrialism took hold in America, a wage-labor paradigm began to emerge which conflicted violently with these principles. Supported by a legal framework, transferred from England's feudal past, known as the doctrine of master and servant, wage labor demanded inequality, subordination, and fostered dependency. The most dramatic conflict, however, arose from the doctrine's disciplinary cornerstone—the sanctioning of brutal corporal punishment to enforce employer authority. This created a crisis of legitimation for the wage system. And because the doctrine of master and servant was clearly at odds with republican ideology, wage labor's crisis became law's crisis. This article argues that the abandonment of corporal punishment in favor of more subtle forms of coercion was accompanied by a legal discourse that contributed to the legitimation of an emerging wage-labor regime. This discourse transcended its legal origins to support a broader legal-moral ideology of opportunity that rationalized and, paradoxically, underpinned domination, dependency, and inequality amid strenuous assertions of justice.

The Effects of Digitalization as Challenges to the Effectiveness of Democracy and “Mass Policy” at the Present Stage

The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the effects of digitalization on institutions and ideology of democracy in its various modern interpretations, as well as on the very evolution of the formats of participation of the masses in politics. Technological progress and the development of electronic communication systems lead to often unexpected, if not paradoxical, consequences in the relationship between elitism and mass politics. As a result, a new stage in the struggle for the management of public opinion and the main channels of communication is at the same time a consequence of technological changes and the evolution of the “mass” policy’s previously unregulated basic contradictions. The elitist approach is characterized by a priority course of maintaining control over the key digital platforms “for the common good” through agreements with the “digital oligarchy”, which minimizes destructive, from the point of view of the political mainstream, attempts by counter-systemic forces to change the status quo in dominant ideologies, values and power relations. For the extension adepts of mass politics, the new technical possibilities just give a hypothetical chance to correct the status quo, and in this sense, the “progressive” agenda opens the way for the conservative, and for outsider, in relation to the political mainstream, political and intellectual groups.

A Republican Dream? — Americans Question Shakespeare

In late 2011, Anonymous, a large-budget movie from filmmaker Roland Emmerich — the producer of such films as Independence Day, The Day After Tomorrow, and The Patriot — was promoted on posters and in TV commercials by posing the question "Was Shakespeare a Fraud?" While contemporary media executives chose the advertising "tag line" for this film, the roots of their exploitative question go back to 1856 and the lead article, by American Delia Bacon, in Putnam's Monthly, A Magazine of Literature, Science, and Art. For the first time in the public press, a scholar argued that William Shakespeare of Stratford-upon-Avon did not write the plays and poems that bore his name. Important to this re-mythologizing was Bacon's thesis that the plays promoted a republican political philosophy that ultimately led to the creation of the United States of America. This article startled some in nineteenth-century society and, via a tangled web, more recently has resulted in the script and publicity campaign for the movie Anonymous. The origins of this speculation about Shakespearean authorship, together with related commercial sensationalism, can be linked to the appropriation of Shakespeare's plays to support American republican ideology.

Особливості діяльності громадських організацій в контексті формування правової ідеології у транзитивних суспільствах

The article defines the peculiarities of the activities of public organizations in the context of the formation of legal ideology in transitive societies. It is noted that as a social phenomenon, legal ideology needs to be considered in at least two aspects: ontological and epistemological. In the ontological aspect, ideology appears as one of the basic socio-legal institutions, and in the epistemological aspect, the study of ideology involves the study of ideological and legal components of Ukrainian society. It was found that legal ideology is a structured and embodied at the theoretical and practical level, a scientifically based system of society's ideas about legal validity, which, thanks to the formation of legal values and goals, can influence people's legal awareness and the development of social and state life. It is concluded that the transition to the purposeful formation of democratic ideology and legal awareness, and accordingly to the legal and democratic state, depends on many factors. One of them, in our opinion, is the formation of a national idea. Among other factors, it should be noted the stabilization of the political and economic situation in the country, the increase in the level of legal education of the population, which is repeatedly updated by legal scholars.

Global citizenship education practices in Singapore and Australia: Tensions between educational and market rationales

This article draws on a qualitative comparative research study of global citizenship education (GCE) in two primary schools, an international school in Singapore and an independent school in Australia. This paper focuses on the implementation of GCE within the two specific school contexts, Singapore and Australia, examining the tensions which existed between neo-liberal market rationales and the critical democratic ideologies at each site. The paper explored in-depth how the neo-liberal market agenda influenced and shaped the societal imaginaries specifically in relation to their GCE commitments. Despite each schools’ commitments to critical democratic GCE ideals, they were very mindful about being distinctive and remaining competitive within their respective educational markets. To that extent, the schools were neo-liberal market actors. Empirical data shows the complexity of a more hybridised or a continuum existence between these two ideologies, thus providing a more nuanced insight of the binary within the school sites.

Owning the Apparatus: Edith Wharton, Racine, and the Fetishization of Pre-Revolutionary France

This essay explores the best-selling American author Edith Wharton’s status as a bibliophile and book collector. It draws comparisons between her tastes as a collector and those of some of her neighbors, especially those residing in the Berkshires area of western Massachusetts around 1900. It focuses, in particular, on a rare, first-edition copy of the play Esther (1689), by Jean Racine; Wharton owned a copy of this book and so did her neighbors, the Choate family. As such, the essay launches an investigation into the value that Racine held as an author for members of Wharton’s milieu in fin-de-siècle America, exposing a set of class-specific beliefs that appear to counter the progressivist and democratic ideologies of that era. It reads Wharton’s and her associates’ interests in Racine as indicative of class-specific ideas regarding cultural inheritance. It argues that Wharton and the Choates, in collecting rare editions of Racine, were doing more than paying homage to literary tradition or enhancing their cultural capital; they were mounting tacit claims for their particular positions within a given social order, inspired in part by romantic visions of pre-revolutionary France.