Representation In Local Government Research Articles

Perceptions of Local Political Corruption

In this paper, we explore the roots of perceptions of local corruption in U.S. cities, using survey data collected from 39 cities during 40 different mayoral election campaigns. We examine the impact of the city-level corruption context alongside measures of political information, partisan and racial/ethnic representation in local government, evaluations of personal and policy satisfaction, and other individual-level attitudinal and demographic characteristics. We find that perceptions of local corruption are responsive to the local corruption context—though this relationship is heavily conditioned by political knowledge—satisfaction with local conditions, other attitudinal measures, and, to a lesser extent, co-ethnic representation in local government.

By the people, for the people: Local government's representation of voter preferences under the Affordable Care Act

AbstractDecentralized government is hypothesized to lead public service investments to better align with political preferences across geographical regions, yet there has been limited rigorous testing of this hypothesis. We examine how local public provision of hospital services varied according to political preferences between 2006 and 2016. We use state Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) as a source of exogenous variation. Consistent with the motivation for federalism, we find that areas less supportive of the ACA tended to convert the state expansion into lower property taxes with lower public hospital expenditures, whereas, in states that expanded Medicaid, local governments tended to increase public provision of healthcare.

Racial and Ethnic Representation in Local Government

Does the presence of underrepresented racial/ethnic groups in a legislative body differentially impact outcomes for members of those groups? We study close elections between White and non-White candidates for California city council and the corresponding impact on housing values, a summary statistic for neighborhood investment. We find electing non-White rather than White candidates generates differential home value gains in majority non-White neighborhoods. This result, which is not explained by correlations between candidate race and political affiliation or neighborhood racial composition and income, suggests that increased representation can reduce racial disparities. Our results strengthen with increased city-level segregation and council member pivotality. (JEL D72, J15, R23)

Beyond entrepreneurialism: revealing multiple logics of suburban housing development politics in the global city

ABSTRACT There is a burgeoning literature in urban studies on the role of suburbs in the development of global cities. For too long, it is argued, suburbs have been marginalised within urban theory and research. At the same time, planning systems are increasingly driven by growth-centred arrangements that seek to boost private investment and convert complex places into development spaces. Such approaches are built on the experiences of urban centres and the market conditions found within them. Drawing on the London example, the paper develops existing work on global suburbanisms to identify the multiple logics and variable practices of housing policy and delivery that exist within global cities. It makes three contributions. First, it highlights the continuing significance of place-based representative local government in shaping suburban variability. Second, it develops a typology of political clusters to demonstrate the variables that shape the diversity of approaches to housing development policy and delivery that exist. And third, it analyses the interactions between physical landscapes and the rolling-out of market-led models and planning systems. Collectively, the paper points to a methodology for the analysis of suburban environments in cities beyond London, especially those in which political boundaries and physical environments act as a constraint on spatial expansion.

Women's representation in local government in Sri Lanka: a study on the new (local government) electoral system

The female population of Sri Lanka is 51.6%. Women are well represented in a variety of sectors, such as education, health, etc. Women's presence in political institutions is low, despite the fact that it is considerable in grassroot level political activities. In light of the rising female population, it is by no means adequate. To address this issue, Sri Lanka's local government entities now have a mixed election system and a 25% female quota system under the Local Government Election (Amendment) Act No. 01 of 2016 and No. 16 of 2017. It was first put into practice in the 2018 local elections. The goal of this study was to determine whether the aforementioned constitutional provisions have resulted in a numerical increase of 25% in the representation of women in local government, whether the quality of participation has increased as a result, and whether these provisions will result in the creation of a new, promising women's representation in the future national politics. It is important to examine whether the 25% women's representation quota system introduced by the aforementioned constitutional provision has grown numerically and whether the stated goals have been achieved in practice with regard to women's representation. For this study, both primary and secondary data were used. A questionnaire based on 60 selected delegates from 12 local governing bodies was used to gather primary data in the Kalutara district. Simple statistical techniques were used to analyze quantitative data and information, and descriptive techniques were used to analyze quantitative data and information. MS Excel program was used to analyze the primary data. New constitutional provisions have resulted in a numerical increase of 25% for women's representation in local government bodies. It evolved from elected officials. Although the number of women in leadership positions has increased, their qualitative participation has not. It is observed that the level of quality participation has been hampered. The development of a women's representation that can inspire fresh optimism for tomorrow's politics on the national level, is not at a satisfactory level. Therefore, the constitutional measures that were enacted to promote women's representation have not actually achieved their intended goals.

Territorial Expansionists and Troublesome Locals: Daniel Clark at New Orleans and John Christian Schultz at Red River

Abstract The United States and Canada began major efforts to acquire territory in North America’s interior in the nineteenth century. In 1803, the United States purchased approximately 827,192 square miles of territory from France. Canada began to govern 1,409,900 square miles of territory known as Rupert’s Land in 1869. Historical accounts of American and Canadian officials’ efforts in Washington and Ottawa to obtain these vast territories are abundant. Historians have devoted less attention, however, to expansionists who supported American expansion in Louisiana and Canadian expansion in Rupert’s Land. Daniel Clark, U.S. Consul to New Orleans, used his office to promote American acquisition of Spanish Louisiana. Canadian John Christian Schultz, an influential “doctor” and businessperson at Red River, became the owner of the only newspaper in the settlement and used it to advocate for Canadian possession of Rupert’s Land. Clark arrived in Louisiana from Ireland in 1786 and Schultz from Upper Canada between 1859 and 1861. Clark and Schultz were opportunists who understood that American and Canadian territorial ambitions presented them with opportunities to advance their business and political careers. Far less important to both men were the futures of other residents of New Orleans and Red River. Clark and Schultz for example, both argued that representative local government should not be immediately introduced in their regions.

Women’s political representation in local government: Its impact on public service quality

Public service quality has been a significant issue in Indonesia (Lanin & Hermanto, 2019) along with woman’s representation in politics (Aspinall et al., 2021). This study investigates the effect of woman’s representation in the local government head and legislative positions on public service quality in Indonesian local governments. We use secondary data from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a local government website, and the Indonesia Statistics Bureau from 2016–2019, analyzed with panel data regression analysis. Overall, we find that local government public service quality is at a high level. Meanwhile, women’s political representation in Indonesian local government is still considerably low, both in legislative and top executive positions. Empirical findings demonstrate that women’s representation in the legislative board provides a positive impact on public service quality while women’s local government head has no significant effect. The effect is consistent both in district local governments and city local governments observations. Our study provides recommendations that suggest that women’s representation in local politics should be increased to promote gender equality which leads to better public governance

The role of crisis leadership in improving organisational culture during the COVID-19 pandemic among Kwazulu-Natal Christian business leaders

The study wants to know how Christian business leaders navigated the difficult and uncertain times of COVID-19 so that their companies thrived, retained their employees, and continued to operate successfully during a global economic crisis. This study employs an approach that combines quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative methodology is used to gather demographic data about study participants, a qualitative methodology is used since the goal of the study is to explore the range of opinions. The findings of this study ascertained that Christian leaders who demonstrated high levels of resilience were able to survive and, in some cases, thrive during the COVID-19 crisis. Leaders who demonstrated resilience and a positive outlook could increase the level of resilience in their followers, allowing them to survive the crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic has also brought attention to the necessity of situational analysis in dealing with and resolving a crisis. Conscious of the COVID-19 situation and guided by the contingency theory, Christian business leadership had to unlearn old habits and adjust to new ways of operating. This research is a new investigation into the ability of Christian business leaders to navigate through the turbulent times of COVID-19 so that their businesses and their followers can survive and prosper.

Does the Advent of Federal Democracy and Madheshi Movement Significantly Successful to alter the Lives of Madheshi Dalit ? (A Study of Inaruwa Municipality, Sunsari District)

The Madheshi Dalits of Nepal fall below the national average for human development. They are also denied from basic human rights. In this article, researcher has examined the socio economic situation of Madheshi Dalits of eastern Tarai after Madesh movement and the country of Nepal attained Federal Democracy. The study is founded on a design for qualitative and quantitative research. It is conducted in Inarwa Municipality ward no 9 and sample of Dalit people, Dom, Khatwe, Paswan, Mushahar, and Chamar people is used. Interview schedule, observation, and case study methods have been used in the process of data collection. Data descriptively evaluated and has presented using basic statistical methods. The study has reached in conclusion that social and economic exclusion, inequality, and caste-based discrimination, illiteracy are equally significant contributors to the underdevelopment and poverty in the Madheshi Dalit community. The Madheshi caste-based Hindu hierarchical culture and prejudice are also significant among them. According to the study, the advent of federal democracy and Madhesh movement in Nepal did not significantly alter the lives of the Dalit community. Still prevalent are societal injustices like poverty, unemployment, discrimination, and violence. Increased in political engagement of Dalit activists have all had a significant impact on the study area's Dalit population. They know very little about Dalit's political rights and freedoms, as well as Dalit representation in local government. They have started to speak out about equal representation of man and women in local government and against many forms of social prejudice and violence both within and outside the group.

Women and Local Politics: How Different Offices Affect Female Candidacies

Women’s office seeking has been the subject of considerable research, but how likely a female candidate is to seek one office over another has not. Using a unique data set of office seeking in California local governments between 1996 and 2019, we address the likelihood that women will seek certain types of offices over others; and whether and how female office seeking is affected by the context of local elections. In general, we find that women are most likely to seek citywide administrative offices, followed by school board seats. Local office-seeking by women, however, also varies by jurisdiction size, political context, and over time, particularly for county-level offices. Our focus on offices as a key part of female candidate entry sheds important new light on candidate behavior and the prospects for greater descriptive representation in local government.

CONTEMPORARY TRIBAL POLITICS IN KERALA

This article tends to focus on the primordial roots of tribal politics in India during the colonial period in order to understand tribal communitys dissent towards the coercive approaches taken up by the British administration. Besides, the prominent social issues faced by the tribal groups in post colonial period would be studied upon to acknowledge how social movements had played a crucial role in addressing it. In particular, the discussions on tribal politics post-independence will be elucidated by narrowing it down to the tribal affairs in the state of Kerala. The Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha a social movement in Kerala led by tribal group would be analysed, to comprehend upon how effectively it had organised the tribal groups and addressed their collective needs. Further, the statistical analysis section highlights the presence of tribal communities in Kerala from parameters like thedistrict wise population, gender ratio, reserved constituencies and representation in local governing bodies. Also, the tribal groups in ST reserved constituencies would be taken into account to explain more about tribal politics and their representation in local government bodies.Lastly, the article aims to provide necessary suggestions on how to enhance the tribal peoples participation in politics.

“I was able to take part in the chamber as if I was there” – women local councillors, remote meeting attendance, and Covid-19: a positive from the pandemic?

ABSTRACT This article explores research findings regarding the possibilities offered by remote attendance at council meetings as implemented during the coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic, and reflects upon how this may improve women local councillors’ experiences, as well as women’s political participation and the accessibility of Welsh local government going forward. Influenced by feminist institutionalist theory, this paper examines how councils’ formal organisational norms and practices pre-pandemic privileged presenteeism, and explores participants’ perceptions and experiences of the accessibility of local councils, especially for younger women with families and/or in other forms of employment. Presenting data from 19 semi-structured interviews with women local councillors in Wales (UK), both in-person and subsequently online during the pandemic, the paper discusses how remote attendance in local council meetings was considered an enabling shift in formal organisational practices, especially for rural councils. Despite some dissenting opinions and voiced dubiousness (mostly concerning future hybrid implementation), through easing the time costs of being a local councillor, particularly for women balancing a gendered ‘triple duty’ of the political, personal, and professional, remote meeting attendance is an organisational solution, albeit somewhat forced in implementation, which presents clear means of improving women’s political participation and representation in local government.

Better for everyone: Black descriptive representation and police traffic stops

ABSTRACT Racial disparities in citizen interactions with police are ubiquitous concerns in American communities. What difference does electoral representation make? We demonstrate that black descriptive representation in local government affects police activity and scrutiny in a given community. We use a new dataset comprised of over 79 municipal police departments spanning 6 states, based on tens of millions of individual-level traffic stops. In cities and towns with majority-black city councils, traffic stops are less likely to result in a search. This decline in search rates affects both white and black drivers, though the decline is larger for black drivers. Even after controlling for socioeconomic factors, segregation, and crime rates, descriptive representation still matters. A city council composed of a majority of black members is associated with important differences in policing, affecting both white and black residents.

Ranked Choice Voting and Minority Representation

In this paper, we outline and demonstrate a data-driven methodology that voting rights advocates can use to compare the likely effectiveness of a single transferable vote system (STV) to single-member districts (SMD) for securing minority representation in local government. We incorporate both election data and demographics, and can apply variable assumptions on candidate availability and voter turnout. The core of our STV analysis uses four models of voter ranking behavior that take racial polarization into account; to assess districts, we use random district-generation algorithms developed at the MGGG Redistricting Lab. We demonstrate this method on four case studies: judicial elections in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana; the county commission of Jones County, North Carolina; and the city councils of Cincinnati, Ohio and Pasadena, Texas. We find that STV provides proportional or slightly better representation for the relevant minority group in each case, while districts vary widely in their effectiveness depending on local circumstances.

Towards territorial development in fisheries areas: A typology of projects funded by Fisheries Local Action Groups

Community-led Local Development (CLLD) offers a novel bottom-up approach to achieving territorial development in EU fisheries and aquaculture areas. Through Fisheries Local Action Groups (FLAGs), CLLD sets out to increase both employment and territorial cohesion by bringing together local stakeholders in the selection and implementation of projects which meet the specific needs of the FLAG area and its fisheries communities. Through an analysis of 2691 FLAG projects, this study offers comparative insights into the implementation of CLLD across eight EU Member States. The analysis shows that there are three areas that account for almost 90% of total budget spending, projects attributed to adding value to the fisheries value chain, the diversification fisheries activities, and those with socio-cultural focus, while fewer projects attributed to the environment or increasing representation in local governance. The results of this analysis are compared with the priorities expressed by FLAGs at the beginning of the program, as well as the national Operational Programs of individual Member States.

At‐Large Elections and Minority Representation in Local Government

AbstractDespite a long history of legal challenges alleging that elections conducted at‐large suppress minority representation, this remains the dominant electoral system in local governments throughout the United States. Moreover, a large empirical literature remains divided over the present‐day impact of at‐large elections on the political success of underrepresented groups. We reconcile the competing findings in this literature by providing contingent, causal estimates of the effect of conversion from at‐large to ward elections on minority officeholding, using a novel identification strategy afforded by the California Voting Rights Act of 2001. We find a dramatic positive effect of conversion in districts where Latinos constitute a sufficiently large share of the voting population, and in large and residentially segregated districts. When these conditions are not satisfied, we consistently see null estimated effects.

Cultural Tourism and The Use of Local Wisdom in The Bancakan Salak Galengdowo, East Java

The research aimed to elaborate on the common value represented by Bancakan Salak of Gelengdowo Village. Qualitative phenomenology was used to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the research problem. The data collection techniques used in this research is observation of both preparation and due day process. The semi-structured interview was conducted with the chief of the committee, local government representation, local youth figure, and two elders while checking the previous studies to get a comprehensive picture. The finding consists of three-part: (1) the preparation stage has substantial collectivism value, (2) the word bancakan finds its intrinsic value in the long tradition of bancakan practice by the community to express their gratitude upon God blessing, (3) the culture of almsgiving reflected in the tumpeng- shaped salak. The community has been practicing those three values since the beginning. Therefore it inspires and reflected in the creation of Bancakan Salak. Keywords: bancakan salak , Galengdowo, local wisdom, social practice.

Māori Issues

Māori Issues Margaret Mutu The 2017 general election delivered twenty-nine members of Parliament of Māori descent, twenty of whom are in government, with eight of those becoming ministers. Māori also featured in sporting successes, especially women's rugby and men's softball. At the same time, racism against Māori became more blatant as decisions to allow Māori to have their own representation in local government were all successfully overturned. Māori continue to be disproportionately impacted by the effects of poverty in stark contrast to the Pākehā (European) population, which enjoys relative affluence. That drew criticism [End Page 202] yet again from two United Nations treaty bodies as Māori continue to be denied our rights under both Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Since coming to power in late 2017, the new government has appeared to be more caring than the last, but little has changed for the large number of Māori struggling to survive in increasingly harsh socioeconomic conditions while still trying to protect our natural resources from overexploitation. Before reviewing these issues, we will pause to remember a number of leaders we lost during this period, all of whom spent their lives fighting to achieve justice for Māori. Ngāi Tahu of Te Waipounamu (the South Island) lost some well-loved and widely respected elders and leaders. Trevor Howse passed away in May 2017. He helped organize and drive Ngāi Tahu's treaty claim behind the scenes, collating a vast amount of the information that was presented to the Waitangi Tribunal. He was also part of the Ngāi Tahu team that spearheaded the negotiation process and resulted in one of the biggest treaty claims settlements to date (Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu 2014). So too was Kuao Langsbury, who passed away in October. He first took a leadership role in Ngāi Tahu in 1961 when he was elected the chair of Ōtākou Rūnanga at the age of twenty-five (Waatea News 2017a). Then in January 2018 it was the gentle elder, leader, and Māori language, culture, and history teacher Kukupa Tirikātene. He provided advice and support for Ngāi Tahu's leadership and contributed to the recovery of their dialect of the Māori language. Tirikātene came from a family of long-serving members of Parliament. His father, Sir Eruera, his sister, Whetū (Tirikātene-Sullivan), and his nephew, Te Rino, have all served as members of Parliament for the Southern Māori or Te Tai Tonga electorate (Waatea News 2018b). Artist, teacher, master carver, and heritage advocate Dr Cliff Whiting of Te Whānau a Apanui passed away in July 2017. He worked on a number of modern-day meetinghouses including the spectacular Te Hono ki Hawaiki on Rongomaraeroa Marae at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, Te Kupenga o Te Mātauranga at Palmerston North Teachers' College, Maru Kaitatea on Takahanga Marae in Kaikoura, and Tahu Pōtiki on Te Rau Aroha Marae in Bluff. He also undertook large-scale murals for a number of government buildings including the New Zealand MetService, the National Library of New Zealand, and the Christchurch High Court (Hunt 2017). Strong, outspoken, yet gentle Māori rights advocate Nuki Aldridge of Ngāpuhi passed away in November 2017. His expertise and knowledge of northern history was legend, particularly that relating to the formation of the collective of leaders, Te Whakaminenga o Ngā Hapū o Nu Tireni, who were responsible for the country's first constitutional document, the 1835 He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tireni, or the declaration of hapū (grouping of extended families) sovereignty often referred to in English as the Declaration of Independence. Nuki was a key witness in the hearings of the Waitangi Tribunal on the mid-northern claims. The tribunal went on to issue in 2014 its [End Page 203] groundbreaking findings that Ngāpuhi did not cede sovereignty to the British when they signed Te Tiriti o Waitangi in 1840. New Zealand's constitutional arrangements and parliamentary institutions have all been built on the...

Women’s local government representation in Auckland – does size matter?

The article examines women’s local government representation following amalgamation to form a super-sized city authority, Auckland, which covers a third of New Zealand’s population. Using a gender perspective, it analyses the promise implicit in amalgamation rhetoric that democratic gaps in representation, including the gender gap, would diminish. It examines the question of whether size has made a difference. Prior to local government amalgamation, women’s representation had not significantly increased over a period of seven election cycles. Women’s descriptive and substantive representation are examined at national and city levels and the gendered implications of local government reform are considered from the perspectives of female elected representatives at councillor and local board levels. Evidence shows that local government reform has yet to be the catalyst for improving women’s descriptive and substantive representation, although there are tentative signs of entry-level improvement at community board level which raise the prospect of a pipeline effect. Interviews with elected female representatives after amalgamation show that while they do not identify themselves as speaking for women, they see themselves as women speaking for their communities and doing it better than men. The results suggest the influence of gender backlash politics and also confirm the need to think about the performance of elected women as more than ‘articulated’ representation.

Aquifers and Democracy: Enforcing Voter Equal Protection to Save California’s Imperiled Groundwater and Redeem Local Government

California’s Sustainable Groundwater Management Act (“SGMA”) allows local entities that represent landowners, government agencies, or private companies rather than the public to take on exclusive power to regulate and manage imperiled groundwater resources. In at least some cases, the ways in which these entities are governed and controlled violates the one-person, one-vote requirement of the Equal Protection Clause, and even the requirement that local government representational structures have a rational basis. SGMA attempts to address a longstanding gap in California water regulation, the consequences of which have culminated in a statewide crisis. Despite its importance to the future of the state’s economy and environment, the law’s implications for democracy have largely been ignored. This note examines the ways in which SMGA invokes Fourteenth Amendment, and specifically, requirements for proportional representation in local government established by Avery v. Midland County and Board of Estimate v. Morris. It argues that voter accountability and proportional representation in groundwater governance are important to actually achieving the ultimate goal of the legislation: effective management and regulation of critically imperiled common pool resources in California. It also contributes to solving a bigger problem. Special districts comprise the most numerous sector of American government, with policy-making and administrative responsibility for vital environmental resources, infrastructure, and services. Better enforcement of the one-person, one-vote requirement in this sector will promote accountability and equity in local government throughout the United States.