Representatives Of Parties Research Articles

"She Looks Like She'd Be a Filthy Pig in Bed": Online Misogyny and Denigration of Women Politicians.

This article summarizes the main results of a study about the disparagement of women politicians in Spain. The thematic analysis of 1,245 comments spontaneously posted on the Burbuja.info forum reveals that the commenters feel entitled to humiliate and disparage the eight female politicians embattled by the hate speech posts. While the main targets of this form of harassment have been women representatives of left-wing parties, the focus of the disparaging attacks has been the female body. This explains why those who were overweight were the most vilified, even during periods when they had a lower profile in the media.

Konfigurasi Dalam Pembentukan Hukum Parpol Dan Pemilu Di Indonesia

A democratic political configuration will direct legal products to be responsive. In theory, the configuration of party law is often related to a country's government system. Even though the 1945 Constitution clearly states that the Indonesian government has a presidential model, since the early era there has been a multi-party system and there is no desire to change it to a two-party system. When forming election regulations, you must be aware that it does not trigger multiple meanings so that they are easy to understand and you should focus on all stages of the electoral system to ensure the democracy of an election. Legislation is the task of political party representatives in parliament (DPR). Political ideology and political parties will have an impact on people's thinking about the world of politics and how to take political action, as a basis for movement, and will be echoed in society. Normative methods were used for this research, namely based on literature or scientific knowledge from books, journals and the results of previous thesis research. Library research and sociological aspects are used to answer questions, including relying on the opinions of relevant experts and further strengthening validation.

Privileged interests on the party agenda: Bitcoin-related issues in two countries since 2020

AbstractWhat explains whether and how much political parties give attention to a policy issue? Parties are expected to cater to the interests of privileged groups and to be dismissive unless an issue offers an electoral opportunity. How to test this? Most issues have been around for so long that it has become difficult to track party responses. Ideally, a multifaceted phenomenon would fall from the sky and become favored by privileged groups, after which we would observe party reactions. Bitcoin fulfills these criteria. It has become significant, suited for various ideologies yet disproportionally supported by wealthy, highly educated male voters. In this paper, we study how new issues emerge around Bitcoin, and how parties respond. Voter attitudes, preferences, expectations, and Bitcoin ownership are taken from our 2020-2023 four-wave British (N=5,121) and Dutch (N=5,002) voter surveys. Party positions on Bitcoin are derived from our surveys of MPs and party representatives, cross-validated by party communication. Using issue yield theory, we find that weak electoral incentives, particularly due to age-related internal divisions, prevent parties from catering to privileged groups on Bitcoin issues. This suggests that a party system will not embrace elite interests, even on low-salience issues, under unfavorable public opinion alignments.

Britain's Decision to Withdraw from East Suez, Arabian Gulf (Persian Gulf) on December 16, 1968, Sparked Reactions from the United States, Iran, and the Gulf States to this Decision (Historical-Political Study)

This research is entitled (Britain's decision to withdraw from East Suez, the Arabian Gulf (Persian Gulf) on December 16, 1968, the reactions of the United States, Iran, and the Gulf states to this decision), and it participated in international politics and the conflict between the two states. Powers in the region: The presence of British forces east of the Suez Canal, which have ruled the region for more than a century and a half, and the issue of British military bases in the region, sparked internal and external protests. Many Labor Party representatives were dissatisfied and called for withdrawal, and although Britain believed it still needs these areas to protect its bases, but Prime Minister Wilson called for the need to maintain these military bases in agreement with the governments and peoples of the region. Then, the effects of World War II, the rise of two major global poles (the United States and the Soviet Union), and Britain's defeats forced it to change its policy in the Gulf region.

Strategies of Taiwanese Political Parties during the 2023-2024 Election Campaign

Despite the fact that the presidential and parliamentary elections in Taiwan in 2024 took place in an unprecedentedly difficult international political environment, and the campaign itself was competitive, in general, the election results can be considered as consistent with preliminary polls. However, they highlighted a number of important trends in Taiwan's political life that will influence the island's future: notably, the DPP candidate won for the third time in a row. Although the expert community has recorded a softening of the position of DPP leader Lai Qingde regarding the issue of Taiwan's status compared to the previous period, the general rhetoric of party representatives creates the preconditions for maintaining tension in cross-strait relations. However, the fact that the KMT won the majority of seats in parliament will likely balance the situation. The current campaign is also specific considering that the struggle unfolded not only between representatives of two traditionally opposing camps — the DPP and the KMT but also a serious competition for the candidates came from representatives of the TPP, who also expanded their representation in parliament following the election results. Thus, Taiwan's political landscape is becoming more diverse and needs to be studied more seriously. Competition between the island's political powers inevitably has an impact on the political situation in the Taiwan Strait, which consequently affects relations with the mainland. The relations with Beijing remain a central issue for the political platforms of the main Taiwanese political parties. Within the two largest parties — the KMT and the DPP — relations with Beijing are the issue of serious internal debates. The balance of power in cross-strait relations has undergone major changes in recent years, as Taiwan's political forces have tried to adapt to the generational change and respond to major events such as the 2019 Hong Kong riots and the COVID-19 pandemic. The article examines the changes in the approaches of the Taiwanese parties to relations with the mainland in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary elections in January 2024 and their possible consequences for relations between the sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Party Positioning Under Populist State Leaders

Abstract The implications of rising parliamentary representation of populist parties have been thoroughly studied but little is known about the impact of populist state leaders on party positions. In this article, we study mainstream parties' strategic responses when a populist takes over as the leader of a nation. We use content-analytical data and large language modelling to measure positions expressed in manifestos from parties from 51 democracies between 1989 and 2018. Employing methods for causal inference from observational data, we find that right-wing populist state leaders induce mainstream parties to differentiate their positions on multiculturalism, possibly leading to polarization of the party system. Under left-wing populist leaders, mainstream parties adopt more homogenous or differentiated positions, depending on the policy category and other contextual factors. Parties are generally more responsive in emerging than advanced countries and in presidential than parliamentary systems.

Populism and ideological convergence: Evidence from a multiparty system

Populist parties have gained significant power in European politics in the last decades, raising concerns about the potentially contagious effect of populism. I study how populist party representation in local councils affects other parties’ ideological positions. I use variation created by close elections to identify ideological shifts resulting from a change in party representation, holding voter preferences constant. I use candidate-level data from a voting advice application to estimate ideological positions, modeling candidates’ responses using item response theory to obtain measures of ideology that are comparable across election years. The results show that increased populist representation causes the ideological spectrum among other parties’ candidates in the municipality to become more concentrated. One additional seat for the populist party reduces the interquartile range of candidate positions by 9 %. While there is initial ideological convergence between mainstream and populist parties, it does not persist as the populist party continues to gain more seats. These effects take place only on the liberal-conservative dimension, while positions on the economic dimension are unaffected. The results demonstrate that increased populist representation influences other parties and causes ideological convergence within the candidate base.

НОВАЯ ПАРТИЯ «СОЮЗ САРЫ ВАГЕНКНЕХТ – ЗА РАЗУМ И СПРАВЕДЛИВОСТЬ» – ВЫЗОВ ДЛЯ ПАРТИЙНО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ СИСТЕМЫ ГЕРМАНИИ?

Signs of a crisis in the German party system after the 2021 elections are becoming increasingly clear. The tense situation in the economic sphere, the failed policy of the current government on the Ukrainian issue, and the polarization of the electorate are influencing the formation of new parties in the country. A current topic, the study of which will help identify possible changes in Russian-German relations, is the party «Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance – Reason and Justice». The purpose of the study is to determine the likely consequences for the party-political landscape in Germany if the popularity of «BSW» grows. To achieve these goals, the author analyzed interviews, speeches by the leader and party representatives at plenary sessions of the Bundestag, as well as party documentation. The study allowed us to come to the conclusion that in the next parliamentary elections the party could become a challenge to the German political system and radically change the party landscape of the country; is an unconditional supporter of lifting sanctions against Russia, stopping military aid to Kyiv and forcing Ukraine into peace negotiations.

Explaining Political Differences in Attitudes to Vaccines in France: Partisan Cues, Disenchantment with Politics, and Political Sophistication

Context: The role of political identities in determining attitudes to vaccines has attracted a lot of attention in the last decade. Explanations have tended to focus on the influence of party representatives on their sympathizers (partisan cues). Methods: Four representative samples of the French adult population completed online questionnaires between July 2021 and May 2022 (N = 9,177). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were performed to test whether partisan differences in attitudes to vaccines are best explained by partisan cues or by parties’ differences in propensity to attract people who distrust the actors involved in vaccination policies. Findings: People who feel close to parties on the far left, parties on the far right, and green parties are more vaccine hesitant. The authors found a small effect of partisan cues and a much stronger effect of trust. More importantly, they show that the more politically sophisticated are less vaccine hesitant and that the nonpartisan are the biggest and most vaccine hesitant group. Conclusions: The literature on vaccine attitudes has focused on the case of the United States, but turning attention toward countries where disenchantment with politics is more marked helps researchers better understand the different ways trust, partisanship, and political sophistication can affect attitudes to vaccines.

Elasticity, militancy, and infection: metaphorical argumentation in the trial against the German Communist Party, 1954–56

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the epoch-making trial against the German Communist Party (KPD) in 1954-56 - a process with unmistakable political, ideological, and political-theoretical aspects. Both the government and the party's representatives used metaphorical arguments to publicly state their case for or against the eventual party ban. Citing classics of Marxism-Leninism for evidence, the government blamed the KPD for planning a violent revolution and described its activities metaphorically in military terms. The party retorted by ridiculing the government for reading metaphors literally and, more methodologically, rejected the government's non-contextual approach as ‘Talmudism' and ‘hodgepodge', while simultaneously promoting the Leninist doctrine of tactical ‘elasticity' to secure their own argumentative leeway. The government depicted communism as an infection to be removed by amputation - a metaphor the KPD reappropriated and used to present itself as integral to West-German democracy and the guarantor of German unification. Rather than being superficial rhetoric, these interlinked metaphorical arguments captured the gist of the ideological disagreement. The metaphors can be understood properly only by reading them together and considering the underlying argumentative functions that are identifiable by analyzing the explicit proposition each side put forth. The metaphors transcended mere legal argumentation and exemplify the trial’s inherent political nature.

Back to the future? An analysis of party influence on electricity grid remunicipalisation in Germany

ABSTRACT The literature on privatisation and nationalisation has presented conflicting results on partisan theory, echoed in studies on local public service ownership. Moreover, there is a notable quantitative research gap on Germany’s energy market, the sector most strongly affected by remunicipalisation. This study addresses this gap by investigating whether party strength impacts the remunicipalisation of local electricity grids in Germany. Using logistic regression on a novel dataset covering approximately 1,800 municipalities in the 2010s, the findings reveal that stronger left-wing or green party representation do not increase remunicipalisation likelihood. Instead, factors such as population size, the local political systems, and municipal finances play substantial roles. In doing so, it adds valuable insights on a hitherto understudied case and examines the role of partisan theory, whose application has yielded conflicting results. Electricity grids are critical infrastructure for the energy transition, with many contracts in Germany up for renewal in the early 2030s.

What makes political parties to elect more women? a cross-country comparison

ABSTRACT While women are gaining ground in national parliaments worldwide, the number of female representatives varies greatly between political parties. Since parties themselves can reflect gender biases, they play a key role in shaping women’s representation. Building on the existing literature, this research note examines the interplay between electoral systems, national institutions, and party characteristics to understand these disparities. By analysing data from over 200 parties across 42 legislatures in 24 countries, our results shed light on factors influencing female representation in parliamentary parties and offer valuable insights for promoting gender parity in parliaments.

The Film Ivan by Oleksandr Dovzhenko in the Light of the Soviet Intelligence Services

A set of archival documents of the Soviet secret services (agent messages, reports, summaries, etc.) related to Dovzhenko’s work on the film Ivan in 1931–1932 is analyzed in the article. Ivan is just the film that has the largest number of documents of this kind among the works. The agents have informed the secret services about the work on the script, its passage through the censorship authorities, and the filming period in their reports. The criticism of the author has started in Ukraine after the completion of the film. During this period the agents have recorded the artist’s difficult moral and psychological state, his negative statements against the Ukrainian party leadership and representatives of the literary and artistic intelligentsia, and the measures taken by the leaders of the Ukrainian and Soviet cinematographers to level the negative assessment of the film in the press. Relevant experts have been engaged to write reviews to obtain more complete information about the film. The director has been forced to move to Moscow because of the considerable pressure and negative attitude in Ukraine. He is introduced to Joseph Stalin there. The dictator has liked the movie. Following Stalin, official criticism also has changed its mind about Ivan, and the film was allowed to be shown. Dovzhenko was saved from seemingly certain death. The director has soon started work on his next film, called Aerograd. But the Soviet secret services did not let the artist out of their sight in Moscow. In general, the surveillance of O. Dovzhenko during his work on the film Ivan was part of a much wider range of operational activities of the special services to obtain compromising materials about the artist’s “anti-Soviet” activities and continued until his death.

Political elite social listening: How Portuguese MPs perceive their own motivations to join and use Twitter/X

Most studies on political actors’ use of Twitter focus on content and social network analysis, but not on their motivations and passive usage. We applied a questionnaire to a significant sample of 94 Members of Parliament (MPs), with a quota sample sized by political party representation in Parliament, to survey their motivations to have or not a Twitter account and their uses. We concluded that MPs see Twitter mostly as a political tool unlike other social media platforms. The most common motivation to join and use Twitter is to read other politicians’ opinions which helps explain why the small Twitter adoption in Portugal does not deter its use as their peers and political elite is on the platform. That twitter elite can even be a motivator to join as their peer social capital is key to re-election in closed list-elections countries such as Portugal.

Policy implementation and strategic effects: Assessing the impact of parliamentary thresholds on Indonesia’s political system and governance

This study examines the impact of parliamentary thresholds on the Indonesian political system through the lens of the Routine Policy Implementation Model and the Strategic Policy Implementation Model. The main objective is to evaluate the effectiveness of parliamentary thresholds in managing political fragmentation, assess their impact on stability and representation in the legislative system, and understand their implementation’s technical and strategic implications. Using a qualitative approach supported by interview studies and field observations, this research combines analysis of election data in the 2009, 2014, and 2019 elections with a qualitative assessment of policy changes and political dynamics. The Routine Policy Implementation Model focuses on the technical aspects of threshold implementation, including vote counting procedures and seat allocation efficiency. Meanwhile, the Strategic Policy Implementation Model examines the broader implications of these thresholds for political consolidation, government effectiveness, and the representation of minor parties. The results show that the parliamentary threshold has significantly reduced political fragmentation by consolidating the number of parties in Parliament, resulting in a legislative system that is cleaner and easier to administer. However, this consolidation has also marginalized small parties and limited political diversity. The novelty of this study lies in its comprehensive analysis of how parliamentary thresholds affect administrative efficiency and strategic political stability in Indonesia, compared to democratic countries in transition, such as Slovenia and Montenegro. In conclusion, although parliamentary thresholds have increased political stability and government effectiveness, they have also raised concerns about the reduced representation of small and regional parties. The study recommends maintaining balanced thresholds that ensure stability and diversity, implementing mechanisms to review thresholds periodically, and involving diverse stakeholders in adjusting policies to reflect evolving political dynamics. This approach will help balance the need for a stable legislative environment with broad representation.

On the Road to Electoral Democracy? Erosion of the Free and Fair Elections Standard in the Era of the Polish Constitutional Crisis after 2015

This article attempts to diagnose the state of democracy in Poland, remaining in the era of constitutional crisis and following the erosion of the free and fair elections standard, which determines the criteria for distinguishing an electoral democracy from a liberal democracy. For this purpose, the individual elements constituting this concept are analyzed, both having a procedural dimension and referring to the course of the three phases of the electoral process itself (the period before election day, on election day and after election day), as well as referring to the standards of honesty, reliability, the real possibility of alternative power or equal opportunities. The conclusions drawn at individual stages of the deliberations, including an indication of the destabilisation of electoral law, the erosion of guarantees regarding the reliability of elections, disproportion in the access of political party representatives to public media, lead to a thesis on the formation of electoral democracy in Poland, which can be described as a democratic system devoid of liberal values. It is characterised by restrictions on freedom of association, freedom of speech and academic freedom, electoral distortions, unequal access of representative political parties to the public media and judicial guarantees related to the electoral process.

Populist Party Responsiveness and Populist Party Voter Satisfaction With Democracy in Europe

<p>Voters of populist parties tend to be dissatisfied with democracy. Some scholars attribute this dissatisfaction with how our democracies function to poor representation by mainstream parties and a feeling of not being heard. We should see this representation improve with the success of populist parties. This improved representation should, in turn, have a positive impact on populist party voters’ satisfaction with democracy (SWD). Existing case studies have only looked at the link between formal populist party representation in parliament or government, and populist party voters’ SWD, with mixed findings, the most puzzling of which is that populist party voters may even become less satisfied with growing formal representation. There is no comparative study on populist parties’ actual responsiveness to populist party voters and the connection to their SWD. Thus, we ask: How well do populist parties represent populist party voters, and how does this populist party responsiveness influence populist party voters’ satisfaction with democracy? We define populist party responsiveness as issue-based agenda-responsiveness between populist party voters and populist parties and investigate the link to SWD using data on 21 countries from the 2019 European Election Studies. We find that populist parties in Europe are not generally more responsive to populist party voters than mainstream parties. Populist parties’ agenda-responsiveness has a positive effect on populist voters’ SWD while being in government does not increase the positive effect of populist party responsiveness on their voters’ SWD. They may be disenchanted by how well their parties can eventually “walk the talk.”</p>

Ethnopolitics in a Mining Enterprise in Crisis: Revisiting the Albanian Miners’ Protests in Late Socialist Kosovo

Abstract This article presents a novel approach to explain ethnopolitical mobilization among Kosovo Albanian miners during the winter of 1988–1989. Based on a close reading of the mining enterprise’s journal, it identifies three factors accounting for the rising politicization of ethnicity in microlevel dynamics within the Trepça mining enterprise. First, the article points at ethnic grievances in intra-elite managerial tensions and miners’ unrest. It relates these to structural conditions generated by the shifting cultural divisions of labor in Kosovo mining. Second, the article looks at counter-mobilizational dynamics among Kosovo Albanian miners, which were directly provoked by Serbian ethnopolitical mobilization during Slobodan Milošević’s rise to power. In a final step, the article reconstructs socio-occupational realignments taking shape in the particular decision-making structures of the mining enterprise. Against a background of internal power struggles and reorganizations, the executive management and the miners found themselves on the defensive against party representatives and managerial competitors. Making use of the enterprise’s institutional setup, they established a strong ethnopolitical alliance, which culminated in the underground strike of February 1989. The article suggests that this approach can be valuable to study other cases of intersecting social and ethnopolitical mobilization.

Sceptics, Enthusiasts, or Architects? The British Labour Group, the European Parliament and Workers’ Rights, 1979–1989

The European Parliament influenced policy, and was a forum for the airing and sharing of a wide array of views and approaches to forms of European integration. Often conflicted and divided, members of the British Labour Group, comprising of the elected Labour Party representatives to the European Parliament, viewed the European Economic Community as a key platform and means through which workers’ rights could be supported. And many Labour Party Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), including sceptics, enthusiasts and those whose views changed, played a part in shaping the European Economic Community. This was particularly so with workers’ rights, an area which was central to the Labour Party, the European Parliament and the European Economic Community in the 1980s. The European Parliament was an instrumental institution in terms of building ties across borders and shaping and changing perspectives on key policy areas.

Why do people like technocrats?

AbstractMany voters support the inclusion of technocrats in government. Yet we know very little about why technocrats are considered more appealing than traditional party representatives. In particular, it is unclear which advantages and disadvantages voters attach to the defining traits of technocratic ministers: party independence and expertise. We engage with this question drawing on a pre‐registered survey experiment in Austria. We examine how manipulating ministers' party affiliation and expertise affects voters' perceptions of their issue competence and bargaining competence. Findings indicate that voters ascribe lower levels of issue competence to partisan ministers than to non‐partisan ministers, notwithstanding their actual expertise, and that ministers' partisanship shrinks the positive effect of expertise on perceived issue competence. However, this ‘partisanship penalty’ disappears for supporters of the minister's party. Moreover, voters perceive partisanship as an advantageous trait with regard to a minister's bargaining competence. While voters like technocrats for their expertise and independence from party politics, our findings reveal nuanced perceptions, with voters still recognizing distinct advantages in being represented by party politicians.