Religious Appeals Research Articles

Reunifikacija maloruskih (ukrajinskih) in beloruskih uniatov z Rusko pravoslavno Cerkvijo: pogled od znotraj (na podlagi spominov s konca 18. stoletja)

The purpose of this article is to provide an objective study of the process of the return of the Uniates (Greek Catholics) to the Russian Orthodox Church in lands which departed from the Polish Commonwealth to the Russian Empire. Historiography has strengthened the view that the transitions of the Uniates to Orthodoxy have always been voluntary and even desirable. At the same time, historians utilized numerical data on conversions to Orthodoxy, very rarely utilizing primary sources. The analysis of memoirs (the writings of government officials on whom the implementation of the policy of religious appeals depended) undertaken in this article, shows that, in fact, there were protests from the Uniate population against violent Orthodoxy. The systemic approach (the method of structural systematization) is utilized in our work, making it possible to examine interconfessional relationships both from the positions of representatives of the authorities and from the Uniate community.

An Exploratory Analysis of the Role of Religion in Colorectal Cancer Screening among Safety-Net Clinic Patients.

Colorectal cancer (CRC) incidence among low income populations is disproportionate when compared to the general population. Cancer screening studies show religion as a potentially influential factor in individual screening. The present study was an exploratory analysis of religious involvement (RI) among older safety-net clinic patients who participated in 90-day follow up calls during an intervention trial. Results show RI among participants (n = 185) did not significantly predict nor was associated with screening for CRC (OR = 1.36, p = 0.35). The percentage of participants that self-identified as being highly religious differed across racial/ethnic groups (25% of Non-Hispanic Whites, 22% of Hispanics were highly religious when compared to 52% of Non-Hispanic Blacks). These findings raise questions about the use of religious appeals as part of health promotion for CRC screening and religious involvement among low-income patient populations. Varied religious beliefs across groups suggest while there may be room for including religion in CRC screening promotion targeted to some patients from low income groups, this appeal would not be suitable for other low-income patient sub-populations.

Infidel America: Puritan Legacy and Antebellum Religious Persecution in Frederick Douglass’s Transatlantic Speeches, 1841–49

Abstract This essay examines Frederick Douglass’s oratory of the 1840s, when religious appeals drove his abolitionist rhetoric. In addressing the lack of critical attention paid to his early oratory and evangelism, the essay argues that these speeches, which he delivered to audiences in the US North and Europe, offer an incisive transatlantic critique of the religious roots of American exceptionalism by attacking American Protestantism and the growing mythology of the nation’s Puritan origins. Douglass’s early speeches undercut the celebration of Puritan ancestry by Daniel Webster, George Bancroft, and others; provide a thick description of US antebellum religious persecution in both the North and South; and deploy missionary rhetoric to call on European Protestant churches to remake their US counterparts. For 1840s Douglass, slavery in the United States was not a result of the country failing to live up to its founding republican principles, an argument he would make in subsequent decades. Rather, the more radical and zealous appraisal of the country he offered at that time was that the country’s founding reliance on slavery and servitude meant that it was, at core, an apostate nation in need of Christian conversion.

The Appropriate Role of a Clinical Ethics Consultant's Religious Worldview in Consultative Work: Nearly None.

Ethical reasoning is an integral part of the work of a clinical ethics consultant (CEC). Ethical reasoning has a close relationship with an individual's beliefs and values, which, for religious adherents, are likely to be tightly connected with their spiritual perspectives. As a result, for individuals who identify with a religious tradition, the process of thinking through ethical questions is likely to be influenced by their religious worldview. The connection between ethical reasoning and one's spiritual perspective raises questions about the role that CECs' personal religious worldviews should play in their professional lives and their consultative work. This paper offers numerous arguments critiquing the inclusion of a consultant's own spiritual perspective in her work and has identified only limited circumstances under which such inclusion might be permissible. In particular, these arguments lead to the conclusion that a CEC's personal beliefs should never influence her ethical analysis or development of a recommendation. Further, religious appeals should not be used in communication during decision-making conversations other than to describe the patient or surrogate's stated perspective. There may be limited cases in which a CEC may share her spiritual worldview with a patient with the intent of building a collaborative relationship, but such situations should be approached with extreme caution.

Political Protestantism: The Detroit Citizens League and the Rise of the Ku Klux Klan

This article considers the rise of the Ku Klux Klan as a political force in Detroit in the 1924 and 1925 elections. In the 1910s, the Detroit Citizens League had risen in Detroit politics through its practice of the rhetoric of political Protestantism, designed to mobilize Protestant laymen through religious appeals. In the 1920s, this style of politics backfired on the Citizens League: after spending years focusing on Detroit’s business elite, Protestants abandoned the Citizens League in droves when that organization backed a Catholic for mayor. By turning to the Ku Klux Klan, many Protestant voters found an organization making the appeals that they had backed a decade before and which was better at incorporating them than the Citizens League. Ultimately, the Citizens League’s response to the Klan was complicated both by reluctance to further alienate past supporters and by an inability to unite politically with past foes.

Englishness, Empire and Nostalgia: A Heterodox Religious Community's Appeal in the Inter-War Years

This article looks at the ways in which the Panacea Society – a heterodox, millenarian group based in Bedford during the inter-war years – spread its ideas: through personal, familial and shared belief networks across the British empire; by building new modes of attracting adherents, in particular a global healing ministry; and by shipping its publications widely. It then examines how the society appealed to its (white) members in the empire in three ways: through its theology, which put Britain at the centre of the world; by presuming the necessity and existence of a ‘Greater Britain’ and the British empire, while in so many other quarters these entities were being questioned in the wake of World War I; and by a deliberately cultivated and nostalgic notion of ‘Englishness’. The Panacea Society continued and developed the idea of the British empire as providential at a time when the idea no longer held currency in most circles. The article draws on the rich resource of letters in the Panacea Society archive to contribute to an emerging area of scholarship on migrants’ experience in the early twentieth-century British empire (especially the dominions) and their sense of identity, in this case both religious and British.

“Religion and Nation Are One”: Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism

Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.

The Political Impact of Displacement: Wartime IDPs, Religiosity, and Post-War Politics in Bosnia

Abstract Following armed conflict, why do some members of ethno-religious groups vote for political parties that use religious appeals while others do not? I argue that internal displacement shapes the relationship between conflict and post-war political outcomes. Specifically, individuals who become internally displaced during armed conflict will use their religious faith to cope with the trauma of displacement, thereby strengthening their religiosity. This heightened religiosity then leads them to prefer religiously oriented parties after conflict. Analyzing survey data from Bosnian Muslims, I show that internally displaced respondents were more likely to vote for the religious nationalist Party of Democratic Action nearly a decade after conflict. Employing matching analysis, I then verify that these internally displaced persons became more religious than other respondents compared to before the war. My findings therefore provide evidence that trauma and religiosity combine to shape post-war voting behavior for members of ethno-religious groups.

Investigating the role of religiosity as a deterrent against digital piracy

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the role of religiosity as a deterrent to habitual digital piracy behaviour. Specifically, it will examine the extent to which “religious teaching” affects consumer attitudes towards digital piracy and their habitual digital piracy behaviour in a developing market.Design/methodology/approachIn total, 400 usable samples were collected from large religious organisations in Indonesia using convenience sampling. The latent moderation structural equation technique was used to test the research hypotheses.FindingsThe results indicated that: facilitating conditions are a significant driver of digital piracy habit; attitude towards piracy is a significant deterrent of digital piracy and moderates the relationship between facilitating conditions and habitual digital piracy; and religious teaching is a significant deterrent of digital piracy habit, mediated by attitude towards piracy.Originality/valueThis study investigates the influence of Christian religious teaching as a deterrent to digital piracy behaviour. Further, it investigates the mediating and moderating role of attitude in a digital piracy context. The study findings would provide insights for policy makers to deter digital piracy behaviour through the use of religious appeals.

Trust Me, I Believe in God

Religion plays a prominent role in American politics, and candidates often attempt to display their religiousness in a variety of ways. For example, in spite of the association between conservatism and religion, research shows that candidates of both parties routinely use religious language and seek to demonstrate personal religiousness. Existing research portrays religious rhetoric primarily as an ideological cue, failing to explain why Democrats would make religious appeals. Drawing on psychological theories of prejudice toward atheists, we argue that candidates emphasize their religiousness in order to enhance perceptions of their trustworthiness and morality. Using survey data, we show that voters are quite unlikely to support an atheist candidate, an effect that is strongly driven by the perception of atheists’ morality. Next, we show evidence that voters perceiving Hillary Clinton as religious also viewed her as more trustworthy, and were more likely to view her favorably. Finally, we show experimentally that religious candidates are perceived as more trustworthy, at least among a wide swath of the electorate. We conclude that displays of religiousness likely serve not only an ideological purpose but also the broader goal of increasing perceived candidate trustworthiness.

Mixed Reactions

This article hypothesizes that religious motivation can explain varied responses to the political use of religious rhetoric. Religious motivation—religion’s place in an individual’s life—is an important determinant of individual behavior and attitude formation, and variation in religious motivation can explain why some religious citizens are attracted to candidates using religious appeals while others are clearly not. Using a survey experiment, this article tests the effect of Judeo-Christian religious language and attempts to isolate differences among the religious in how they respond to religious rhetoric in the American political environment. The goal of this article then becomes twofold. First, it introduces a measure of religious motivation and demonstrates that it is a unique measure of individual difference with independent effects beyond traditional measures of religiosity, personality, and conservatism. The second goal is to demonstrate that religious motivation can explain variance in reactions to religious rhetoric within a campaign environment. Religious individuals respond differently to religious appeals, with some evaluating candidates higher when religious words were used while others rated candidates lower. The types of religious motivation (extrinsic, intrinsic, and quest) are shown to be much better predictors of responses to religious rhetoric than traditional measures of religiosity.

Slavery and Forced Migration in the Antebellum South by Damian Alan Pargas

Reviewed by: Slavery and Forced Migration in the Antebellum Southby Damian Alan Pargas Charles Vincent Slavery and Forced Migration in the Antebellum South. By Damian Alan Pargas. Cambridge Studies on the American South. (New York and other cities: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xii, 281. Paper, $29.99, ISBN 978-1-107-65896-7; cloth, $80.00, ISBN 978-1-107-03121-0.) Damian Alan Pargas has produced a valuable volume on the many aspects of the forced migration of enslaved people in the antebellum South. Forced migration took three forms: trade from older southern states of the Atlantic seaboard to other areas, local movement and moving about in rural areas, and being hired out to the city. In this well-crafted volume, Pargas poses vital questions and provides documented answers. How did American slaves experience forced migration? How did they get along with other slaves? How did they negotiate their removal and rebuild their lives while contending with the “consequences of forced migrations for identity formation” (p. 3)? With a map of the domestic slave trade, pictures, and impressive documentation, this volume uses a comparative perspective “juxtaposing and contrasting the experiences of long-distance, local, and urban slave migrants” (p. 3). One argument Pargas makes is that no southern slave owner was truly committed to paternalism but rather acted out of “financial self-interest” (p. 258). In chapter 1 the author observes that “between 1820 and 1860, at least 875,000 slaves were forcibly removed from the Upper South,” causing the enslaved population in Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, and Alabama to increase by 68 percent and leading to a cotton boom after the invention of the cotton gin and a sugar revolution in Louisiana (p. 19). New Orleans became the South’s largest slave market. Owners sold or hired out slaves for reasons as varied as personal dislike, to cover up illicit affairs, to rid themselves of recalcitrant slaves, and to alleviate their own economic [End Page 926]indebtedness. Some of those sold had to endure the inhumanity of inspections and probing at the auction blocks, slave pens, and jails and being taken overland and by sea routes to various locations. Chapter 2 discusses how they reacted to the prospect of relocation, resisted or negotiated the terms of their relocation, and the organizational aspects of forced migration. Slaves preferred local over interstate moves, because they feared family separation and the reputation of the Deep South. The enslaved employed resistance techniques including religious appeals, physical violence, and self-mutilation. Chapter 3 describes the inhumane events that accompanied many forced migrants—slave pens, inferior food, bedbugs, lice, fleas, and sexual exploitation. A few who were hired or sold to urban areas found life a little more bearable. Chapter 4 discusses some of the struggles of learning new work routines and environments. Many forced migrants from the upper South had not seen cotton, and having to learn to pick and cultivate cotton caused slave owners to prefer younger migrants. Cotton was the great equalizer in terms of gender. While harvesting cotton or sugar was more difficult than tobacco, Pargas observes that the belief that upper South slaves were better off than lower South slaves is not true. Chapter 5 asserts that planters’ claims to paternalism and benevolence were inconsistent with the system of slavery and its ideological justification. The conditions of the slaves—housing, food, and clothes—were poor, and corporal punishment was frequent. Chapter 6 and the conclusion are insightful. Posing questions of how slaves experienced transitions and forged new relations, strategies, and identities, Pargas highlights many examples of collective resistance, including marriages among migrants and helping others escape. Worship services created bonds. Illicit visits to loved ones, “courting, marriage, and family formation” were likewise “ways to integrate into slave communities” (p. 240). Helping slaves with tasks, workplace cooperation, and lodging with newcomers also helped make some adjustment bearable. Slavery and Forced Migration in the Antebellum Southhas added greatly to a vital topic. Well documented, this volume should be high on a list of mandatory reading for classes on slavery in the antebellum South, sociology, and southern history in general. Charles Vincent Southern University and A&M College Copyright...

Editor’s Farewell Note

Looking back at my four years as editor of Advances in the History of Rhetoric, I am thankful to all the authors, reviewers, and special issue editors whose hard work we see represented in volumes 15 through 18. I am also proud of the diversity and high quality of scholarship included in these volumes. I think that the journal’s contents prove that the history of rhetoric as a field has evolved beyond its original preoccupation with ancient and medieval rhetoric into a robust scholarly enterprise that illuminates rhetorical theory, practice, and pedagogy in all historical periods. What binds this diverse set of studies together is the historical lens, a perspective that is sensitive to discontinuities and disruptions, to power struggles, and to the performative complexity of rhetoric as an embodied practice.This is not to say that we all abide by a fixed methodology. On the contrary, historians of rhetoric do not take their approach for granted but instead continue to debate how their scholarly habituation and lived experiences influence their theories and methods of historical research. Witness, for example, Practicing Histories: On the Doing of History and the Making of Historians in Rhetoric, a special issue guest edited by Christa J. Olson (volume 15, number 1, 2012). As Olson remarks in her introduction, “historiographers take aim at points of disconnection” (3) and stitch together places and moments that may not appear related.That this sort of opportune stitching together can generate powerful insights is apparent in the journal’s special issues, most of which began as American Society for the History of Rhetoric (ASHR) symposia. Rhetoric and Its Masses (guest edited by Dave Tell) and Rhetoric and Freedom (guest edited by Susan C. Jarratt) offer not only broad-ranging explorations of their respective topics but also demonstrate the value of historical inquiry into some of the most abiding issues in rhetorical studies. ASHR symposia and special issues that grow out of them allow us to bring together the work of established and young scholars alike, and as such they illustrate the value of ASHR and its journal as sites of scholarly training of historians of rhetoric.In addition to themed special issues, I would like to highlight some of the exciting trends that I believe are gaining prominence in the history of rhetoric. One such trend is the exploration of spatial and visual practices in different historical periods. For example, Diana Eidson’s study of the Celsus Library at Ephesus probes the power of spatial rhetoric to address its historical audiences, both elite and nonelite. Or take Julia Marie Smith’s article on The Book of Margery Kempe, in which she examines the contributions of multiple hands to this medieval manuscript’s central narrative. Not incidentally, both authors use images to support their arguments. Although Advances can accommodate only black-and-white illustrations in print, the journal’s online version allows one to view their color versions.Another trend is the investigation of the relationship between rhetoric and religion in diverse historical and cultural contexts. In the past three years, the journal published studies of theological influences on rhetorical theories and pedagogical doctrines of such figures as Augustine, Austin Phelps, and William Enfield; analyses of the argumentative strategies used by medieval rabbis and Jaina mystics; and essays on the use of religious appeals deployed by nineteenth-century African American speakers. Besides being “sermonic” to begin with (Johannesen, Strickland, and Eubanks 1970), rhetoric often derives much of its poignancy from a connection to religious rituals and imaginaries. Examples of this connection are ubiquitous in contemporary culture; consider President Barack Obama’s spontaneous singing of “Amazing Grace” during his eulogy for the slain parishioners of a Black church in Charleston, South Carolina, or Pope Francis’s recent encyclical on climate change. Historians of rhetoric are particularly well positioned to shine the light on such interventions.I do not mean to suggest, of course, that classical and medieval rhetoric have been exhausted as areas of inquiry; quite the opposite. If recent publications are any indication, we still have much to learn from reinterpreting Plato and Aristotle as well as from revisiting the Middle Ages. As someone who is personally invested in regarding afresh rhetoric’s ancient heritage, I wholeheartedly agree with Olson’s (2012) claim: “we look again at old ideas and find ourselves with new questions” (7).This is why I am thrilled to welcome Art Walzer, a renowned scholar of Greek and Roman rhetoric and a beloved mentor to many historians of rhetoric, as the journal’s incoming editor in chief. I am confident that under Art’s guidance the journal will continue to deepen our understanding of traditional sites of historical inquiry as well as grow in promising new directions.Ekaterina V. HaskinsRensselaer Polytechnic Institute

Understanding Urban–Rural Patterns of BJP Campaigning in UP (Lok Sabha Elections 2014)

The electoral patterns in Lok Sabha as well as state assembly elections reflect perceptible differences and variations across regions, groups, communities and constituencies. One such significant variation is found in urban and rural pattern of voting and party campaigning. The rural voter turnout in Uttar Pradesh stood at 58.5 per cent as compared to 54.7 per cent in urban localities. The difference also lies in party support in urban and rural areas, issues of campaigning and finally strategies to connect with rural and urban masses. Is the recent Lok Sabha election also a testimony to such variations? Or has the gap reduced due to predominance of other kinds of polarizations, especially religion? BJP’s landslide victory in recent Lok Sabha elections and above all its ability to secure 71 out of 80 in Uttar Pradesh, the state with largest number of seats in Lok Sabha, marked a decisive shift in the electoral verdict of the masses. Its vote share in the state increased by 25 per cent. The article would engage with a comparative study of urban and rural electoral patterns by accounting for variations in vote share, strategies used by political parties to attract rural and urban voters, issues of relevance for women voters and areas where religious polarization made the rural–urban divide immaterial as both urban and rural voters responded equally to religious appeals.

Televised Political Advertising in Egypt: The Case of 2012 Parliamentary Elections

The research results support the Functional Theory of political campaign discourse. All three functions are capable of persuading voters that a candidate is preferable to one’s opponent. Acclaims have no disadvantages but it seems that voters dislike mudslinging (Merritt, 1984). This discourages candidates from attacking too heavily. Defenses have three potential drawbacks. First, opponents are likely to attack where the opponent is weak, which means that defending against an attack will usually take a candidate “off-message”. Second, defenses are likely to sound reactive rather than proactive and candidates may not wish to encourage this impression. Third, a candidate must identify an attack in order to refute it. This means that when a candidate mentions an attack in preparation for the defense he or she may remind or inform voters of a potential weakness. So, it is reasonable to expect that acclaims would be more frequent than attacks and attacks more common than defenses. Public opinion poll data (in the US) reveals that, in multiple campaigns, more voters reported that policy was a more important determinant of their vote than character (Benoit, 2003; Brazeal and Benoit, 2001). Thus, if voters believe policy is more important, this could encourage candidates to emphasize policy more than character in their ads. On the other hand, the theory argues that the voter is “rational”, taking his/her decision on an informal form of cost-benefit analysis. The economic status of the voters has been neglected, in the Egyptian case the phenomena of “buying” votes has been observed. Some political parties offered money to voters to make them vote for these parties exploiting their poverty and need for money. This research proposes additions to the theory. First, the cultural variable (collective versus individual cultures) should be considered as influencing the functions of political advertising. In collective cultures, it is immoral to attack others or even talk about them especially when they are not attendants. The author can use this cultural value to explain why Egyptian candidates did not use attacking function in their ads. Second, the religious variable should be included in studying political advertising in Islamic countries because religion is an essential factor in affecting attitudes and behaviors. Third, the author suggests adding another function to political advertising which is “education” especially when it comes to societies new to democracy and with high rate of literacy. The last addition, the political and electoral systems should be tested as independent variables that influence the topic of political advertising, as party-list proportional representation makes “policy” more important than “character”. Political advertising in Egypt is still in the childhood stage. Although Egypt witnessed real democratic experiences and free elections before 1952, these practices have stopped since 1952. It is obvious that the present political parties do not have sufficient resources neither experience to use political TV advertising; only 13 parties (out of 60 political parties in Egypt at the time of conducting the research-Guide of Egyptian Political Parties,2011) used political TV advertising with total of 50 spots. 58% of these ads have been done by only three parties, which indicate the necessity for using political TV advertising especially in a country with high rate of literacy, poverty, and suffering from weak political movement for almost 60 years. One of the interesting results is the appearance of what could be called “educational” function of political advertising. In this type of content, the function of the ad was to educate the voters about the election and voting processes, which should inspire the politicians, especially in newly established democracies, about the importance of educating people the culture of modern democracy. The political parties with religious background relied more than parties with nonreligious background on emotional appeals especially religious ones. The insertion of religion in politics hurts the democracy and the whole political life since these practices give theocracy to the religious parties and put them over their rivals who do not use the same appeals. The religious appeals used in the campaign discourse of religious parties were crucial in their win in these elections.

Mothers' strategies in handling the prematurely born infant: a qualitative study.

Family, especially mother, is faced with numerous challenges by experiencing a premature birth. Since knowing about mother's efforts regarding prematurely born infant helps us in our comprehensive understanding of the impact of this incident on the family system and its performance. The present study was carried out to explore the mothers' strategies regarding prematurely born infant. In a conventional qualitative content analysis, data was collected through purposive sampling by semi-structured deep interviews with 18 mothers who had prematurely born infant during 2012-2013 in the teaching hospitals of the north and northwest of Iran. All the interviews were recorded, typed, and finally analyzed. Data analysis resulted in the extraction of categories of "asking for help, elevating capacity and reducing personal responsibilities and commitments". These categories were revealed in mothers respectively by the different sub-categories of "religious appeal and relying on beliefs, seeking information from the treatment and caring team, participating in infant's care, companionship and support of family and friends","focusing on positive thinking and imagination, patience and strength " and "ignoring some routine affairs and reducing role-related activities and duties". Considering the uniqueness of the mother's role in responding to the needs of infants, healthcare system should consider mothers as real target in the intervention strategies in order to promote health and quality of life, so maybe this way, the burden of care and management of critical situations caused by a premature birth on the mother can be reduced.

Action, Intention, and the Search for the Good: Diana Lobel on Judah Ha-Levi, Baḥya ibn Paquda, and the Search for the Good

Because of their religious and existential appeal, Judah Ha-Levi and Baḥya ibn Paquda are studied in circles otherwise opposed to the study of philosophy. Ha-Levi emphasizes correct actions, whereas Baḥya emphasizes intention and internalization. Diana Lobel shows how both thinkers adopted Islamic, especially Sufi, terms and ideas, but adapted them to their Jewish context, thus exemplifying Wolfson’s notion of “repercussions” rather than one-way “influences.” Her Quest for God and the Good contains broad scholarship but goes beyond it to the multi-cultural philosophical search over the ages for the truth and the good life.

Testing the Spirits: Cognitive Science of Religion in Partnership with the Study of Religious Appeals

Previous articleNext article No AccessTesting the Spirits: Cognitive Science of Religion in Partnership with the Study of Religious Appeals*Steven G. SmithSteven G. SmithMillsaps College Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Religion Volume 94, Number 3July 2014 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/676027 Views: 38Total views on this site © 2014 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Application of Religious Appeal in the Strategic Marketing Communication of Financial Services in Pakistan for "Consumer Manipulation”

The perimeter of this article ranges to the limited and perceptual dimension of the business particularly in the Islamic Banks. The main objective of this article was to comprehend that whether the Islamic banks are practicing the principles of Islam in their true spirit or the same banking system is only coated by the word ‘Islamic’ to win the clientage. True it is that the whole mechanism is same except some modes, by the virtue of whom, the graph of the

Dog-Whistle Politics: Multivocal Communication and Religious Appeals

This paper explores how multivocal appeals, meaning appeals that have distinct meanings to different audiences, work with respect to religious language. Religious language is common in politics, but there is great variation in its effectiveness. I argue that multivocal appeals can resonate as religious with select audiences but have no religious content for other listeners. I test the effectiveness of multivocal and obvious religious appeals experimentally with two national samples: an ingroup that understands the religious connotations in a multivocal appeal and a religiously diverse outgroup that does not. Religious appeals are persuasive for the ingroup, but an obvious religious appeal can be politically costly by triggering negative reactions among outgroup members, while the religious meaning in a multivocal appeal eludes them. Obvious religious appeals are costly in the diverse audience because of different preferences over the appropriate role for religion in political speech.