Political Relations Research Articles

La fenomenología como método liberador en la filosofía intercultural desde y para América Latina

The article explores how phenomenology, particularly in the context of Latin America, can become a liberating tool by questioning colonial structures of thought and creating an intercultural dialogue that respects diverse worldviews. Latin America has historically been a site of oppression and marginalization, from colonialism to neoliberalism, and this legacy of subjugation has fueled a philosophy aimed not only at understanding but also at transforming this reality. Phenomenology, with its focus on lived experience and Husserl's phenomenological reduction (epoché), enables questioning Eurocentric frameworks and recovering marginalized forms of knowledge and life. From this perspective, the “lifeworld “ (Lebenswelt) is not singular but plural, adapting to the experiences and contexts of each culture. Authors such as Raúl Fornet-Betancourt and Enrique Dussel propose a phenomenology that confronts cultural colonialism and promotes an ethical and political recognition of the oppressed “Other “ (the indigenous person, the peasant, the marginalized woman) allowing for a dialogue where these peoples are neither assimilated nor instrumentalized. The intercultural philosophy emerging here does not seek a homogeneous universality but rather a plurality that preserves cultural identities and acknowledges their contributions. Phenomenology thus enables the construction of “conviviality “ or harmonious coexistence in a “pluriverse, “ where all worldviews and ways of life have a place. This approach not only challenges modernity and Eurocentrism but also proposes the need to build social and political relationships that go beyond individual interests, promoting an ethic of coexistence and complementarity. In sum, the proposed intercultural philosophy seeks to decolonize thought and position Latin America within a space of dialogue and resistance to the dominant world-system

Body and Society: Symbolic Equation in Vampire Academy Series

The body serves as a symbol that describes the relationship between individual parts of an organism and the system as a whole. A structure of the social system of society can be found within the body. Literature works as the product of a culture and is considered a mirror of society. The body in literature is often a theme or symbol rich in meaning because the body can reflect various aspects of human life, such as identity, emotion, culture, politics, spirituality, and social relationships. The use of the body in literature often involves multidimensional exploration that inspires readers to understand the human experience more deeply. The Vampire Academy series brings about a body issue representing certain social structures of a society. This study aims to explore the symbols underlying the vampire body in the Vampire Academy series. The material and data were gained from library sources using a literary study method. The objects of this study are six novels by Richelle Mead from the Vampire Academy series, which tell the story of the lives of teenagers who fight against the class division structure in a school. The results include the body becoming a symbol of group identity, as seen in the tattoos of the Dhampir guardians’ class and the Human Alchemists, symbols of sexuality in body shape, and symbols of power in the blood, skin colour, and tooth shape.

Вклад В.И. Ленина в развитие марксисткой парадигмы международных отношений

The article presents an analysis of V.I. Lenin’s views on international relations and establishes his contribution to the development of the Marxist paradigm within the theory of international relations (TIR) through a compara-tive method, as well as systemic and historical-descriptive approaches. The study juxtaposes the perspectives of the Bolshevik leader with the principal theories of international relations, namely realism and liberalism, highlighting both similarities and differences between them. The role of economic relations in global politics is examined from the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism. The article analyzes the distinctions between Lenin’s worldview and classical Marxism, focusing on the innovations he introduced regarding the role of international relations, the conceptualization of world revolution, and its future prospects. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that V.I. Lenin forged a new branch of international relations theory that simultaneously integrates certain tenets of the main ideologies prevalent in the great debates – classical Marxism and his unique vision. This explora-tion aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of Lenin’s impact on the evolution of international relations theory, particularly in the Marxist framework, and its relevance to modern geopolitical analysis.

Two ideologies of openness: a comparative analysis of the Open Universities in the UK and Greece

ABSTRACT Can the open universities in the UK and Greece be seen as representing two ideologies of openness? That is the main question this article poses. I argue that these institutions, shaped by their unique social, political and historical contexts, embody different interpretations of openness. The Open University in the UK was founded with a commitment to openness that aimed to democratise education and foster social equality, while the Hellenic Open University in Greece aligns its openness with the goals of developing a knowledge society within the framework of European integration. Despite these differences, both institutions share a complex ideological foundation that positions openness as a central, albeit divergent, guiding principle. However, what shapes the article is not this argument per se, but trying critically to reflect on the idea of openness as an epistemic and political position, and the ways in which the epistemology of higher education is embedded in the politics of both national reforms and international political relations.

Rethinking the world order: Paving the way for sustainable transformation

As the US and EU impose greater and deeper sanctions on leading economies of the Global South and attempt to limit access to global markets, the neoliberal international political economic order is proving to erode from within. This paper discusses the increasingly evident necessity and demand for new institutions to broker economic and political relationships for an emerging post-neoliberal international order.

The British Museum and the Abyssinian Campaign, 1867–8

AbstractIn 1867–8, the British Museum sent a staff member on the Abyssinian Campaign. Richard Holmes, an assistant in the Manuscript Department, was embedded in the military invasion and looted important and sacred objects and manuscripts from the fortress of Emperor Tewodros II at Maqdala. This is one of the most significant examples of a museum colluding in colonial violence to gain objects for its collection. The article re‐examines the case of Holmes, drawing on new research in the British Museum's archive and with important primary documents that have not yet received scholarly attention. The analysis focuses on the museum's objectives for the Campaign, the planning process and the actions of Holmes. I argue that while the museum was complicit in the violence perpetrated at Maqdala, its relationship with the military was complex. Multiple competing agendas became increasingly apparent as the actions of Holmes were progressively militarised. The article also examines the wider institutional links to the Abyssinian Campaign, including close political relationships that are important for understanding the trajectory of events and history of the British Museum's collections. More broadly, it sheds new light on the relationship between museums and colonial‐military interventions in nineteenth‐century Africa, demonstrating the tensions that were inherent in these projects.

A Look at Afghanistan – India Political Relations from 2001 to 2020

The largest doctrine of India's foreign policy divides countries into three concentric circles, with Afghanistan in the first circle. Therefore, this country is of special importance in India's foreign policy. The question that can be raised is, what is India's political aim in its foreign relations with Afghanistan? This work employed the doctrinal research methodology along with descriptive, explanatory, and analytical research approaches. This study was entirely based on library sources. The sources were textbooks, scholarly published and unpublished journal articles, law reports related to the research area. The expected result of this research is that in examining India's approach towards Afghan governments, an important point is that India has cooperated with different regimes in different periods, regardless of the regime ruling in Kabul. India is seeking to reduce the influence of Pakistan and engage in a political siege of Afghanistan by playing a role in internal developments and helping to rebuild the country. In this regard, India has tried to cooperate with other regional and influential powers in Afghanistan such as Iran in various fields to limit the role of Pakistan in the region.

Against Victory: Decolonising Justice After War

This article makes a case for a theoretical reorientation of post-war justice that moves away from the colonial imaginaries of military victory in just war theory. This intellectual tradition typically theorises a just peace from the perspective of ‘just victors’ interested in the definition of their rights and responsibilities in the aftermaths of a military confrontation against ‘unjust aggressors’ or ‘inherently aggressive and murderous regimes’. I argue that this approach finds its historical roots in the colonial imaginaries of the ethics of conquerors, which have been reformulated in the modern languages of rights and responsibilities. Coloniality explains such historical continuities and discontinuities in this intellectual tradition. The origins of this conception are not only of theoretical interest but also of practical relevance due to the entrenchment of colonial relations of punishment, protection and education rather than political relations of dialogue, compromise and mediation as the foundations of post-war justice.

The Impact of 2018 Election on Economic Decision-Making: A Case Study of District Chitral, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

This study analyzes the socio-economic effects triggered by the general elections held in 2018 on the people of Chitral District, Pakistan. It employs a mixed-methods strategy that integrates the quantitative analysis of questionnaires obtained from 300 participants and qualitative commentary derived from focus group discussions. The study addresses shift that occurred in the patterns of consumption, labor market and investments, and perception of economic opportunities after the elections. Political changes have outspread consequences for economic behavior. There was an increase in the households spending in education, healthcare, and transportation, owing to the great hopes the people had of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Government. Such changes also encouraged women into work to increase economic empowerment and then election also boosted the labor force participation. Nonetheless, the political, social, and economic challenges impacting infrastructure and access to markets continue to impede the progress in economic growth of the area. Political stability strengthens the economic welfare of the communities, societies, and regions. This study among others demonstrates that economic interventions in marginalized regions with good political policies discern positive economic growth. Portions of such policies would include effective policy formulation and successful implementation. Actions include finalizing infrastructure projects, implementing specific employment schemes, enhancing outreach to financial service providers and improving systems for policy monitoring. These measures aim for sustainable development and translate political pledges into real benefits for the people of District Chitral. It also adds to the body of existing knowledge on political and economic process relationships and how such may influence policy advising and development practice within specific contexts, because the region that was targeted by this study enjoys peculiar economic and geographic conditions.

The Singularity of “Blind Spots” as a Self-Organization of Uncertainties and Risks in a Digitalized Society

Topicality. Digitalization of society is accompanied by deep changes in social, economic and political relations, generating uncertainties and risks. The growth of technology, particularly artificial intelligence, is transforming the nature of information, communication and management, creating "blind spots" that require insight and systemic analysis. The purpose of the article. To identify and investigate the mechanisms of the formation of "blind spots" as a phenomenon that characterizes the self-organization of uncertainties and risks in a digitalized society. Special attention is paid to illusions of cognitive perception and their impact on social interactions. Research methodology. The methodological basis includes the concept of singularity, the ideas of scenario planning by Pierre Wack, of the singularity by Ray Kurzweil and the theory of self-organization of social systems. Metaphors of "black swan", "gray rhinoceros" and other images are used to structure risks and uncertainties. The main conclusions of the discussion. The article emphasizes the importance of critical thinking, a universal approach to education and the introduction of ethical norms for the use of artificial intelligence as key aspects in countering the formation of "blind spots" and overcoming risks in the modern digital environment.

INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL RELATIONS ON FOREIGN TRADE TRADE OF SPECIAL PURPOSE PRODUCTS

International trade is the main driving force of economic development. It appears as a sphere of international economic relations and is formed from trade in goods and services from all countries of the world. However, international trade is most influenced by political relations in the world. The model of behavior on the political scene in the last thirty years is based on setting unacceptable conditions in the political, economic and military segments, which deviate from defined and generally accepted international relations, neglect of interests and gross interference in the internal affairs of small and underdeveloped countries. In the context of the above, the export of special purpose products (weapons and military equipment) has become a problematic economic activity. On the one hand, Western countries, led by the United States of America (USA), are supplying weapons and military equipment to Ukraine as "help in curbing Russian aggression." On the other hand, countries like Serbia are in an unenviable situation because they have something to export, but it is impossible due to the happenings on the political scene. Since Russia and Ukraine did not recognize the independence of Kosovo, Serbia cannot export weapons and military equipment to those countries, so it is forced to turn to other markets and customers.

Ancient Maya Myth, Economy, and Ideology: A Marxist Interpretation of the Hero Twins Saga

A close reading of the Popol Vuh (ancient Maya text) provides clues regarding how folk beliefs, legends, and mythology legitimized political relationships by justifying the privilege, wealth, and the dominance of the elite. An interpretation, based on the Marxist social anthropology of Leslie White, uses a folkloristic analysis to explore economic and materialistic influences upon religion and ideology.

Location of the Sinhala in Regional Linguistic Historicity and the Identity of Sinhala Language

The purpose of this study is to locate the Sinhala language in the South Asian linguistic area and the Indo-Aryan subgroup and to examine the concepts and ideas related to the origin and evolution of the Sinhala language. The data were collected using document analysis and analysed using content analysis. Building the relevant rationale by analysing and synthesising the results of previous studies is the study path followed here. According to the findings, it is evident that the identity of the Sinhala language is the result of a different evolutionary path than other languages belonging to the Indo-Aryan sub-group of the Indo-European language family. Since Sinhala began to exhibit its independent aspect before the beginning of the 'Modern Indo-Aryan languages', it is justified to consider the Sinhala language as a modern language that emerged from the contact of a Middle Indo-Aryan dialect with the Old Indo-Aryan languages and the languages belong to other language families such as Dravidian and Sino-Tibetan. Although Sanskrit and the language known as 'Pali' are recognised as the 'mother languages' of Sinhala, there is no evidence that Sinhala was initiated as a dialect of either Sanskrit or 'Pali'. According to the historical analysis, several Prakrit vernaculars led to the source of the Vedic language, which was developed and modified as Sanskrit during 5c. B.C. was isolated from the original mainland and developed independently on this island. The mixing of Prakrit dialects on this island and the contact with the languages of the early inhabitants of the island was the first step in the independent aspect of the Sinhala and the contact with the colloquial languages of other nations arrived here due to various socio-economic, political, and cultural relationships led to the preparation of the new face of Sinhala. The origin and evolution of the Sinhala language took place through admixture with other non-Dravidian languages - mainly Tamil, the primary language of the Dravidian language family. The reasons for finding a vocabulary similar to Sanskrit and Pali languages - which are considered to have evolved from them - are that the Prakrit verículars based on those languages are rooted in the source of Sinhala and the development of Sinhala language due to socio-cultural (educational and religious etc.) reasons similar to Sanskrit and Pali languages. It is clear that the use of loan words and a derived vocabulary and the influence of the grammatical features of those languages.

Revisiting the collapse of the Hospitaller priory of Dacia in Late Medieval Scandinavia (1429‒1493)

The Hospitaller priory of Dacia was one of the richest and most influential religious institutions in Medieval Scandinavia. Despite this, scholarship dealing with the Order’s Scandinavian history has been sparse, especially with regards to the latter part of the Middle Ages. While the Dacian relationship with the Order at large during the period has been covered in previous research, the institutional developments, power struggles and eventual breakdown of the priory itself have only received a cursory treatment. In this article, I revisit the collapse of relations between the Danish and Swedish branch of the Order, focusing on the violent ousting of prior Olaus Nicolai in the 1460s. By introducing previously overlooked sources, I present both a new understanding about how the breakdown of relations occurred, as well as an unique insight into the Scandinavian Hospitallers and their changing political relationship to both the Kalmar Union and the Grand Master on Rhodes.

THE LINGUISTIC ASPECT OF “SOFT POWER” IN RUSSIAN-THAILAND RELATIONS

This article examines the teaching of Thai in Russia and the teaching of Russian in Thailand as foreign languages at university level. The findings suggest that the teaching of Thai as a foreign language and Thai studies in Russia begins in the 1950s, while the teaching of Russian in Thailand begins in the 1970s and the teaching of Russian studies begins in the early 2000s. The teaching of Thai language in Russia depends on the specific objectives of each educational institution, especially the training of people for diplomatic duties, people working as language interpreters, scholars, and specialists in the field of Thai language. As for Russian language teaching and Russian studies in Thailand, they have some similarities with specific objectives, namely, to enable graduates to communicate with native speakers in the public and private sectors and to create experts in Russia. The development of foreign language teaching is influenced by various factors, one of which is the resumption of diplomatic relations between Russia and Thailand. The introduction of Thai language teaching in Russia comes from the Soviet Union sending diplomatic personnel to Thailand to initiate the development of cooperation. The factor in Thailand is due to the gradual easing of tensions on the international stage in the region, which subsequently leads to the emergence of economic cooperation between the two countries. Among the factors influencing the development of curricula are the dynamics of political relations between Russia and Thailand. Therefore, Russian and Thai educational institutions need to prepare their staff to support the work of government and private sector.

Luang Prabang Mural Paintings: Social and Cultural Reflection, Lao PDR

The study entitled Luang Prabang Mural Painting: Social and Cultural Reflection, Lao PDR is the study of the mural paintings in Luang Prabang and the analysis of the social and cultural reflection from the mural paintings in Luang Prabang, Lao PDR. The research adopts both qualitative and quantitative methods. Studying the mural paintings in Luang Prabang, created during the Lao Lan Xang era under Siamese rule up to the present day (1779 to the present), covering eight temples. The target group consisted of the informants in Luang Prabang City, and the research tools consisted of surveys, observation, and interviews. The data was analyzed through the representation concept, structural-functionalism theory, and cultural diffusion theory, presented through descriptive analysis. The study found that the characteristic of the mural paintings in Luang Prabang, consisting of the form, colors, techniques, and composition, was artistically influenced by the surrounding kingdoms. Starting from the Lan Xang kingdom, until the era Laos was under Siam, where the Rattakosin artistic influence came to play a significant role in the development of arts and the integration of the traditional Lao art, creating an identity of Luang Prabang arts. As for the social reflection in the mural paintings, according to the Lao historical context from Lan Xang to the present, there are four significant social aspects: social kinship system, political relationships, transnational economic trades, and cultural tourism as a world heritage site. There are four aspects to the cultural reflection of the mural paintings in Luang Prabang: cultural livelihood and way of life system, cultural consciousness or social system, cultural intelligence and thought systems, and arts and culture or aesthetic system.

Enforcement of international human rights law: A comparative exploration of alternative public opinion channels

The existing scholarship implies different mechanisms for the enforcement of international human rights law through the domestic public opinion channel. In this research, we investigate the comparative influence of these alternative mechanisms in a cross-country setting. Using data from original survey experiments from the United States, Germany, and Turkey, we show that public concerns over human rights violations in foreign countries are highly politicised by strategic political relationships. Our results provide a fuller account of the specific micro-mechanisms through which the domestic public opinion channel most effectively constrains government action in enforcing international human rights law. Our findings suggest that naming and shaming by informing the public about the international human rights law violations in foreign states may not provide a consistent and reliable check, as the public defines punishment strategically based on political alliances and interests over legal context.

Speech of Russian President Putin at the Munich Security Conference 2007 (“Munich Speech 2007”) as a predictor of the formation of the modern foreign policy agenda of the Russian Federation

ABSTRACT This study aimed to determine the relationship between Putin’s Munich speech and the current foreign policy agenda of the Russian Federation. From a retrospective point of view, this study traces a causal relationship indicating that the Munich speech became the starting point for a partial reorientation of the vector of trade and political relations of a number of countries not only in the Asian region but also beyond. Putin's political discourse had a decisive impact on Russia's geopolitical reorientation in 2008–2024 and on the formation of a new foreign economic and foreign policy strategy. Herewith, the central focus is set on the economic aspect of the RF’s foreign policy concerning Brazil, India, and the PRC. The intensification of foreign economic relations undoubtedly affected political cooperation and dialogue, which also influenced the revision of the state strategy, including Russia. By constructing models of the influence of the Munich speech on Russia's foreign trade, it was revealed that speech is a statistically significant regressor (independent variable) of imports and exports between Russia Brazil, India, and China. The development of economic cooperation between the BRICS countries is the material foundation for the formation of an independent centre of power in the multipolar world.

Macroeconomic and energy impacts of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: A comparative analysis across countries

The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has triggered profound economic and energy-related consequences, reshaped global priorities, and exposed systemic vulnerabilities. The current study aimed to examine pre- and post-invasion trends in key economic and energy indicators for a diverse set of countries: Ukraine and Russia as directly involved parties; the European Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom as supporters of Ukraine; and China, India, and Türkiye as neutral actors maintaining economic ties with Russia. Using structural time series analysis over the period 2000–2023, the analysis maps economic booms and busts by identifying cycle deviations through a Hodrick-Prescott filter. The findings reveal significant variations in the conflict’s impact, highlighting disruptions in GDP growth, energy systems, and trade dynamics across regions. The study underscores how the war has accelerated energy transitions, redefined global economic resilience, and reshaped international economic and political relationships.

MINDFUL BODY AND GEOPOLITICAL EMBODIMENT DURING THE WAR BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE

In this article, I argue that the war between Russia and Ukraine has “geopolitical embodiment”, meaning personal bodily experiences that people associate with inter-state relations. In this case, the embodiment includes the “imprints” of feelings, moral sentiments, memories and relations connected with nation-states and their political relations. The “mindful body” theory (Scheper-Hughes and Lock 1987) allows me to continue their metaphorical conceptualisation and talk about the “geopolitical body”. When approaching the topic, I explored the stories of four Russian citizens who experienced Russia’s invasion of Ukraine painfully. Ukraine was an integrated part of their personal, social and geopolitical space. They were strongly against the invasion and talked about changes in their lives and bodies that they attributed to the war: social fragmentation and physical sickness experienced as corporeal disintegration. To resist it and recollect their social and corporeal unity, they left Russia soon after the war began. Speaking about their experiences, they also represented their post-Soviet geopolitical subjectivities.