Reviewed by: Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe by Emily Greble Robert M. Hayden Emily Greble Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2021. xv + 354 Pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index, and glossary. ISBN 978-0-1975388-0-7 This innovative study is the result of what an anthropologist might call a revelatory moment in fieldwork. Emily Greble set out to do a study of Muslims in Yugoslavia, but a colleague asked her what her narrative would look like if she were to focus on the perspective of Muslims rather than that of states. This "intellectual epiphany" (p. 13) led her to focus not on the Muslims of any one state, but rather to consider Muslims' views of their changing situations in southeastern Europe generally, starting with their displacement and disempowerment in 1878 with the subjugation of territories still nominally Ottoman to the paramountcy of the Austro-Hungarian, British or Russian Empires, or the independence of new states, defined by the Christian heritage of their majority populations/nations. The second innovation in Greble's approach is to focus on the ways that the category of "Muslim" was legally defined at and after the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Muslims were promised citizenship, yet also granted "confessional self-governance … [and] authority over Islamic courts, schools and their pious endowments, and that Shari'a law continued to define collective legal norms and institutional structures," thus also shaping social and cultural norms (p. 14). Although recognition of religious autonomy over such issues as marriage, divorce, inheritance and religious endowments was granted to Muslim (and Hindu) subjects in European territories outside of Europe, Greble argues that the countries focused on in this study—Serbia, Montenegro, Austria-Hungary and the first Yugoslavia—grafted these religious rights onto citizenship status. [End Page 159] The cost, though, was to reify these citizens as being defined by Islam and thus as distinct from the Christianity of the majority populations that was ingrained into the identity and politics of those states (p. 15). Part I thus looks at the "long post-Ottoman transition" from 1878 through 1921, in what had been the European territories of the Empire. The transition was not just one of governance and ultimately state sovereignty, but a revolution in socio-economic relations, "a deliberate restructuring of Ottoman land tenure, economic networks and social classes that shifted power away from Muslims" (p. 10). This shift from a system of Muslim dominance to the positioning of Muslims as disfavored minorities in Christian-dominated states was accompanied by instances of localized massacres and forced population transfers that "produced a collective trauma" for those Muslims remaining in these states. Yet they struggled to maintain their "confessional sovereignty" throughout this period. This was facilitated by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which recognized the authority of shari'a courts, the first modern European state to do so on its home territories, as opposed to territories in their overseas empires. The development of nation-states from 1878 through the Balkans wars and the post-World War I settlements, all but Albania with Christian majorities, defined most Muslims as second-or third-class citizens. Part II is more focused territorially, on the ways Muslims experienced nation building in the first Yugoslav state, from 1918–41. This newly composed country combined territories from which Muslims had largely been driven (Serbia, Croatia) with those where Muslims remained numerous, even forming local majorities in some places. Yugoslavia, like its Austro-Hungarian predecessor in Bosnia-Herzegovina, recognized shari'a courts, even creating a hierarchy of them headed by an appeals court in Belgrade. Yet the Muslim populations in the new Yugoslavia were hardly uniform or united, following different traditions of Islam (mainly Sunni but also significant sufi/dervish orders), speaking different languages and with their own local patterns of interaction with their Christian and Jewish neighbors. Like the other peoples of Yugoslavia, they also had social class differences and differing progressive or conservative views on religion, society and politics. Muslims had organized political parties in Austro-Hungarian Bosnia, and they continued to take part in political life in the new state. Yet they were also resentful of their subordination to the...