This essay argues that the misattribution of Bismil Azimabadi’s ghazal, ‘Sarfaroshī kī Tamannā’, to Ram Prasad ‘Bismil’ in contemporary India is the work of two poetry anthologies—Krāntī Gītāñjalī [Revolutionary Poetry] (1930) and Krāntī Gītāñjallī Athvā Dūsrā Bhāg [Revolutionary Poetry or the Second Part] (1930), which palimpsested Azimabadi’s poem onto Prasad’s martyrdom to erase Azimabadi’s authorship. I argue, first, that Krāntī Gītāñjalī by Hulas Verma ‘Premi’ edits Azimabadi’s poem to align it with the Congress and the violent martyrdom of the Hindustan Republican Army. Second, looking at the poem’s original context, I argue that it is about the non-cooperation. Third, I argue that Krāntī Gītāñjalī Athvā Dūsrā Bhāg, edited by Lakshman Pathik, muddies the distinction between Prasad and Azimabadi to make it about Hindu nationalism, an idea reproduced in postcolonial India by Madanlal Verma. In conclusion, I suggest that recuperating the poem’s politics may help us rethink Hindu-Muslim relations today.

The idea of ‘Easter Rebellion’ in Chittagong in erstwhile East Bengal is modelled on the Easter Week Rebellion of April 1916 in Ireland. The Chittagong revolutionaries were so much influenced by the idea of the Irish Easter rebellion that they emulated in their fight with the British in India in the 30 of the 20th century when India was under the British rule. Although the raid of the Indian Republican Army and the Chitagong movement was a failure, history has not forgotten the zeal of the Chittagong group of revolutionaries under the leadership of Masterda Surya Sen.

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) is one of the most renowned and long-standing terrorist organizations in modern history. Founded in the early 20th century, this group employed various forms of violence and terrorism to achieve its political goals. This paper analyzes the evolution of the IRA, its tactics, ideology, and impact on the political landscape of Ireland and beyond. Through the examination of historical sources, documents, and secondary literature, the study provides a comprehensive overview of the IRA's development from its establishment in 1919, through the period known as "The Troubles" in the late 20th century, to its eventual split into several factions and the ceasefires of the 1990s. Human history is marked by various forms of terrorist activities, and terrorism can be seen as a characteristic of nearly all epochs of human civilization. This era, in particular, is marked by ethno-separatist terrorism, making the explanation of this type of terrorism and the depiction of the history of the conflict in Ireland, with a special focus on the origin, goals, methods, and structure of the IRA and its long-standing terrorist activities in Northern Ireland, the central theme of this academic paper. The conclusion emphasizes the significance of the IRA in the context of Ireland's struggle for independence and its long-term impact on the peace process in Northern Ireland. It also examines how the IRA's experience can contribute to a better understanding of the phenomenon of political violence and terrorism in the contemporary world. This paper provides a thorough analysis that may serve as a foundation for further research in the fields of political violence, terrorism, and peace processes.

ABSTRACT This paper examines rhetorical theory and narrative creation in the history of militant Irish Republicanism. The splintering of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was predicated on numerous ideological differences during the 1960s; these shifts were underpinned by modalities of discourse and performative speech. Drawing on Ronald Krebs’ work, the IRA’s internal narrative conflicts from the period of 1962–1972 are analysed. Further, it adapts the philosophy of communicative action to show how discourse – spoken and written – was deployed within the pre-split IRA organization and among the Republican community during the turbulent period of 1968–1970. The ideological changes conducted by IRA Chief of Staff Cathal Goulding and his allies offer opportunities to study the competing nationalist narratives and intra-organizational conflict. This work explores the rhetorical foundations of Goulding’s narrative contestations and argues their ‘moment’ was hampered by self-created political hurdles, due to their modes of linguistic deployment. The further application of discourse analysis – through an examination of ‘resistance communities’ – demonstrates how forms of ‘coercive speech’ allowed the fledgling Provisional Irish Republican movement to adapt during and after the split. These theoretical frameworks add to the historiography of this turbulent period and reassesses the how’s of narrative reformation.

The Irish Republican Army (IRA) has been the most aggressively hostile opponent of the border that was established in Ireland during the 1920s. This article focuses on the fact that the IRA’s own violence emerged from a substantial, evolving and complex politics. It suggests that close consideration of that politics, of associated IRA violence and of the long-term implications of both, represents a necessary part of understanding the Irish border and its associated and important histories. Three case studies are considered: Ernie O’Malley (1897–1957); Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986); the Provisional IRA (1969–2005). The article argues that the paradoxical outcomes of these three significant IRA case studies point towards the need for greater honesty about the actual effects of non-state political violence; it also argues for an empathetic approach to understanding those with whom one instinctively disagrees, if the political history of the Irish border and its legacies is to be properly understood.

From Boston Elite to Tragic Texas Filibuster:Augustus Magee and his Republican Army of the North James Aalan Bernsen (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Augustus Magee's grave marker, La Bahía, Texas. Courtesy of Presidio La Bahía. [End Page 172] In June 1812, with war on the horizon between the United States and England, Augustus William Magee, a young U.S. Army lieutenant on the Louisiana frontier, threw away a promising military career and cast his lot with a Mexican revolutionary, José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara, in a bold attempt to liberate Texas from the Spanish Empire. The Gutiérrez-Magee Expedition, which resulted from this partnership, has long been neglected by historians, and no aspect more so than the background of its first commander. Onto this blank canvas, historians have painted assumptions, illusions, and fantasies that have led to far more generalized—and equally incorrect—dogmas about the origins and motivations of the largest and most successful filibuster in early Texas history. Stripping away these inventions and provable errors, and considering newly discovered family and army records among other sources, we can piece together Magee's route to Texas and throw important light on the broader question of what motivated Americans to fight in a war of choice on the side of Mexican revolutionaries. Augustus Magee has long been mired in obscurity. Previous histories have uncovered scant biographical information; they have noted that he was from Boston and had graduated from West Point, but not much more. [End Page 173] The one attempt at a biography of the officer reduces his entire pre-expedition background to a mere sentence. Furthermore, these accounts are riddled with errors. Magee is variously described as second or third in his class at West Point despite the fact that class rankings were not implemented until seven years after his graduation (his "rank," therefore, was a mere coincidence of the calendar). Various accounts state emphatically that he was stationed at Fort Jessup on the Louisiana frontier, even though this fort was not established until 1822—nine years after Magee had died.1 These inaccuracies are compounded by the paltry historical footprint of a man who left few letters, has no known likeness, and died young. What has previously been known about him came from the pen of American special envoy William Shaler, who described Magee as "very tall, very robust, of a handsome person, and countenance, a very commanding appearance as an officer, and of prepossessing manners." Shaler also said Magee was "one of the best-informed officers of his age in the American army, and as far as I have been able to judge of his acquirements he is qualified to add lustre to the American name in the cause he has chosen." Newly discovered family and army records, among other sources, can expand on this otherwise paltry account of a man so crucial to the history of early Texas.2 Augustus Magee was born in Boston in 1789 to James and Margaret Magee. The elder Magee had been born in County Down, Ireland, in 1750, emigrated to North America, and while still in his twenties became a ship's captain. He sailed as a privateer in the American Revolution until his capture in 1781. After the war, he prospered as a trader and married Margaret Elliot, the Bostonian daughter of a successful tobacco dealer. They had nine children. Augustus was the third and youngest son.3 James Magee's life took a prosperous new turn after his wife's niece married Thomas Handasyd Perkins, son of one of the city's great mercantile families. Magee and Perkins formed a partnership and soon became among the leading American merchants in the growing China trade. [End Page 174] Young Augustus was born shortly after his father left on a four-year trip to the Pacific Northwest and the Orient, during which James Magee became the first American to visit Hawaii. The expedition turned an enormous profit, and Magee returned a wealthy man. When Augustus was nine, his father purchased the opulent former mansion of Massachusetts royal governor William Shirley, which sat on thirty-three acres in...

This article examines the consequences of the use of internment without trial in Northern Ireland in the early1970s. The main focus of the article will be how the introduction of the measure effected the foremost republican paramilitary group, the Provisional Irish Republcan Army, during the conflict known as the Troubles. The effects of the measure on unionists and the British will also be considered. How internment helped to internationalise the conflict and the way it influenced other events will be highlighted. The primary argument of the article is that the internment period helped create a core republican community which provided enough support for PIRA for it to carry out its military campaign for almost thirty years.

ABSTRACT This paper explores how and why the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) and the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA) in the Newry-area engaged in a type of violence commonly referred to as ‘punishment attacks’ during the first half-decade of the Troubles. A rich literature has developed to explain the use of punishment attacks, and their consequences, in Northern Ireland’s two largest cities of Belfast and Londonderry/Derry. This paper builds on this work by drawing on the emerging political science literature on rebel governance to develop a resource constraint model and an internal competition model to explain the use of punishment attacks in the rural and semi-rural areas along the border with the Republic of Ireland. The explanatory models are then evaluated against newly collected quantitative data on punishment attacks reported in the Belfast Telegraph from 1974–1975 and qualitative evidence from archival and newspaper sources. The analysis suggests that the resource constraint model provides a better, although imperfect, explanation for PIRA punishment attacks during this period, while the internal competition model provides a better, although imperfect, explanation for OIRA activity.

ABSTRACT Irish People was a New York-based newspaper with the single mission of supporting Catholics in Northern Ireland as they faced discrimination from the British-controlled Ulster government. While Irish American magazines promoted a romantic view of Ireland that encouraged tourism to the Republic of Ireland, Irish People reported on political and social conflict. This article examines Irish People’s role as a propaganda newspaper that targeted the American presidencies of the 1980s and 1990s. While it was mostly a “white propaganda” operation—truthful and overt propaganda—that reported British offenses and applied pressure on the American government to intervene, some of the money the newspaper helped to raise for Northern Irish charities may have gone to the Irish Republican Army.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsMatt FullerMatt Fuller (he/him) is a PhD candidate at the University of Otago in Aotearoa/New Zealand. He earned his IMAS Level Three Explosives Ordnance Disposal Certification from MAT Kosovo in 2022. Previously he was a Lecturer of Philosophy at St. Philip’s College in San Antonio, Texas. His focus is on ethics, post-conflict peacebuilding, and disarmament. E-mail: mattfullerauthor@gmail.com

Journal Article Emmanuel Destenay. Shadows From the Trenches: Veterans of the Great War and the Irish Revolution (1918–1923). Get access Emmanuel Destenay. Shadows From the Trenches: Veterans of the Great War and the Irish Revolution (1918–1923). Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2021. Pp xxv, 218. Paper €30.00. Brian Hughes Brian Hughes Mary Immaculate College, University of Limerick, Ireland Email: Brian.Hughes@mic.ul.ie Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 128, Issue 1, March 2023, Pages 428–429, https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad037 Published: 31 March 2023

Reviewed by: Las Hermanas De Manolete by Alicia Montesquiu, and: Entre Sevilla y Triana Duncan Wheeler LAS HERMANAS DE MANOLETE. By Alicia Montesquiu. Directed by Gabriel Olivares. Teatro Fernán Gómez, Centro Cultural de la Villa, Madrid. January 23, 2022. ENTRE SEVILLA Y TRIANA. Music by Pablo Sorozábal. Libretto by Luis Fernández de Se-villa and Luis Tejedor. Teatro de la Zarzuela, Madrid. January 28, 2022. Historical memory is a hot topic in Spanish theatre and society more generally. The long Franco regime (1939–1975) came to an end only when the dictator died in his bed in November 1975. A relatively peaceful transition was predicated on a tacit agreement by the major players not to weaponize the past, moving forward with the consensus politics enshrined in the 1978 constitution. In the twenty-first century, there is a growing divide between citizens who believe it best to let sleeping dogs lie and those who contend that the existence of mass graves and a denial of the country’s traumatic past is an obstacle to the consolidation of a mature political democracy and broader social wellbeing. Madrid’s “Teatro del barrio” [Neighborhood Theatre], which was established in 2013, has, for example, provided a vibrant forum for practitioners, activists and audiences emotionally and politically invested in disinterring the original sins of the dictatorship and the so-called “regime of 78.” While there is a loyal clientele for such initiatives, attending sold-out productions at this hipster hangout in a multicultural neighborhood is not necessarily representative of where the conversation is heading more broadly. Merely referencing censorship alongside the use of non-traditional framing devices—the zarzuela (light Spanish opera) Doña Francisquita was adapted for television during the dictatorship—prompted catcalls from an older and generally more conservative clientele at Madrid’s Zarzuela Theatre in 2019. In this publically funded space, a 2021–2022 staging of Entre Sevilla y Triana was far less polemical. Understanding how and why a production of this zarzuela did not offend conservative sensibilities—in spite of touching on a number of the same unsettling themes that a recently premiered new play, Las hermanas de Manolete, also did—offers new sociological and theatrical insight into the cultural politics of contemporary Spain. Manuel Laureano Rodríguez Sánchez, known professionally as “Manolete,” was the most important matador of Spain’s post-Civil War years. Beyond his prowess with the sword, he was a national hero because audiences during the so-called “years of hunger,” identified with an idol who had a melancholy countenance and emaciated frame. After Manolete died in 1947, gored in the ring, his mother, Angustias Sánchez, and his inner professional circle ostracized his lover, the actress Lupe Sino. In a previous life, she had been married to a Republican army soldier during the Civil War (1936–1939) and was rumored to have made a living as a sex worker after he was jailed. Much of the cultural production surrounding Manolete—see, for example, the film A Matador’s Mistress (Menno Meyjes, 2008) starring Adrien Brody and Penélope Cruz—hinges on the melodrama of a mythical icon caught between a passionate love affair and an over-protective Bernarda Alba-style mother. The underlying conceit of Las hermanas de Manolete is the making of a documentary film about Lupe Sino, but the play itself is set almost entirely in the home of Manolete’s sisters, the more sympathetic of whom has learning difficulties. They reminisce about the past and dissect their brother’s relationship, which began in the infamous Chicote cocktail bar, the place to score a plethora of drugs from cocaine to penicillin (a game-changer for the life expectancy of matadors). Click for larger view View full resolution Alicia Cabrera and Alicia Montesquiu in a rehearsal for Las hermanas de Manolete, Photo by Kike Parra. The first husband of Manolete’s mother was a bullfighter who died of tuberculosis. She remarried another bullfighter who also died young. Manolete, her only son, was born of this second marriage. The future matador left school at twelve to help provide for his mother and five (half-)sisters. To a large extent, the Spanish Civil...

The Borderlands

Las Acciones Bélicas por el Impuesto a la Coca, la Sal y la Violencia en Huanta, Región Ayacucho, Perú. Es resultado de un trabajo de investigación serio, con integridad y transparencia. Se obtuvo: Primero, el análisis de lasacciones bélicas de los iquichanos, replegados por el ejército republicano.Segundo, la movilización de los iquichanos en rechazo por el pago del impuesto de la coca, bajo el mando de José Antonio Naval Huachaca y de Nicolás Zoregui, ex-oficial del ejército español, ocuparon Huanta y la convirtieron en el centro de sus guerrillas.Tercero, los campesinos de Huanta junto con un grupo de hacendados partidarios de Cácereslucharon contra los chilenos. Un grupo de huantinos, hacendados y campesinos de Huamanga, incluyendo Cangallo, recibieron a los invasores chilenos.Cuarto, la propuesta de una reforma edutiva delgobierno militar Juan Velasco Alvaradoarhacia la formación de un nuevo hombre que partícipe de manera libre, justa, solidaria y desarrollada en valores nacionalistas.Quinto, las movilizaciones en Huanta y Huamanga en defensade la gratuidad de la enseñanza; la masacre en Uchuraccay;el atentado en Callqui; la desaparición del periodista Jaime Ayala; finalmente el atentado contra los periodistas Hugo Bustíos y Eduardo Rojas.Materialesutilizados: libros, tesis y artículos científicos. Método científico utilizado,la etnografía, ayudó en la descripción y explicación de los contenidos. La ciencia utilizad es la Historiografíaque ayudó a una mejor comprensión de los hechos.La metodología utilizada es de tipo descriptivo, explicativo y no experimental.Palabras claveAcciones bélicas, iquichanos, impuesto, masacre, violencia.

Rehabilitation for Dutch draft dodgers in connection with the Indonesian war of independence Between 1945 and 1949, ten thousands young men were, as conscripts for military service, sent to Indonesia, to join the Dutch colonial army in what at that time was called a ‘politionele actie’ (operation to restore order and security), but in fact was a war against the Indonesian Republican army fighting for independency. Some thousands of them refused to join, and were prosecuted and convicted to severe prison sentences. In February 2022, the Dutch government recognized – urged by the publication of the findings of three institutes that did research about the violence applied by the Dutch military during the independence war – that this violence was of a ‘structural extreme’ nature. Therefore, the refusers of military service have to be rehabilitated. The government up to today presented no proposals for a regulation of such a kind. Arguably, legislation is necessary to create that regulation. It would do justice to the refusers (a few of whom are still living), who by their choice were ‘on the right side of history’.

This article analyses the association between crime and terrorism in the Middle East. Diversification has been key to their survival and these groups systematically engage in less policed forms of illicit trade where they can make regular profits to sustain activities with minimal disruption to their supply chains. The Middle East region has witnessed a myriad of challenges ranging from political, authoritarian regimes, poverty, and economic to social problems. These difficulties are easily manipulated by radical terrorist organisations. There is also the wider consequence of the criminalised global Muslim community, travelling to the Middle East and participating in the terrorist activities of the Islamic State (ISIS). These individuals or groups may eventually return to their home countries and pose a significant security threat. Criminality being leveraged as a result of those push factors is not a new idea. The Taliban have capitalised on Afghan heroin production while Hezbollah has benefited from the South American illicit narcotics trade for decades while the Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) involvement with contraband cigarettes and the counterfeit of consumer goods have also been documented. Their actions become rationalised. The crime terror nexus is also not limited to conventional terror groups such as ISIS. When looking at the escalating Lone Wolf Terrorism (LWT) phenomenon, Zeman, et. al. (2018), determined that previous criminal history constituted almost 60 per cent of the sample taken. These findings reflect those of Gill, et al. (2016) where it was found that close to half of the lone wolves studied had previous criminal convictions. Hamm & Spaaij (2017) also demonstrates the role criminality plays in the radicalisation process. A strong conclusion can be made: The convergence of criminal and terrorist agendas is real and has profound implications for how jihadists, groups or otherwise operate adding yet another layer for PCVE advocates to overcome.

"This Abominable Evil Is the Source of Fetid Corruption":The IRA's 1920 War on Poitín Caoimhín de Barra (bio) As the Irish Republican Army waged war on crown forces during the Irish War of Independence, British control of large parts of Ireland collapsed. The escalating conflict was a boon for those who could profit from the slackening of law and order, especially those in the business of illegal distillation. This raised a dilemma for republican paramilitaries. Fighting a guerilla campaign against an enemy with significant advantages in terms of financing and equipment, the IRA could scarcely afford to divert resources toward combating the poitín trade in the Irish countryside. Yet it did. In fact, the second half of 1920 witnessed a serious campaign in which local IRA commanders, acting on their own initiative, sought to destroy the illicit-whiskey trade. Over the following six months IRA poitín raids took place across the north, west, and south, with stills seized in Kerry, Galway, Mayo, Sligo, Donegal, Tyrone, Cavan, Monaghan, Antrim, and Armagh. Exactly how many such operations took place is difficult to ascertain. After all, members of an illegal organization searching for fellow lawbreakers engaged in criminality was not the kind of activity that generated exhaustively detailed written records. But based on newspaper reports and witness statements, a conservative estimate is that the Irish Volunteers conducted about one hundred such raids in the second half of 1920. Some of these operations could be quite extensive. One raid at Ballyscally in Tyrone involved thirty men, while a report in the Anglo-Celt claimed (possibly with some exaggeration) that the seizure of a still at a farmer's house at Ture in Monaghan included between two and three hundred participants.1 An article in [End Page 283] the Sligo Champion described a series of poitín raids in the townland of Masshill, reporting that: It is rumoured that about forty men were engaged, and that the operations were carried out in real military style. Sentries and outposts were thrown out. A line of communication was kept up between the raiding party and the outposts by means of dispatch riders and signaling with cycle lamps. The orders were given to the men through a megaphone, and the houses to be raided were approached and surrounded without the least noise.2 This scene naturally raises some questions. Why was the IRA engaged in this kind of activity at all? We also might wonder what was the reaction of the ordinary men and women of Ireland, the people on whose behalf the Irish Volunteers claimed to be fighting, to the effort to stamp out poitín distillation. Why did the crusade against "mountain dew" stop as abruptly as it started, and what insight does it offer into the vision of a new Ireland that these revolutionaries had? The IRA was motivated by a number of factors. Firstly, as an entity dedicated to overthrowing the system, the IRA was committed to a new society, and for many of them alcohol's place needed to be tempered. Secondly, the IRA understood that suppressing poitín had public-relations potential. After all, it wanted the Irish public to recognize the IRA as the legal authority on the island, and what better way to demonstrate its fitness to rule than holding illicit-whiskey distillers to account? Thirdly, as the Catholic church was also morally opposed to poitín, the IRA hoped that tackling the manufacture and distribution of moonshine would reinforce the sense that it was doing God's work. Hence the Irish Volunteers often displayed the captured tools of the trade, such as stills and worms, on church grounds on Sundays. The topic of poitín and the IRA during the War of Independence has received very little attention. In Michael Hopkinson's The Irish War of Independence and Charles Townshend's The Republic: The Fight for Irish Freedom, for example, poitín is barely mentioned at all, with both books dedicating only a sentence to it.3 John Borganovo is [End Page 284] similarly brief when broaching the topic in his recent essay "Peasant Resistance Traditions and the Irish...

Abstract The paper provides a theoretical framework for categorizing organized crime groups based on what they do – whether they produce, trade or govern – as well as their aims. This paper then tests whether the internal structure of a heroin distribution organization in New York City, a Sicilian mafia group and the Provisional Irish Republican Army differ. Applying Exponential Random Graph Models (ERGMs) methods to network data, we find the organizational structure of trade-type organized crime differs markedly from governance-type, as well as between financially-motivated and politically-motivated groups. Trade-type organized crime and financially-motivated groups display a high level of centralization, an even distribution of clustering values, short paths and low homophily. Governance-type organized crime and politically-motivated groups display the opposite features. We conclude that the core activity and aim of the group are crucial in understanding the organizational structure.

ABSTRACT The case of Northern Ireland and ex-IRA informers demonstrates the difficulty of dealing with the informer legacy post-conflict. We explain why Sinn Féin and the UK state have dealt with some conflict legacy cases involving informers but not with others. Contemporary political and reputational reasons are an important explanation, but there are also legal considerations and communal pressures at play. Divisions amongst alleged and self-confessed informers further facilitate this unstructured approach to legacy. These difficulties with informers’ legacy are not unique to Northern Ireland. Similar challenges in reconciling former state agents with paramilitaries are evident across other conflicts.

During the Spanish Civil War, the Spanish anarchist movement became not only the driving force behind a social revolution but an active participant in an increasingly modern conflict which would eventually see thousands of its affiliates and militants serving on the frontline within the Republican Army. This article proposes to examine how military images, themes and symbols came to dominate anarchism's wartime culture, in the process reconciling their antimilitarist ideals with front-line service and asserting their exceptional quality as antifascist warriors. Examining a geographically and ideologically broad set of cultural materials, this article demonstrates a high degree of participation by many sections of the anarchist movement in the heavily militarised culture of the wartime Republic and European antifascism. This manifested itself in cults of battlefield heroism, the veneration of combative masculinity and the situating of ‘the front’ as the moral centre of the movement.