Relations In Ethiopia Research Articles

Center–periphery relations in Ethiopia during the Dergue (1974–1991): the case of Afar

ABSTRACT The concept of center–periphery relations extends from the relations of the central government and peoples of not so highly organized peripheries within a state to the relations between developed and developing nations. These relations are dynamic and flexible and can be influenced by national, regional, and international developments such as political changes. The center–periphery relations in Ethiopia are periodically categorized as pre-1974, militaristic period (1974–1991), and post-1991. In this paper, I try to show the change and continuity of the center–periphery relationship of Afar people in Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991. Using the available sources, I try to demonstrate the nature of center–periphery relationship between the military government and the Afar people as center and periphery, respectively. In addition, I try to show the determining factors that affect the center–periphery relations in the period under study. The Afar Triangle, which is composed of north eastern Ethiopia, south eastern Eritrea, and Djibouti, is the natural border between Africa and the Arab world and the main trade line of Ethiopia to the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. The Afar people of Ethiopia and Eritrea were under the rule of the Dergue government. The ideological change and reforms following the 1974 revolution, insurgencies movement in the region, and foreign relations and external trade determined the relations between the central government and the Afar people. Although there was an attempt to handle the people of Afar through sharing power and resources, the center continued to dominate power and resources in the region.

Building a National Army: The Paradoxes of Civil–Military Relations in Ethiopia

The nature of civil–military relations in postconflict states where rebel groups won a civil war and built the national army anew is underappreciated and undertheorized. Drawing from a comprehensive analysis of Ethiopia’s experience of building a national army from 1991 to 2018 as a case study, this article attempts to fill this gap. The article argues that the rebel-origin of the regime and the army, the ideology underpinning the regime, and its aspiration to emerge as a hegemonic political force determine the nature of civil–military relations in a postconflict state where the rebel won the war. The article adopts a qualitative case study methodology and relies on data collected through key-informant interviews, government archives, and extensive survey of the state-owned daily newspaper, Addis Zemen. The article contributes to the body of knowledge on civil–military relations in postconflict states in general, and the study of civil–military relations in Africa in particular.

The Dynamics of China - Ethiopia Relations during the Ogaden War, 1977-1978

This study examines superpower competition in the Horn of Africa during the Ogaden War (1977-1978). It deals mainly with China’s response to the Ogaden War. The author uses both primary and secondary sources. Primary research sources were collected from various agencies and institutions such as the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES), and periodicals using memoirs, speeches, and correspondence exchanges. Secondary sources are gathered from published and unpublished sources. The study defines conventional wisdom about superpower and Chinese intervention in the Horn of Africa during the Ogaden War; it seeks to highlight the complex interplay of real China’s foreign policy toward the Horn of Africa. It also describes China’s perspectives on policy in Africa and its response to the Ogaden War. The study claims that the Soviet Union’s influence in the Horn of Africa generally draws China into regional affairs. Indeed, Soviet influence in the Horn of Africa shifted the Ogaden War into an international dimension. Thus, the study concludes that China’s reaction to the Horn events was primarily aimed at leveling out the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence in the region.

Pathways to Empowerment:Case Studies of Positive Deviances in Gender Relations in Ethiopia

Development efforts have increased women’s perceived empowerment and freedom, yet have failed to sustainably alter gender norms. There is a lack of research investigating reasons for this anomaly. This study, departing from the conventional approach, tries to fill this gap by employing an interpretative phenomenological approach to assess how women have managed to achieve expanded agency while living within a constraining normative environment. We argue that women have the capacity to deviate and the intentions that lead to new behaviors emerge not only from individuals’ attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control, as suggested by the Theory of Planned Behavior, but also in combination with demographic and economic factors. Individuals need to make decisions in three areas ―self-conviction (attitude and perceived behavioral control), subjective norms (within household and community), and structures (state and non-state institutions). The results shed light on alternative empowerment pathways that could potentially inform the design of transformational interventions.

Infrastructures of Renaissance: tangible discourses in the EPRDF’s Ethiopia

In late 2014, disputes around land, displacement and compensation related to the roll-out of big infrastructure projects across Ethiopia mutated into much deeper conflicts about the authoritarian nature of the state, the political marginalization of particular ethnic groups and the legitimacy of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). As security forces continued to quell mounting protests, the federal government imposed a state of emergency. This article explores how the EPRDF navigated this period of political fragility and why infrastructures were used as strategic vehicles for the party’s discourse. Drawing on the Addis-Djibouti Railway as an analytical lens, this research explores how the party strategically deployed posters, images and speeches centred around infrastructure to directly respond to protestors' grievances. This choice to deliberately embed visuals and rhetoric descriptions of such megaprojects in its political messaging about Ethiopia’s aspired ‘unity in diversity’, ‘democracy’, and ‘good governance’ illustrates how infrastructures were effective carriers of the party’s narratives. Roads, railways, and dams rendered EPRDF’s abstract ideas of political reform and economic renaissance tangible. At this critical juncture, these tangible discourses not only expose how the party attempted to restructure state-society relations in Ethiopia, but also how centrally anchored infrastructure was in the EPRDF’s self-styled developmental state project.

Ideological Differences in the Sino-Ethiopian Relations from the Early 1950s to the Late 1960s

Ethiopia and China have built strategic diplomatic relations over the last three decades. However, before growing to build arguably one of the most fruitful diplomatic relations of the twentieth century, the diplomatic relations between the world’s second-biggest economy and the country with the fastest economic growth in Africa knew a “dark” period between the 1950s going through the late 1960s. Incidentally, that was when China established fruitful diplomatic relations with many African countries. The present study analyzes the foreign policy model put in place by the then Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie, a model established from the 1940s, solidified in the 1950s going until the decay of Haile Selassie’s hegemony in the late 1960s, and how this model did not fit the model adopted by their Chinese counterpart. The foreign policy implemented by China from the 1950s was incongruent with Haile Selassie’s dream for Ethiopia’s modernization inspired by the capitalists of the West. The paper examines the dynamics of the Sino-Ethiopian relations during the period that both China and Ethiopia strived to gain international recognition and explores the reasons that hindered China and Ethiopia from building fruitful diplomatic relations. From the perspective of the history of the Sino-Ethiopian diplomatic relations, the paper analyses the current state of the Sino-Ethiopian relations in Ethiopia under conflict.

Turkey and Ethiopia Relations: Historical Perspective (1920 s to 1991)

Turkiye ile Etiyopya arasindaki tarihsel iliskiler 1920’lerden 1991’e kadar cok az ilgi gordu. Cunku Turkiye bu donemde Osmanli mirasindan uzaklasiyordu. Bu donemde Turkiye ile Etiyopya arasindaki tarihsel iliskiler konusunda yeterli literatur bulunmamaktadir. Hem Ingilizce hem de Turkce olarak mevcut olan yetersiz kaynaklar bile esas olarak uluslararasi iliskiler, ekonomik ve insani, antropolojik ve yasal konulari ele almaktadir. Bu nedenle, bu calisma Turkiye ile Etiyopya arasindaki 1920’lerden 1991’e kadar olan tarihsel iliskilere genel bir bakis sunmaktadir. Makale, iki ulke arasindaki tarihsel iliskileri incelemeyi amaclamaktadir. Bu amacla benzer makaleler, arastirmalar, kitaplar, dergiler, gazeteler ve internet kaynaklari degerlendirilmis, incelenmis ve kullanilmistir. 1974 yilina kadar Turkiye ile Etiyopya arasindaki iliskiler dostane idi. Addis Ababa (1926) ve Ankara’da (1933) buyukelciliklerin acilmasi bu dostane iliskiyi gostermistir. 1974 ile 1991 arasindaki iliskiler iyi degildi. Ustelik, iki ulke arasindaki iliskileri, hukumet degismesi ve kuresel fenomenlerle degistirdi.

Between Cooperation and/or Co-optation and Confrontation: Civil Society-State Relations in Ethiopia, Since 1991 up to 2018

Abstract By qualitatively drawing on relevant empirical and secondary data sources, the present study sought to investigate the relationship and the practice between the Ethiopian state and csos through the illustration of different relationship patterns, i.e. cooperation and/or co-optation and confrontation, between the two actors and the implications thereof for the imperative of democratization in the country. The study primarily analyzed two supplementary notions: the politico-legal changes in the governance of Ethiopian csos, between 1991 and 2018, on the one hand, and the strategies employed by cso actors to deal with such changes in the same period, on the other hand. The analysis could be further divided into two analytical time periods i.e., the first is from 1991 up to 2005 and the second is from 2005 up to 2018. In doing so, the study found out that the state-civil society relations in Ethiopia since 1991 was more complicated than implied by the liberal discourse, and reflected a continuum of accommodation and confrontation dynamics. The study concluded by arguing that the commonly held dichotomy which polarized the relation between the state and csos as a whole may have overlooked the nature of relationship between the two actors, which can range from overt and hidden tensions and active hostility to cooperation and collaboration, depending on various factors across time and space.

An Assessment of Religion, Peace and Conflict in the Post 1991 of Ethiopia

Religious violence has become increasingly relevant in political and academic discourses. Because of the revival of religions, the contemporary world cannot be understood without accounting for the role of religion and religious organizations in peace and conflict, including the case of Ethiopia. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of religion in peace and conflict in the post 1991 of Ethiopia. Methodologically, the paper employed qualitative research approach by relying on secondary sources of data. The findings of the research revealed that Ethiopia has many positive assets that have to be exploited fully and critically including the role of the Inter-Religious Council. The religious policies of the present Ethiopian government are remarkably different from any of the previous ones with regard to the measure of religious freedom they provide. Paradoxically, one may wonder why is it at this time, where religious freedom and equality of religion are guaranteed, we are witnessing increased tensions and violent religious conflicts in contemporary Ethiopia. Inter-religious relations in Ethiopia have been peaceful and tolerant for long period. However, the rise of inter-religious conflicts in recent decades is taking place. Generally, in contemporary Ethiopia religion is used both as an instrument for producing conflict in certain circumstances and as a powerful resource for peace and transformation of conflict in the society. On the whole, identifying the role of religion in conflict is a very complex task to accomplish, as there are multiple variables to be well-thought-out.

Dynamics of state-society relations in Ethiopia: paradoxes of community empowerment and participation in irrigation management

ABSTRACTThis article examines processes by which development project implementations afford the state the appearance of being a separate structure. By exploring the implementation of an important state development project in North-western Ethiopia, the Koga Irrigation and Watershed Management (KIWM) scheme, it shows why and how the project plan does not correspond to the real life of the scheme. The article unpacks assumptions that policymakers and development practitioners make about the a priori existence of a community and state distinction, and the ways in which they arrange them as functionally differentiated entities. It also shows how the project’s community-driven participatory approach, wherein local people were involved in managing the scheme, produces the effect of ghettoising practices of abuse as community issues. The article contributes to recent ethnographic studies of state-society relations and contends that these studies could gain important insights by exploring development project implementation practices as an entry point into the study of the processes that give the state the appearance of a material reality.

Local Ownership as Global Governance

The ownership discourse has profoundly altered the management of development aid. Nominally, it seeks to instil greater freedom as well as responsibilities among aid recipients. Revisiting two ethnographic studies (the World Bank–Uganda partnership and NGO relations in Ethiopia), this article shows how ‘ownership’ practices also involve new forms of tacit governance mechanisms that enable the donor to retain control. By using ‘freedom’ as a formula underpinning governance at a distance, developmentality is made contingent on the donor’s ability to frame the partnership and the conditions under which the recipient exercises the freedom that has been granted.

The Practice and Challenges of Public Relations in Ethiopia: The Case of Government Universities

The Practice and Challenges of Public Relations in Ethiopia: The Case of Government Universities

Shifting trajectories of inter-ethnic relations in Western Ethiopia: a case study from Gidda and Kiremu districts in East Wollega

ABSTRACTInter-ethnic relations in Ethiopia have always been complex and dynamic. As home to diverse ethnic groups with differing livelihood strategies and diverging social institutions, this country is beset with fluidity of relations, shifting allegiances, as well as building and breaking alliances. Yet, the amplitude of political temperature at the center seems to play a decisive role in the making or breaking of these relations at all levels: center and periphery. This article examines the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations in two districts, Gidda and Kiremu, located on the western edge of northern plateau of Ethiopia in East Wollega, Oromiya Regional State, in historical perspective. Based on extensive review of historical documents and on empirical data generated through successive fieldwork conducted during the early 2000s, the paper tries to shed light on changing trends of inter-ethnic relations among diverse communities inhabiting the two districts. The economic, political, cultural and ecological dynamics of these relations are placed in a wider regional and historical context, which includes the former Horro-Gudru Awraja (Amharic: “sub-province”). Competition over resources, particularly land, is identified as a major driving factor in conflict.

State-Society Relations in Ethiopia: A Political-Economy Perspective of the Post-1991 Order

This article analyses state-society relations in Ethiopia with particular emphasis on the post-1991 period. The objective of the study is to identify and analyse the fundamental factors of state-society relations at the national level: property rights, political representation, and the urban-rural elite cleavage. The article views state-society relations at the local level with reference to perception and practice, taking into account symbols, social control, ability to make decisions and control over the means of violence. The study was conducted in eight purposively selected localities in three administrative regions in Ethiopia. The empirical data was collected at national and local levels using key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and a household survey. The analysis shows that state-society relations in Ethiopia are driven by three major factors: property rights, political representations and the urban-rural divide.

Intergenerational Relationships and the Life Course: Children-Caregivers’ Relations in Ethiopia

Drawing on three rounds of survey and qualitative data of the Young Lives study in Ethiopia among children born in 1994 and their caregivers, this article investigates intergenerational relationships by means of the life course perspective. With the expansion of modern education and children’s exposure to different experiences outside the family, many of them contest parental values, norms, and expectations. Competing agents of socialization have contributed to increased intergenerational conflicts and negotiations. In the context of rapid social changes, intergenerational relationships are becoming dynamic and the life course perspective needs to adapt to understand the changing features of such relationships.

Religious freedom and the political order: the Ethiopian ‘secular state’ and the containment of Muslim identity politics

The 2011–2014 controversies between the Ethiopian Government and Muslim communities on the role of Islam in Ethiopia have highlighted the precarious nature of religious relations in Ethiopia. Statements by public figures and religious leaders recently have drawn attention to the nature and scope of the Ethiopian secular state order. This paper describes the recent Muslim protest movement and the response to it by the government in the light of the secular state model. While the challenges to it also extend to the large Christian community in Ethiopia, the problems became prominent mainly in the case of the Muslims, who contest perceived ‘government interference’ in their community life and self-organization. I present an overview of key recent events and of factors inducing conflict between state and religion. The discussion makes reference to more general debates on the ‘secular model’ in Ethiopia and to the familiar though somewhat worn-out paradigm of ‘identity politics’. State repression of Muslim civic protest in Ethiopia revealed insecurities of the state: rather than an instance of the process of ‘othering’ a religious community, we see a case of political crisis, and a search for new modes of governance of diversity and communal religiosity in Ethiopia. As a result of the contestations, however, the secular order of the country will not be threatened, but modified.

Islam and State Relations in Ethiopia: From Containment to the Production of a "Governmental Islam"

Islam and State Relations in Ethiopia: From Containment to the Production of a "Governmental Islam"

China in Ethiopia: Diplomacy and Economics of Sino-optimism

Abstract:This article examines the motive behind China's increased activities in Ethiopia in recent years and concludes that it lies in Ethiopia's perceived diplomatic usefulness. If China's relations with many African countries could be described as one of “infrastructure for natural resources,” the Sino-Ethiopian relationship can be described “infrastructure for diplomatic support.” After exploring the nature and scope of Ethiopia's relations with China and highlighting areas of divergence of interest, the article seeks to demonstrate how the convergence of interests between the two countries has ushered in a period of Sino-optimism among Ethiopia's elite and rising expectations among ordinary Ethiopians.

Infant responsiveness, alertness, haemoglobin and growth in rural Sidama, Ethiopia.

Several recent studies have supported relations between infant behaviour (alertness and responsiveness) and nutrition in addition to investigating infant behaviour within the context of changes in iron status over time. Existing research is typically limited to the investigation of the effects of a single vitamin or mineral, and no studies have been found that examined the influence that early alertness and responsiveness have on growth in early infancy, despite the fact that relations between behaviour and nutritional status may be bidirectional. The current study used a sample of Ethiopian infants and investigated anthropometrics, haemoglobin, the frequency of alertness and the frequency of responsiveness at 6 and 9 months of age. Six-month weight-for-age predicted 9-month frequency of alertness, while 6-month haemoglobin predicted 9-month frequency of responsiveness. Compared with responsive infants, non-responsive infants at 6 months remained more non-responsive at 9 months, although weight-for-age for both groups converged at 9 months. Results support relations between nutrition and behaviour (alertness and responsiveness) and provide evidence of a potentially useful tool (the Laboratory Temperament Assessment Battery) that was adapted to evaluate these relations in Ethiopia.

Power and property: commercialization, enclosures, and the transformation of agrarian relations in Ethiopia

This essay examines the momentous transformations in the agrarian social order of contemporary Ethiopia. It argues that the contemporary world economic, food, and energy crisis is accelerating processes of commercialization and enclosures that are profoundly altering the social and physical landscape of smallholder farming. These dynamics have taken a spatially divergent pattern that maps onto older imperial socio-spatial and cultural hierarchies. In the historically core regions and their socio-cultural extensions, a vigorous process of smallholder commercialization is being promoted, while in the surrounding lowland peripheries an extensive process of enclosures is creating an archipelago of large-scale mechanized farming that is displacing the subsistence sector. The contrasting forms of displacement and dispossession generated by these processes, and the patterns of social-property relations they are engendering, can be understood as outcomes of the uneven and combined dynamics of state formation and the differentiated incorporation of the regional peasantries into the dominant social orders constitutive of twentieth century Ethiopia.