Representative Democracy Research Articles

Election Campaigns in Government Facilities, Places of Worship, and Places of Education

The utilization of educational places is prohibited as a campaign implementation. In the application submitted by the Petitioner in Constitutional Court Decision Number 65/PUU-XXI/2023 explained that the Explanation of Article 280 paragraph (1) letter h, based on reasonable reasoning, will certainly result in constitutional losses to the Plaintiffs as voters and/or as candidates for DKI Jakarta Provincial DPRD members, namely the occurrence of legal uncertainty in the prohibition of campaigns using government facilities, places of worship, and places of education. The legal uncertainty occurs because of the contradiction between the Explanation of the Article and its subject matter (contradictio in terminis). The existence of contradictio in terminis can be seen where Article 280 paragraph (1) letter h has expressly prohibited without exception and without conditions campaigns using government facilities, places of worship and places of education, but in its Explanation it actually excludes it with the condition that it is invited by the person in charge and without campaign attributes The existence of 2 (two) provisions that regulate differently (although the Explanation of the Article is not a norm but contains the formulation of norms) has resulted in legal norms becoming uncertain. The research used in this study is a type of library research based on normative research. By examining legal materials contained in various sources such as laws and regulations, court decisions, books, journals, and other articles, it is hoped that it can produce concepts and ideas related to the prohibitions in the campaign based on the perspective of democratic elections. So that the sources of normative research come from literature data, as mentioned earlier.

Civic Subjecthood: The Hybridization and Reformulation of Subjecthood and Citizenship in Brunei

ABSTRACT This article examines Brunei’s state formation and development from 1906 until 2023 to demonstrate the hybridization and reformulation of subjecthood and citizenship within the last absolute monarchy in the Asia-Pacific region. The absence of active political parties and calls for a representative government has led most scholars to portray Bruneians as passive subjects of the Sultan. Such a portrayal is inaccurate; Bruneians are both citizens and subjects. The article thus introduces a new category of political membership based on synthesized ideas of subjecthood and citizenship, termed here, “civic subjecthood.” This coexistence is only possible as a result of the British residential system, which was established in the Bruneian Sultanate at the beginning of the twentieth century. The British resident initially created a dual-state apparatus – consisting of the traditional negara and the modern state – to keep the façade of indigenous rule in Brunei. However, the Sultan of Brunei and the traditional ruling class eventually took control of both apparatuses after abolishing the residential system in September 1959. Both apparatuses function to this day, allowing for the coexistence of subjecthood and citizenship in the country.

Explaining Deviant Voting in Subnational Elections: The Case of Local Council Elections in Germany

Elections in multi-level systems are challenging for voters because they are supposed to hold political representatives accountable in a complex system of responsibilities. Therefore, when casting their votes in elections at different levels of government, level-specific factors should be of relevance for voters when making voting decisions. We compare deviant voting behaviour in two specific types of local democracy, namely those where institutional and political factors cluster differently. While local candidate-oriented democracies are characterised by candidate-centred voting systems and local party systems with low degrees of nationalisation, local party-oriented democracies are characterised by closed list systems and local party systems that show high degrees of nationalisation. Using individual and aggregate data on local elections in Germany from 2014, we show that voters in local candidate-oriented democracies seem to be more affected by local factors when casting their votes. However, we also show that our results depend on the respective measurement strategies for deviant voting, as local vote intention in free list systems may be measured in alternative ways. The paper makes a significant contribution to the understanding of deviant and local voting behaviour in multi-level democracies with different voting systems.

Comparisons of Different Representative Species Selection Schemes for Reduced-Order Modeling and Chemistry Acceleration of Complex Hydrocarbon Fuels

The simulation of engine combustion processes, such as autoignition, an important process in the co-optimization of fuel-engine design, can be computationally expensive due to the large number of thermo-chemical scalars needed to describe the full chemical system. Yet, the inherent correlations between the different chemical species during oxidation can significantly reduce the complexity of representing this system. One strategy is to select a subset of representative species that accurately captures the combustion process at a fraction of the computational cost of the full system. In this study, we compare the performance of four different techniques to select these species. They include the two-step principal component analysis (PCA) approach, directed relation graphs (DRGs), the global pathway selection (GPS) approach, and the manifold-informed species selection method. A parametric study of the representative species selection is carried out on data from the simulation of homogeneous and perfectly stirred reactors by investigating seven cumulative variances and 47 different cut-off percentages for the two-step PCA, and 65 and 51 thresholds for the DRGs and GPS, respectively. Results show that these selection methods capture key important species that can accurately describe the chemical system and track each stage of oxidation. The two-step PCA is sensitive to the cumulative variance, and DRGs and GPS are sensitive to the choice of target variables. By selecting key representative species and reducing the number of thermo-chemical scalars, these three methods can be used to develop computationally efficient hybrid chemistry schemes.

Is science to be trusted? How environmentally active youths relate to science in social media.

Research has shown a great distrust among youths toward political representatives, who they demand should "listen to the science." However, less research has been done on youths' own trust in science. This study explores and explains how youths who are environmentally active in two different environmental youth organizations relate to science in social media, whether they trust science, and how youths' relation to science creates a discursive context in which they may develop their identity. The study uses the approach of discourse analysis to examine social media content published on Facebook by Fridays for Future Sweden and Fältbiologerna (the Swedish Field Biologists). The study shows (i) how subject positions for scientists and youth are created in relation to one another based on different expressions of youths' trust in science and (ii) how environmental youth organizations, by identifying with science, make youths important actors in the discourse on climate change.

Modern Life-Building as a Biopower Strategy: Developing Sports Spaces in Urban, Rural and Industrial Areas in Turkey

In the early Republican period of Turkey (1923–1945), the newly established state provided a biopolitical agenda for developing modern and secular life in order to break the Ottoman heritage religious-traditional social structure. Thereupon, sports, as an indicator of modernization, took an important place in the biopolitics of the regime. Sports spaces were instrumentalized as a medium where biopower infiltrated to build a modern life. In order to effectively accomplish the modern life-building project, the Republican Regime invited international modernist architects to insert sports spaces into the social realm in urban, rural, and industrial areas. Accordingly, this paper explores sports-related spaces as a biopolitical agenda of the Republican Regime in the discourse of planning the city of Ankara and rural and industrial areas. Exploring history through the lens of sports reveals how the city of Ankara and rural and industrial areas formed a spatialized approach to the Republican Regime as a biopower to develop modern life.

Factors Influencing Voting Decisions: Comprehensive Study in Badhan, Eyl, and Qardho Districts of Puntland State of Somalia

This study assessed the factors influencing voting decisions in the Puntland state of Somalia. A quantitative research approach was used in this study. The study was guided by three objectives, which included, a) To find out factors influencing voting decisions in Puntland democratic elections, b) To assess the role of clan elders in the voting decisions in Puntland democratic elections, and c) To assess if there are significant relationships between money and voting decisions in Puntland democratic elections. A detailed literature review and a standardized questionnaire were used in data collection. The study contacted 382 respondents who consisted of registered voters in the Qardho, Badhan, and Eyl districts, the data was analysed using descriptive statistics. The study assesses different variables to determine the factors affecting voting decisions including personality traits, political ideology, tribe, media, political parties, and candidate characteristics. A significant majority of respondents (88.48%), acknowledged that a candidate’s personality traits played a role in influencing their voting decision. Similarly, when queried about the role of political ideology in their voting decisions, most respondents (88.40%) agreed. Regarding the influence of tribal affiliations on voting decisions, a considerable proportion of respondents (72.51%) admitted that tribe played a significant role. Respondents were also asked about the involvement of clan elders in directing their voting choices, with a noteworthy 88.74% stating that their clan elders did not instruct them to support a specific political party. Furthermore, all respondents (100%) affirmed that they had not accepted money in exchange for their votes. This suggests that financial factors did not directly influence the voting decisions of respondents. However, a majority (60.99%) reported that they had either witnessed or heard of instances where money was exchanged for votes during elections in Puntland. This indicates that while respondents themselves were not personally affected by vote buying, they were aware of its prevalence in the electoral process. The study recommends that transparency in political funding, strengthening independency media, enhancing civil engagement, combating vote buying, and promoting inclusivity and diversity are necessary for shaping the democratic process in Puntland as well as improving voting decisions

Mandi Lok Sabha Showdown: Royal King Vs Bollywood Queen

The southern states of Kerala and Karnataka will be the centre of attention as India’s massive parliamentary elections enter their second of seven phases on April 26. On April 19, India’s general election for the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha, began. On June 4, the outcomes of the biggest democratic election in history will be made public. The two main alliances, aside from a number of regional and national contenders, are the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), led by the main opposition Indian National Congress, and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which is led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). India’s political scene frequently features captivating contests characterised by the coming together of disparate identities and backgrounds. This phenomenon is best exemplified by the upcoming election between two strong candidates, Bollywood star Kangana Ranaut and Royal scion Vikramaditya Singh, for the Mandi Lok Sabha seat in Himachal Pradesh. Through shedding light on the complex issues involved in the conflict between the conventional aristocracy, represented by Vikramaditya Singh, and the magnetism of Bollywood fame, personified by Kangana Ranaut, this research adds to a deeper understanding of the changing landscape of Indian politics, where identity politics and personality cults collide with the established power system.

Prospects For Integration and Obstacles to Democracy. Eu’s Role in The Albanian Political Crises

More than three decades after the totalitarian regime collapse, Albania is still categorized as a hybrid democracy despite having made consistent strides toward becoming a liberal democracy. Most local political leaders have remained antagonistic towards liberal democratic principles. In 2019, relations between the European Union (EU) and Albania were at a special stage of development. After a difficult period and tensions in the EU, the European Council decided to postpone the decision to start membership talks with Albania and North Macedonia. Apart from this issue, Albania had other challenges in 2019, including institutional and political conflict, justice reform, the fight against corruption, and the consolidation of democratic structures. This article examines the intricate connections that Albanian political representatives and institutions maintain with foreign organizations and entities. It specifically highlights the role that the EU Delegation played in mediating the political and institutional crises of 2019. Although the external incentives models provide a useful foundation for understanding Albania's Europeanization process, other factors that may be relevant and encourage the ongoing democratization and rule adoption are indicated by the country's low membership credibility.

The Parliamentary Democracy in Pakistan: 2002-2018

Democracy is widely acknowledged as the preeminent political system in contemporary society. Countries that have successfully implemented a robust democratic system and demonstrate a high regard for their parliamentary institutions are thriving globally. The fundamental components of a democratic system encompass a legislative body, a judiciary that operates autonomously, and an effective executive branch. It is imperative that these three institutions operate within their designated spheres of authority and adhere to the principles outlined in the constitution. In addition, elections that are free from manipulation serve as the fundamental mechanism for guaranteeing the adequate representation of the populace. The democratic system ensures the protection of the well-being of individuals during the legislative process. Pakistan adopted a democratic system of governance within its borders. The Pakistani populace and its political representatives have significantly contributed to the process of democratization. The constitutional history of Pakistan has been marked by the interference of both military and civilian dictators, which has hindered the development of the country's democratic and parliamentary culture. Indeed, it is evident that the prevailing consensus has consistently exhibited a favorable disposition towards military governance, while concurrently acknowledging the recurrent interference of the military in impeding the advancement of civilian-led administrations. This research aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the performance of the Pakistan parliament between 2002 and 2018, with the objective of enhancing democratic processes. This thesis examines the role of democracy and assesses the various factors that have undermined the essence of democracy in Pakistan. Additionally, it provides several recommendations to enhance parliamentary democracy in the country.

ANALISIS PENGELOLAAN LOGISTIK PEMILU 2024 KPU PROVINSI JAWA TIMUR

Indonesia is a democratic country that uses an electoral system for every change of president. High quality general elections are very important to realize people's sovereignty in a democratic state government based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. To hold democratic elections, professional election organizers are needed who have integrity, capacity and accountability. The General Election Commission is an example. In this research, the author uses a descriptive approach as a qualitative research method. Qualitative research is a type of research that describes and analyzes events, phenomena, social activities, attitudes, beliefs, perceptions and thoughts of individuals and groups. Data was collected from interviews with three informants from the General Election Commission, which is responsible for logistics management for the 2024 election. As shown by the distribution of logistics for the 2024 election, the results show that the East Java Province General Election Commission manages state property well, including logistics election. However, several improvements and strengthening are needed in the human resources sector as well as warehouse and other logistics infrastructure so that the upcoming General Election can take place optimally and according to planning. Our common goal is successful simultaneous elections in 2024 with transparent financial administration and accountability. Keywords: Management; Elections; KPU

FOUNDATION OF THE EAST INDEPENDENCE COURT, ACTION AND ADJUDICATORY PROCEDURES

The Independence Courts, which carried out trials within the framework of ensuring the authority of the Turkish Grand National Assembly during the years of the War of Independence, continued their activities to ensure the establishment of the Turkish Revolution after the adoption of the Republican regime. As a matter of fact, in an environment where disagreements about developments such as the abolition of the Sultanate, the proclamation of the Republic and the abolition of the Caliphate deepened, the Sheikh Said Rebellion, which led to the establishment of the Eastern Independence Court, broke out. Fethi (Okyar) Bey, who was criticized for being passive in taking measures against the rebellion, resigned and İsmet (İnönü) Pasha was appointed to form the new government. On March 4, 1925, when the new government was formed, the Law on Recognition of Sukuk, which gave extraordinary powers to the government, was passed by the Parliament. After the approval of the Takrir-i Sükûn Law, the government's proposal to establish two separate Independence Courts, one in Ankara and the other in the rebellion zone, was also accepted. On March 7, 1925, the election of the president, prosecutor and member was held for both Independence Courts by the Turkish Grand National Assembly. As a result of the election, Hacim Muhiddin (Çarıklı) became the President of the Eastern Independence Court, Ahmed Süreyya Örgeevren became the Prosecutor, Ali Saib (Ursavaş) Bey, Avni (Doğan) Bey and Lütfi Müfid (Özdeş) Bey set off to Diyarbakır on 12 April 1925 and started their work. The court, according to the Law of Takrir-i Sükûn, was going to make judgments about reaction, rebellion, movements and publications that wanted to disrupt the peace and security of the country. The Eastern Independence Court, which continued its duty by traveling around the region, especially in Diyarbakır, Elazığ, Malatya and Urfa, had the authority to implement its decisions. The task of the Eastern Independence Court, which continued its activities for around two years with six-month extensions, was terminated with the Assembly Decision dated March 7, 1927.

Democratic “Fall,” China’s Rise, and the Limits of Illiberal Realignment in East Asia

Like much of the rest of the world, East Asia (Northeast and Southeast Asia) has recently experienced a democratic “fall” in which several electoral democracies have undergone autocratization. This synchronized with China’s rise through what can be called illiberal realignment as autocratizing regimes in the region have sought increasing material and ideological support from Beijing in the face of Western human rights criticism and occasional (although usually only the threat of ) sanctions. China has viewed this regress as a rejection of “Western-style democracy.” Yet a democratic “spring” which preceded the fall left a legacy of democratic normativity in the region as backsliding regimes continued to seek legitimacy through (however unfair and unfree) elections and (partial) liberalization. Residual democratic normativity combined with geopolitical insecurities have limited the region’s illiberal realignment toward China during this democratic fall.

Politico vivere in Niccolò Machiavelli and Donato Giannotti: Monarchy, Republicanism and Mixed Government in Florence

ABSTRACT The tensions between monarchy and republicanism are a dominant feature of Machiavelli’s political works, and both the so-called ‘monarchical’ work, The Prince, and the more overtly republican Discourses laud the benefits of republicanism and warn against relying on hereditary monarchy. This article compares Machiavelli’s proposals, advanced in 1520, for a mixed constitution for the city of Florence with those of his younger compatriot, Donato Giannotti, who became secretary to the Ten in the last Florentine republican government of 1527-30. As the historical context changed, and Florence progressed from republic to absolutist duchy under the later Medici, Giannotti was exiled from the city and the article examines how his proposed reforms of 1528 and then his major work, Della republica fiorentina, drafted and redrafted between 1531 and 1538 as the politics of Florence changed, reinforce and expand Machiavelli’s views of politico vivere in a republican polity like Florence whose constitution was being dramatically rewritten.

"Political Romanticism" and "Aesthetic Politics": Content, Comparison, Criticism

Relevance. In Western political philosophy and political theory, the judgment that modern democracy does not have a satisfactory general ("synoptic") theory, has the status of (almost) universal significance ‒ the philosophical interpretation of this "situation" is an urgent research task for modern political philosophy.Purpose. The representation of the political in the "concept of the political" and the "economic paradigm of the political" reveals identical characteristic features; the configuration of their unity and the assessment attributed to them differ ‒ the goal is to understand the different meanings attributed to the same "phenomena" and "processes" of modernity in conceptual frameworks defined by opposite paradigms.Objectives. The method of determining the actual policy in the horizon of "metaphysical principles" is demonstrated. The fundamentals of the paradigmatic representation of the political and the principles of constructing the narrative of modern liberal democracy are revealed. The procedure of giving credibility to theoretical judgments about the political is analyzed. Methodology. The paradigmatic representation of the political can be understood, and only as a result explained; understanding refers to the real concept, explanation – to reality; the combination of the "real" and "real" distinguished in the tradition of Western philosophy takes place in a philosophical concept; the formation of the concept presupposes philosophical interest; philosophical hermeneutics and deduction provide tools suitable for understanding the political in unity: from "metaphysical foundations" to practical politics. Results. The statement about the romantic nature of the modern representation of the political in the liberal economic paradigm looks reliable. It is proved that historical and aesthetic representation, more than «mimetic», fulfills the imperatives attributed to the modern form of political – Western representative democracy. The evidence of the necessary replacement of the «center of political ontology» from the sovereign to an «empty place» is demonstrated.Conclusions. Representative democracy, romantic and postmodern, is a necessary and legitimate form of the modern liberal way of representing the political. The main task of aesthetic politics is supposed to ensure security: "keep to the middle and avoid extremes", exclude an event, normalize the political, that is, to banalize politics.

Science in a World of Politics

Abstract The present article discusses scientific research in relation to the norms of representative democracy, arguing that politicians are committed to base their policy on scientific evidence. It is argued that people have both natural interests and social interests and that our natural interests, which we have acquired through natural selection and adaptation, are best taken care of by a representative democracy in which science proliferates. The article also argues why politicians and the public should trust science as the best means to fulfil our natural interests.

A sociocultural approach to voting: Construing voting as a duty to others predicts political interest and engagement

A representative democracy requires citizens to be politically engaged; however, a substantial portion of eligible United States voters do not vote. While structural (e.g., ease or difficulty of voting) and individual (e.g., political efficacy, civic knowledge) factors contribute to (a lack of) turnout, the present work adopts a sociocultural perspective to investigate an additional contributor: how people construe-or make sense of-the duty to vote. We examine whether, and for whom, construing voting as interdependent (i.e., voting as a duty to others), compared to independent (i.e., voting as a duty to self), is associated with increased perceived duty and political engagement. Archival analysis (n[Formula: see text] 10,185) documents how perceived duty to vote relates to voter turnout in a nationally representative sample of Americans (Study 1). Two preregistered studies (total n[Formula: see text] 1,256) provide evidence that naturalistically construing one's duty to vote as interdependent (Study 2) and experimentally reflecting on interdependence (Study 3) both predict increases in perceived voting duty. Perceived duty to vote, in turn, is associated with heightened political engagement intentions. Taken together, the present work suggests that how voting is construed-as an independent duty to the self or an interdependent duty to others-may meaningfully influence political engagement, with implications for voter turnout interventions.

Vox populi, vox dei? The effect of sociotropic and egocentric incongruence on democratic preferences

AbstractSystemic congruence between the whole legislature and the whole electorate (‘many‐to‐many’, or sociotropic congruence) should be the benchmark to evaluate a democratic system. Yet, most studies link shifts in democratic preferences to individual‐level representation (‘many‐to‐one’, or egocentric incongruence), since individual‐level representation failures should be more salient and visible for individual citizens. We argue that the sociotropic incongruence hypothesis has not been appropriately tested to date, because the measure does not vary at individual level in observational data. Using an experiment conducted in France, we manipulate various sociotropic (in)congruence scenarios at the individual level. In addition to the incongruence hypotheses, our original experiment tests whether offering expertise‐based justifications to incongruence attenuates the backlash against representatives. We find that, even when giving sociotropic incongruence a fair test, egocentric incongruence still consistently shapes democratic preferences, while the effect of sociotropic incongruence remains negligible. Furthermore, we find that narratives rooted in expertise claims do not attenuate the effect of representation failure on backlash against representative democracy: they exacerbate it.

Democratic Erosion, Partisanship, and Election Observers: Evidence from a Survey Experiment

To what extent do voters support election observation missions (EOMs) monitoring their elections? Building on but departing from prior work, we argue that citizens’ support for election observation missions likely depends on their partisanship. To test our argument, we conduct a survey experiment with a national sample of about 3, 500 Americans in the run-up to the 2020 United States presidential election. Respondents read an adapted news article about the deployment of common interventions in the upcoming election. To test our theoretical expectations, we randomize the partisan source endorsing the interventions. We find that respondents who self-identify as Democrats and Independents/Others are much less likely to support election observers when endorsed by Trump. In addition, Democrats are more likely to support election observers if they read that Biden approves of them. In contrast, Republicans are less likely to support an intervention if they read the same. Our results contribute to ongoing debates about how to promote and defend free elections in backsliding or democratizing countries and, more generally, to the literatures on election observation and public opinion.

Limits of state influence on the economy in times of war in the context of upholding and implementing socio-economic human rights

The article emphasizes that the war in Ukraine poses complex challenges to the state, with the need to balance the need to strengthen state regulation of the economy to meet defense needs and preserve the principles of the free market. This balance becomes particularly acute in the context of upholding and implementing socio-economic human rights, which may be restricted in times of war. The authors investigate the limits of state influence on the economy in wartime, taking into account the need to uphold and implement socio-economic human rights, and also explore various strategies of state intervention in the economy in wartime, such as imposing economic sanctions, stimulating the production of military equipment and providing financial support for humanitarian needs. The authors propose a comprehensive analysis of the limits and instruments of state influence on the economy in wartime, taking into account the need to uphold and implement socio-economic human rights. It is argued that the limits and instruments of state influence on the economy, which ensure a balance between the needs of defense, market functioning and upholding of socio-economic human rights, should be defined by law. The current situation of the state’s economy is described. The socio-economic perspectives of post-war reconstruction of Ukraine are characterized. Recommendations for improving the mechanisms of state regulation of the economy in times of war are developed. In particular, the author emphasizes that the longer the war lasts, the deeper the economic crisis will become and the more negative the impact on the socio-economic sphere will increase. This is due to numerous factors, such as: destruction of infrastructure; decline in production; loss of jobs; rising prices; and reduced trade. In view of the significant economic risks, the authors conclude that the political authorities and representatives of civil society should focus their joint efforts on: infrastructure reconstruction; support for small and medium-sized entrepreneurship; social assistance; investments in education and healthcare; and international cooperation.