Religious Symbols In Public Spaces Research Articles

Religious Symbols in Public Spaces in Brazil: Controversies and Propositions

Abstract This article outlines issues pertinent to the valuation of religions in the Brazilian legal, social and cultural framework, particularly in its Catholic expression. It is a valorisation demonstrated in the form of approximations, contacts and compromises between instances of the state and the religious organizations. The hypothesis is that, within the current picture of religious diversity in its relation to secularity, the great challenge is not mainly in the presence of religion in public spaces, but in monopolies and privileges with an exclusivist character engendered by certain religious groups. The object of research in this approach is, therefore, the incidence of religious symbols present in Brazilian public spaces, their relevance and developments in the perspective of secularity, mainly for the field of sciences of religions, humanities, theology and law.

Religious Symbols in Public Space: The German Way

This paper should draw a picture of the German constitutional system of the relationship between state and Religion, on the examples of the most discussed religious symbols in public space: Islamic headscarf and christian cross. German constitutional law includes the rules about the relationship between state and religious communities. It is based on three principles: neutrality, tolerance and parity. According to that, there is no state church. As well the state is not allowed to identify with one particular religious community. On the other hand, the constitution asks the German state to encourage religious life. Therefore, the protection of freedom of religion is understood in an ample way. The religious communities have more rights than other registered societies. All this is distilled in the term positive neutrality of religion.

Modes of neutrality in the ECtHR jurisprudence related to religious matters: some critical remarks

SUMMARY: 1. Introduction - 2. The meaning of State neutrality: some conceptual clarifications - 3. State’s neutrality vis-a-vis religious organizations: neutrality as absence of interference - 4. State’s neutrality vis-a-vis public education: neutrality as objectivity - 5. State neutrality vis-a-vis religious symbols in the public sphere: neutrality as exclusion of religion - 6. ‘Reversed’ patters of neutrality: the disruptive effect of Lautsi v. Italy - 7. Concluding remarks: decoding the patterns of State neutrality in the jurisprudence of the ECtHR. ABSTRACT: This contribution discusses the notion of State neutrality in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. State neutrality has become increasingly relevant in the rulings of the ECtHR concerning religious freedom, with the Court explicitly resorting to the idea that States should act as neutral and impartial organizers of religious life within their community. Yet, the conception of State neutrality developed by the Court is inconsistent and often gives rise to criticism. By exploring the Court’s main jurisprudence in the context of religious disputes, religious education in public education, and the display of religious symbols in public spaces, this contribution seeks to disentangle the different understandings of neutrality employed by the Court and to critically engage with them.

The inclusion of nonreligion in religion and human rights

An aspect of the protection of religious belief and expression is the protection of those who are nonreligious. Though this may seem counter-intuitive, the rising number of ‘nones’ in many countries reveals the extent to which religious establishments shape day-to-day life in a manner that is experienced as coercive by the nonreligious. Examples include: the recitation of prayers in state spaces (municipal councils, legislatures); the display of religious symbols in schools or legislative bodies; the performance of religious rituals such as baptism to ensure one’s children have access to schools and so on. This article examines the growing area of tension between ‘the religious’ and ‘the nonreligious’ using the examples of the display of majoritarian religious symbols in public spaces and religion in education to explore: (1) the contours of religious establishment; (2) the narratives of exclusion that are woven through contests between the religious and nonreligious; and (3) the coercive impact of majoritarian religion.

Simboli religiosi e libertà religiosa. Profili costituzionali

The essay analyzes some aspects of the freedom of religion enshrined in the Italian Constitution in relation to the principle of secularism as supreme principle of the Italian Republic, according to the definition of the italian Constitutional Court; and the extension of religious symbols and, in particular, the crucifix. First of all, the essay analyzes the question of «Italian» secularism, verifying the disparities and similarities among the various declinations of this principle, reconstructing the debate in the constituent assembly and the main jurisprudential approaches of the Italian Constitutional Court in this matter. Secondly, the essay analyzes the issue of religious symbols in public spaces and, in particular, a leading case concerning the exhibition of the crucifix in the classrooms, both at the jurisprudence level (Administrative Judge, Constitutional Court, EDU Court), and at doctrinal one. The essay, then, notes the cd. Bavarian solution, adopted by the Government of the homonymous German region, in search of a reconciliation between the religious freedom of each person and the quantitative factor per single religion. There is also an excursus on the main case law of the European Court of Human Rights about secularity, religious freedom and religious symbols.

Imperfect Simmetry. The Court of Strasbourg and the US Supreme Court on Religious Symbols in Public Spaces

The article compares, on the issues of religious symbols in public space, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, and that of the US Supreme Court. The enquiry aims at outlining a comparison between the contents of the decisions, not between the Courts: one is a constitutional court, the other an international court which in the late decades has been a breakthrough in the European system of guarantees. The main points emerged through the comparison are: first of all, the European Court, unlike the US SC, is clearly engaged in building a European secularism that leaves religious symbols outside the public space. The Strasbourg Court adopts a conception of secularism which, in principle, is very different from American secularism. Secondly, although in different ways, both Courts employ arguments based on tradition and history, to the detriment of individual and minority interests. Thirdly, there is a certain deference towards the choices made by national authorities: for the critics of the Roberts Court, this attitude deserves to be stigmatized in a constitutional jurisdiction.

Psychological consequences of religious symbols in public space: Crucifix display at a public university

The question of the presence of religious symbols (e.g. crosses) in public space is an important topic in public discourse, leading to many political disagreements and legal disputes. What seems to be missing in the debate about crosses in public space (schools, universities, hospitals) is an assessment of the psychological consequences that these symbols might have for religious and non-religious people visiting, studying and working in such places. The present experimental study examined the influence of religious displays in a public university room on the psychological state of students: their self-esteem, as well as positive and negative affect. The study found that the religious symbol reduced negative affect among students who identify strongly with religion and those who frequently attend religious ceremonies. The negative effects on non-religious students were less pronounced. This result is discussed with reference to self-affirmation theory, environmental psychological theories and more recent findings on the social consequences of more subtle religious exposures.

Religiøse symboler, religionsfrihed og det offentlige rum: „Stormoskeer“ i København

The paper presents recent Danish debates about so-called ‘grand-mosques’ in Copenhagen as examples of political controversies over religious symbols in public space. Following a discussion of in what sense mosques will be religious symbols, and what ‘public space’ can mean, the paper investigates freedom of religion as a general principle for how public authorities ought to relate to religion with particular focus on the regulation of religious symbols in public space. Freedom of religion can be understood in different ways, e.g. as based on religious neutrality, as an expression of religious toleration, or as grounded on respect. Thee paper argues that freedom of religion in Denmark is more plausibly understood as a relation of collective but only partial recognition and that religious symbols in public space should be discussed within this framework.

Beyond the Conflict: Religion in the Public Sphere and Deliberative Democracy

Traditionally, liberals have confined religion to the sphere of the ‘private’ or ‘non-political’. However, recent debates over the place of religious symbols in public spaces, state financing of faith schools, and tax relief for religious organisations suggest that this distinction is not particularly useful in easing the tension between liberal commitments to equality on the one hand, and freedom of religion on the other. This article deals with one aspect of this debate, which concerns whether members of religious communities should receive exemptions from regulations that place a distinctively heavy burden on them. Drawing on Habermas’ understanding of churches as ‘communities of interpretation’, we explore possible alternatives to both the ‘rule-and-exemption’ approach and the ‘neutralist’ approach. Our proposal rests on the idea of mutual learning between secular and religious perspectives. On this interpretation, what is required is (i) the generation and maintenance of public spaces in which there could be discussion and dialogue about particular cases, and (ii) evaluation of whether the basic conditions of moral discourse are present in these spaces. Thus deliberation becomes a touchstone for the building of a shared democratic ethos.

Związek publicznej obecności Kościoła w Polsce z preferencjami wyborczymi elektoratu w 2011 roku

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.

Związek publicznej obecności Kościoła w Polsce z preferencjami wyborczymi elektoratu w 2011 roku

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.