Representation Of African Americans Research Articles

Mission Unify: Holistic Admissions Policies Should Include Both African American and Non-African American Blacks.

To the Editor: We congratulate Poole and colleagues for their thought-provoking Perspective on the challenges of diversity initiatives in medicine. The authors present two arguments to justify adequate representation of African Americans in medical school admissions: a social justice argument supported by affirmative action policies1 and a patient outcomes–based argument focused on racial or ethnically concordant care.2 Their first argument is sufficiently justified on its own. However, by conflating it with their second argument, the authors weaken their stance. Poole and colleagues suggest that improved clinical outcomes due to race concordance may justify affirmative action policies that recruit African Americans preferentially over non–African American Blacks. However, there is no evidence to support this notion. In fact, a prior study2 demonstrated that racial—and not ethnically—concordant care may be associated with improved clinical outcomes and better patient experience. Furthermore, there is no evidence in support of a difference between the proportion of African American versus non–African American Blacks practicing in underserved communities.3 In our experiences as first- and second-generation Nigerian American immigrant physicians practicing in different geographic regions of the United States, Black patients rarely inquire about the ethnicity of their Black clinicians as a prerequisite for seeking care. Nor does ethnicity appear to influence treatment adherence. If our objective is to improve clinical outcomes for underserved patients, an effective strategy is to increase the pool of qualified Black medical school applicants using holistic admissions processes. However, the application of genealogical assessments to identify suitable medical school candidates is divisive. With growing rates of immigration to the United States, interethnic and interracial mixing, how do medical school admissions committees quantify the appropriate level of “African Americanness”? Narrow definitions of race, ethnicity, and cultural experience come at the expense of inclusion and validation of all underrepresented Blacks in medicine. There is a critical need to improve diversity in the health care workforce. Strategies implemented early in the educational pipeline to increase exposure of African American students to the health sciences are lacking. Proposed solutions should not create more challenges for underrepresented Blacks and should focus on promoting unity. Uchenna Ikediobi, MD, MPHAssistant professor, Departments of Medicine and Infectious Disease, Yale University School of Medicine, New Haven, Connecticut; [email protected]Nneka Comfere, MDProfessor, Departments of Dermatology, and Laboratory Medicine and Pathology, Mayo Clinic, Rochester, Minnesota; [email protected]; ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8001-2639.Ogechi Ikediobi, MD, PharmD, PhDDermatology resident, University of California, San Diego, San Diego, California; [email protected]

Earning the Trust of African American Communities to Increase Representation in Dementia Research.

Black/African American populations are underrepresented as participants in dementia research. A major barrier to participation of African American older adults in dementia research is a tendency to distrust research institutions owing to both historical and contemporary racism. Building on the Ford framework, the objective of our study was to examine factors that influence participation in dementia research among African American older adults and caregivers, with an emphasis on understanding factors related to trust. Data were collected during January 2019 and March 2020 from 10 focus groups with African American older adults (n=91), 5 focus groups with caregivers (n=44), and interviews with administrators of community-based organizations (n=11), and meetings with our Community Advisory Board. Inductive/deductive content analysis was used to identify themes. The results identified an overall tension between distrust of researchers and a compelling desire to engage in dementia research. This overarching theme was supported by six themes that provided insights about the multiple layers of distrust, as well as expectations about the appropriate conduct of researchers and academic institutions. Strong commitment to the community was identified as a priority. The findings suggest that a paradigm shift is needed to increase the representation of African Americans in dementia research. In this new paradigm, earning the trust of African American communities becomes a systemic endeavor, with academic, state, and national institutions deeply committed to earning the trust of African American communities and guiding researchers in this endeavor. The findings also generated actionable recommendations to help improve representation of African American older adults in dementia research.

African American Representation: Introduction

It is both an honor and a privilege to be the guest editor of this special issue. First, as an alum of Howard University, I have admired the work of the Howard Journal of Communications and its sta...

The time is now

Physics Today’s September 1966 issue included an interview with Herman Branson, who was chair of Howard University’s physics department at the time. Among the questions he fielded about the state of Black people in physics was, “Do you feel that the science community is biased to any degree?” He replied, “I don’t think so…. Scientists (and especially physicists) are among the most liberal people to be found anywhere.”Branson’s response evidently shocked his fellow African American physicist Tannie Stovall of the Linear Accelerator Laboratory in Orsay, France. He submitted a rebuttal, which appeared in Physics Today’s December 1966 issue. “Branson has painted a dangerously rosy picture of the black man in physics,” Stovall wrote. “I would like strongly to take issue with this view.”How could Branson believe that racial bias was absent from science in 1966? I can’t be sure. He might have harbored a belief that persists today: Physics is the objective, methodical study of matter and energy, which are devoid of life, let alone social and political actors. How can physics be biased?But if you read Branson’s interview, it’s clear he was quite aware of the systemic obstacles faced half a century ago by Black students in science. Indeed, he campaigned to remove them. Black colleges and universities had—and still have—less funding than other universities. “We know how to make a first-rate school in America,” Branson told his interviewer. “It’s primarily a question of money.”When Physics Today published its interview with Branson, the last of the five Civil Rights Acts of the 1950s and 1960s—the Fair Housing Act of 1968—was stalled in the Senate. Asked if his physics students were as active in civil rights as humanities students, Branson answered, “Perhaps embarrassingly so.” Quite to his surprise, physics majors were among the student leaders in local civil rights movements. Some of them, he lamented, did not continue to pursue physics.As members of a prominent Black university in the US, those “lost” students of Branson’s who joined the struggle for civil rights were surely made welcome in the physics department. Sadly and reprehensibly, too many of today’s Black physics majors and graduate students do not feel as though they belong. If you doubt that physics is unwelcoming to Black students, read the commentary by Charles D. Brown II, which was posted on Physics Today’s website on 20 July. Brown, who is a postdoc in atomic physics at the University of California, Berkeley, recounts a litany of racist slights and presumptions that he faced as a physics student.Making physics more welcoming to Black people and other underrepresented groups will take effort, not least because a student’s peers have a strong influence on whether a department is welcoming. Professors must lead by example. If you need advice on how to do that, read the report11. AIP National Task Force to Elevate African American Representation in Undergraduate Physics & Astronomy, The Time Is Now: Systemic Changes to Increase African Americans with Bachelor’s Degrees in Physics and Astronomy, American Institute of Physics (2020). from the TEAM-UP Task Force, which was organized by the American Institute of Physics (Physics Today’s publisher).A recent briefing in the Economist identified three policy areas that, if addressed effectively, could improve the lives and opportunities of African Americans: segregation, education, and childhood poverty. Although tackling those and other systemic sources of disadvantage will be expensive and difficult, it needs to be done. And Branson recognized another challenge in his 1966 interview: “Suppose you take a 17-year-old from an indifferent intellectual and cultural background; what can you do to bring him into 20th-century science? It’s not only a tough question for America but for the rest of the world as well.”Given the magnitude of the challenges, the individual physicist, including me, might be tempted to ask with exasperation, What can I do? We can listen to the personal experiences of Black physicists. We can work toward making our departments, labs, and teams more welcoming. And we can confront racism whenever we encounter or witness it. The killing of George Floyd on 25 May again brought into stark, painful view the anti-Black racism that endures in the US. The time is now to do what we can to eliminate it.ReferenceSection:ChooseTop of pageReference <<CITING ARTICLES1. AIP National Task Force to Elevate African American Representation in Undergraduate Physics & Astronomy, The Time Is Now: Systemic Changes to Increase African Americans with Bachelor’s Degrees in Physics and Astronomy, American Institute of Physics (2020). Google Scholar© 2020 American Institute of Physics.

Equity in Genomics: A Brief Report on Cardiovascular Health Disparities in African American Adults.

African Americans are more likely to die from cardiovascular disease (CVD) than all other populations in the United States. Although technological advances have supported rapid growth in applying genetics/genomics to address CVD, most research has been conducted among European Americans. The lack of African American representation in genomic samples has limited progress in equitably applying precision medicine tools, which will widen CVD disparities if not remedied. This report summarizes the genetic/genomic advances that inform precision health and the implications for cardiovascular disparities in African American adults. We provide nurse scientists recommendations for becoming leaders in developing precision health tools that promote population health equity. Genomics will continue to drive advances in CVD prevention and management, and equitable progress is imperative. Nursing should leverage the public's trust and its widespread presence in clinical and community settings to prevent the worsening of CVD disparities among African Americans.

“Like a Fish Out of Water”

Problem, research strategy, and findings Many planning practitioners, faculty, and students have worked to address diversity and inclusion. However, only a few studies have examined specifically the ways in which African American and Latinx students perceive and experience instruction related to racial/ethnic diversity and the overall diversity climate as part of their urban planning education. This study, conducted by the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning (ACSP) Planners of Color Interest Group (POCIG), is based on 451 surveys with urban planning students of all racial/ethnic identities and 14 in-depth interviews with African American and Latinx students. Survey results show that most students report an overall supportive and positive climate for diversity within their programs. Nonetheless, survey data also show differences between African American, Latinx, and White students’ experiences of bias and discrimination. Furthermore, interviews revealed that African American and Latinx students continue to face challenges in urban planning programs. Takeaway for practice The educational training of planners, in general, does not attempt to undo discriminatory practices; instead, these racialized tensions move from the classroom to the workplace. Ultimately, strategies to diversify the planning profession fail because of exclusionary interpersonal and institutional practices. Findings provide insight into how to better support African American and Latinx students in academia and as future practitioners. Results also suggest that greater representation of African American and Latinx students, coupled with mentorship, the creation of counter-spaces, and faculty/staff training on racial microaggressions, could foster more inclusive learning environments in urban planning institutions. Fostering inclusive environments will, in turn, help students learn how to develop healthy relationships with diverse communities. These interpersonal skills likely will translate into a more welcoming workplace and expand opportunities for effectively engaging Latinx and African American communities.

Enrollment of Diverse Populations in the INGENIOUS Pharmacogenetics Clinical Trial.

Recruitment of diverse populations and subjects living in Medically Underserved Areas and Populations (MUA/P’s) into clinical trials is a considerable challenge. Likewise, representation of African-Americans in pharmacogenetic trials is often inadequate, but critical for identifying genetic variation within and between populations. To identify enrollment patterns and variables that predict enrollment in a diverse underserved population, we analyzed data from the INGENIOUS (Indiana GENomics Implementation and Opportunity for the UnderServed), pharmacogenomics implementation clinical trial conducted at a community hospital for underserved subjects (Safety net hospital), and a statewide healthcare system (Academic hospital). We used a logistic regression model to identify patient variables that predicted successful enrollment after subjects were contacted and evaluated the reasons that clinical trial eligible subjects refused enrollment. In both healthcare systems, African-Americans were less likely to refuse the study than non-Hispanic Whites (Safety net, OR = 0.68, and p < 0.002; Academic hospital, OR = 0.64, and p < 0.001). At the Safety net hospital, other minorities were more likely to refuse the study than non-Hispanic Whites (OR = 1.58, p < 0.04). The odds of refusing the study once contacted increased with patient age (Safety net hospital, OR = 1.02, p < 0.001, Academic hospital, OR = 1.02, and p < 0.001). At the Academic hospital, females were less likely to refuse the study than males (OR = 0.81, p = 0.01) and those not living in MUA/P’s were less likely to refuse the study than those living in MUA/P’s (OR = 0.81, p = 0.007). The most frequent barriers to enrollment included not being interested, being too busy, transportation, and illness. A lack of trust was reported less frequently. In conclusion, African-Americans can be readily recruited to pharmacogenetic clinical trials once contact has been successfully initiated. However, health care initiatives and increased recruitment efforts of subjects living in MUA/Ps are needed. Enrollment could be further enhanced by improving research awareness and knowledge of clinical trials, reducing time needed for participation, and compensating for travel.

Racially diverse participant registries to facilitate the recruitment of African Americans into presymptomatic Alzheimer's disease studies.

The Alzheimer's Disease Prevention Registry (ADPR) of the Joseph and Kathleen Bryan Alzheimer's Disease Research Center at Duke University has been successful in achieving a racially diverse and "research ready" cohort of cognitively healthy volunteers. The ADPR is based on an infrastructure that includes: (1) an administrative leadership team; (2) a coordinating center; (3) an IT management team; (4) a community engagement team; and (5) collaborations with study partners across disciplines. The ADPR currently has more than 4677 members, 26% of whom are African American. The ADPR has supported 21 studies including 8 biomarker studies, 7 clinical trials, 4 cognitive neuroscience studies, and 2 studies assessing novel computerized measures. We describe our experiences establishing and maintaining a diverse ADPR as well as insights on recruitment strategies to increase the representation of African Americans in Alzheimer's disease studies.

“American Homespun Fascists”: Seán O’Casey and the Returning Veteran at the American Negro Theatre

This article explores four works produced by the American Negro Theatre (ANT) for stage and radio between September 1945 and July 1946 – Arthur Laurents’s The Face (1945), Samuel J. Kootz’s Home Is the Hunter (1945–46), Erik Barnouw’s The Story They’ll Never Print (1946), and Seán O’Casey’s Juno and the Paycock (1946) – arguing that they collectively constitute a coherent, if uneven, set of responses to what ANT co-founder and director Abram Hill had called in September 1945 “one of the most pressing questions facing the world today: What is the reaction of the returning Negro GI to his land of democracy?” This essay identifies the interrelatedness of these four works and draws on archival sources to pay close attention to the production of Juno (which has never previously been discussed at length or in connection with the ANT’s other returning veteran dramas). Analysing the ANT’s Juno as an oblique “returning Negro soldier drama” that critically retools what Judith Smith terms “trading places” stories of the immediate post-war years, this essay further contends that the company trod a fine line between an explicit and an implicit critique of the United States, protesting against “American homespun fascists” and asserting the ordinariness of African American soldiers. While this strategy sometimes risked opacity, it invited astute audiences to make connections that were inferred rather than asserted and thus circumvented accusations of anti-Americanism.

A Black Sherlock Holmes(1918): A Case Study in Racebending

AbstractWith hundreds of Sherlock Holmes screen adaptations, the silent all-Black-cast A Black Sherlock Holmes (1918) remains an under-researched anomaly. The essay provides an overview of colourblind and colour conscious casting practices, ultimately advocating for adopting fan studies approaches to ‘racebending’. Racebending involves alternately ‘racing’ canonical characters from white to Black Minority Ethnic. After briefly reviewing representations of African Americans in blackface minstrelsy and early twentieth-century race films, the essay argues that A Black Sherlock Holmes highlights the ways in which race filmmakers were trying to reimagine new ways for African Americans to become part of dominant literary culture. In reimagining Sherlock Holmes as an African American, the film (re)inscribes Black people into prominent literary and cultural history. Because Knick Garter is doubly descended from two notable fictional detectives, America’s Nick Carter of dime novel fame as well as Britain’s legendary Sherlock Holmes, his very existence posits a new world where famous Black characters are as much a part of the American literary landscape as canonical characters from Hawthorne, Poe, and Twain. Viewing A Black Sherlock Holmes in light of the possibilities the film offers, rather than its limitations, allows viewers today to see the ways literary history, film, and race coalesced to highlight the possibilities of radical racial change in the post-Reconstruction era at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Review: Double Negative: The Black Image and Popular Culture, by Racquel J. Gates

Review: Double Negative: The Black Image and Popular Culture, by Racquel J. Gates

The American Negro Theatre and the Long Civil Rights Era

The American Negro Theatre and the Long Civil Rights Era

Abstract P2-10-11: Participation of African Americans in clinical trials supporting FDA approval of breast cancer medications

Abstract BACKGROUND African Americans comprise 12% of the total United States population. Lifetime probability of developing cancer in African Americans is 37.55%. Lifetime probability of developing breast cancer in African Americans is 11.1%. African Americans have higher lifetime probability of dying because of breast cancer compared to Caucasians (3.3% versus 2.7%). Concerns exist that African Americans are underrepresented in trials of breast cancer medications. We sought to examine African Americans participation for pivotal breast cancer medications trials submitted to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) supporting marketing applications. METHODS On the basis of publicly available FDA reviews, the authors assessed enrollment of African Americans in trials supporting 9 drug approvals from 2014 to 2018. Those trials resulted in approval of medications to treat breast cancer. Prevalence-corrected estimates for the participation of African Americans were calculated as the percentage of African Americans among trial participants divided by the percentage of African Americans in the disease population (participation to prevalence ratio [PPR]), with a range between 0.8 and 1.2 reflecting similar representation of African Americans in the trial and disease population. RESULTS A total of 22,075 patients enrolled in clinical trials, which resulted in subsequent FDA approval. The proportion of African Americans enrolled in the clinical trials that led to breast cancer medication approval in the 5-year period was 6.83%. The calculated PPR for participation of African Americans in clinical trials that led to drug approval for breast cancer was 0.29. CONCLUSIONS African Americans were under represented in trials of drugs for breast cancer. Efforts should be made to increase the proportion of participation of African Americans in clinical trials. Citation Format: Samer Al Hadidi, Martha Mims, Courtney Miller-Chism, Rammurti Kamble. Participation of African Americans in clinical trials supporting FDA approval of breast cancer medications [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2019 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2019 Dec 10-14; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2020;80(4 Suppl):Abstract nr P2-10-11.

A Mosque-Based Qualitative Study on American Muslim Women's Organ Donation Beliefs.

Detailed studies on the associations between religious beliefs and organ donation attitudes among religious minorities remain wanting. Although Muslims appear to have low rates of support for donation, how these behaviors relate to religious frameworks requires further investigation. We sought to explore the relationship between religious beliefs (Islam) and organ donation attitudes through focus groups with 43 Muslim women from 5 Chicago-area mosques. Purposive selection of mosques generated near-equal representation of Arabs, South Asians, and African Americans, as well as diversity in education and income. Using the theory of planned behavior as our conceptual framework, we expanded the traditional normative domain to include religiously informed beliefs. We found that the relationship between religious beliefs and Muslim attitudes toward organ donation is more complex than commonly perceived. Regarding the Islamic ethicolegal permissibility of organ donation, participants expressed a range of normative beliefs. Furthermore, participants voiced concerns beyond religious permissibility, including anxieties over modesty violations during the donation process, as well as concerns about purported black market organ trade and medical risks to donors. Given that participants raised religious, societal, and biomedical concerns regarding organ donation, our findings suggest that effective educational programs should involve nuanced curricula that teach to the plurality of Islamic ethicolegal opinions and discuss transplantation processes within the United States.

Unwhite: Appalachia, Race, and Film by Meredith McCarroll

Reviewed by: Unwhite: Appalachia, Race, and Film by Meredith McCarroll Jillean McCommons (bio) Unwhite: Appalachia, Race, and Film. By Meredith McCarroll. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2018. Pp. x, 159. $99.95 cloth; $29.95 paper; $29.95 ebook) The field of Appalachian studies is teeming with critical commentary on the ways the region, its people, and its culture have been characterized and caricatured by writers nationwide. From assessing the impact of nineteenth-century travel writers on federal policies, to challenging contemporary claims in memoir, Appalachian scholars readily engage in the important task of challenging regional stereotypes. In Unwhite: Appalachians, Race, and Film, Meredith McCarroll evaluates stereotypes in film. To do so, she employs methods of analysis from whiteness studies, critical race theory, and film studies. She argues that “Appalachia is represented by familiar tropes long used to present the nonwhite and to make evident the split between self and other, hero and outlier. At once the images are phenotypically white and hierarchically nonwhite” (p. 2). To support her claim, McCarroll compares film representations of Indigenous peoples, African Americans, and Mexican immigrants to portrayals of Appalachians. She asserts that Appalachians occupy a space between white and nonwhite, a position she represents with the term, “unwhite.” She explains that “the term unwhite draws attention to the simultaneous assumption of and exclusion from an imagined community of whiteness and to the investment in the protection of whiteness” (p. 2). Unwhite is part exploration of how whiteness functions in Appalachian film and part delineation of the archetypes that spring from those representations. In chapter one, “Hillbilly as American Indian,” McCarroll compares Deliverance to The Last of the Mohicans. She identifies types in the latter, including the “civil savage” and the “vanishing Indian” to argue that Appalachians in Deliverance are portrayed similarly, as what Mc-Carroll terms the “monstrous mountaineer” and “vanishing hillbilly.” In chapter two, “Appalachian Woman as Mammy,” McCarroll compares the depiction of Mammy in Gone with the Wind to Ruby Thewes in Cold Mountain. McCarroll concludes that the representations of [End Page 215] Appalachian women as either “drudge” and “feist” derive from racist portrayals of black women on screen. In chapter three, “Mountain Migrant as Mexican Migrant,” McCarroll likens the depiction of Appalachian migrants in films to Mexican immigrants. She examines the Appalachian migrant experience in The Dollmaker and compares Salt of the Earth and Medium Cool. McCarroll concludes that a longing for home and distrust of outsiders characterize film representations of Appalachians, tropes she argues derived from portrayals Mexican immigrants. In chapter four, “Appalachia and Documentary,” McCarroll explores the making of films by Appalachians in response to previous documentary films with stereotypical depictions, and the appendix, “Appalachian Types in Cinema,” offers clear descriptions of the various types McCarroll mentions in earlier chapters. McCarroll’s commitment to assessing race in portrayals of Appalachians is important and Unwhite provides a springboard for further analysis. Unfortunately, the view of Appalachia as a white region pervades the text and stymies the potential for a nuanced analysis of how race, class, and region function in film. McCarroll asserts that she uses the myth intentionally, but does not deal with the problems inherent in doing so. Additionally, when McCarroll argues that Appalachians are represented as “phenotypically white and hierarchically nonwhite,” the implication is that (white) Appalachians should be depicted as occupying a superior position in relation to nonwhite groups in film. While McCarroll states that it is not her goal to equate the experiences of racial minorities with those of Appalachian whites, the titles of the first three chapters convey that message. Although McCarroll mentions Barbara Ellen Smith’s warning against the portrayal of white Appalachians as racial minorities, she unfortunately does not heed Smith’s advice. Ultimately, Unwhite raises important questions and serves as a useful starting point for discussions on stereotypes and film. [End Page 216] Jillean McCommons JILLEAN MCCOMMONS is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Kentucky. She researches black Appalachian activism during the Black Power era. Copyright © 2020 Kentucky Historical Society

The American Negro Theatre and the Long Civil Rights Era by Jonathan Shandell

The American Negro Theatre and the Long Civil Rights Era by Jonathan Shandell

Different outcomes after kidney transplantation between African Americans and Whites: A matter of income? A single-center study.

Our center has one of the largest representations of African Americans in listed and transplanted patients. We investigated if and how racial differences affect outcomes in our patient population. We performed a retrospective analysis of all kidney transplants in African American and (non-Hispanic) White patients in our center from 1/1/2005 to 12/31/2014. Cox regression was performed to evaluate the adjusted hazard ratios for graft loss. We investigated the influence of socioeconomic status on transplant outcomes. We stratified our patients into three groups based on income: lower (<$50000 annual household income), medium ($50000-100000 annual household income), and higher (>$100000 annual household income. There were 1333 patients in our study, 696 Whites and 637 African Americans. The 1-, 5-, and 10-year graft survival between the two groups was 96.5% vs 91.1%, 89% vs 80.7%, and 77% vs 66.3%, respectively (P<.001 by Log Rank, Breslow and Taron-Ware). When we compared the two groups separately in each income category, we found no statistical difference between African Americans and Whites in graft survival. In the regression model, income and not race was the significant factor influencing graft survival (P<.001 vs P=.61).

Setting and motivation in the decision to participate: An approach to the engagement of diverse samples in mobile research

Internet and mobile based research are powerful tools in the creation of large, cohort studies (eCohort). However, recent analysis indicates that an underrepresentation of minority and low income groups in these studies might exceed that found in traditional research [1–5]. In this report, we present findings from an experiment in research engagement using the Eureka Research Platform developed to enroll diverse populations in support of biomedical clinical research. This experiment involved the recruitment of African American and Latino participants in a smartphone based survey at a temporary, charitable, dental event sponsored, in part, by the research team, in order to explore the impact of setting and approach on recruitment outcomes. 211 participants enrolled including a significant representation of African Americans (51%) and Latinos (31%) and those with education levels at high school or less (37%). Interviews conducted after the study confirmed that our recruitment efforts within the context of a service event affected the decision to participate. While further research is necessary, this experiment holds promise for the engagement of underrepresented groups in research.

The American Negro Theatre and the Long Civil Rights Era. By Jonathan Shandell. Studies in Theatre History and Culture. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2018; pp. ix + 213, 16 illustrations. $70.00 paper, $70.00 e-book.

The American Negro Theatre and the Long Civil Rights Era. By Jonathan Shandell. Studies in Theatre History and Culture. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2018; pp. ix + 213, 16 illustrations. 70.00 e-book. - Volume 60 Issue 3

A quick scoping review of psychosocial treatment recommendations for African Americans with schizophrenia spectrum disorders

ABSTRACTObjective: To determine the generalizability of the Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) 2009 treatment recommendations to African Americans. Methods: We examined inclusion of African Americans with schizophrenia spectrum disorders in 58 studies across seven interventions. Results: Evidence varied by intervention. Representation of African Americans ranged from 0% to 83%. The strongest evidence was found for assertive community treatment, supported employment, substance use disorder interventions, skills training, and weight management interventions. Conclusions: Future research should recruit samples that are representative of African Americans. We offer practice recommendations as well as recommendations for social work research to advance generalization of findings to African Americans.