Reign Of Terror Research Articles

A Community of Violence: The SiPo/SD and Its Role in the Nazi Terror System in Generalbezirk Kiew

This essay reconstructs the activities of the German Security Police (SiPo) and Security Service (SD) field office in Generalbezirk Kiew—the German administrative unit carved out of the Kiev and Poltava provinces in Ukraine. It sheds light on the role of the SiPo/SD in the mass murder of Soviet citizens and on the social and psychological profile of its functionaries. The latter ranged from dedicated zealots to “ordinary men,” but all fulfilled their murderous tasks. “As soon as the Germans entered Kiev,” recalls a Kiev resident, “the SD and the Security Police, known among the population simply as ‘Gestapo,’ inherited the gloomy gray building on 33 Korolenka Street ... . At the door of this building stands a sentry in thick boots. His profile and helmet are clearly imprinted on the background of a black flag with the two lightning-like letters ‘SS.’ The banner is mounted in an iron base adorned with the Soviet symbols of stars, hammer, and sickle ... . Such a combination seems incredible.” 1 Despite this odd amalgamation of Nazi and Soviet emblems, Kiev city dwellers considered the installation of the German security services on 33 Korolenka Street befitting. Not only did the “Gestapo” inherit the Soviet security police (NKVD) headquarters—the point of no return for alleged “enemies of the people” in the 1930s—but it further enhanced its own notoriety by the reign of terror that soon engulfed the Kiev region. Thousands of people passed through its torture chambers and prison cells and were sent to their deaths just outside the city. Consequently, although other German counterintelligence and police forces also operated in Kiev and its vicinity—the military intelligence and counterintelligence (Abwehr); the Secret Field Police (Geheime Feldpolizei, GFP); the Order Police (Ordnungspolizei, OP, including the Municipal Police or Schutzpolizei in urban areas and the Gendarmerie in the countryside)—the average Soviet citizen labeled them all inclusively “Gestapo,” a sinister omnipresent force overshadowing everyday life. 2 While relatively small branches, the Security Police (Sicherheitspolizei, SiPo) and the Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst, SD) in occupied Ukraine consisted of

Letzte Chancen: Vier Einakter von Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach ed. by Susanne Kord, and: Macht des Weibes: Zwei historische Tragödien von Marie von Ehner-Eschenbach ed. by Susanne Kord

i i82 Reviews to the episode of the 'Lesefamilie' (p. 4I7, sic)without commenting on the oddity of a novelist including in a novel a tale of a familygone to ruin from reading novels. Wilhelm Raabe, more briefly treated,has, likeStifter, an interest in relics,archivists, and collectors, many withdrawn from theworld, but exhibits a complete lack of piety towards old things; his collectors are not concerned with setting norms orwith tran quillity. An asynchronous present isnarrated fromwithin a bourgeois consciousness not keeping pace with modernization. In Wunnigel the antiques dealer is amodern figure, turning isolated, deracinated, obsolete relics into commodities, thus going be yond historicism. Im alten Eisen is seen from thepoint of view of class difference: the underclass lives from rubbishwhile theeffeteBrokenkorb collects expensive bibelots. After some comments onDas Odfeld and Die A ktendes Vogelsangs,Gratz concentrates on Stopfkuchen,where historicism takes the formof archaeology; Stopfkuchen isnot nostalgic and achieves a position not of timelessness but of the relativityof existence; he survives by subjective integration. Once again one sees the variation of Raabe's strategies, how he handles similar thematicmaterials fromdifferingperspectives. Gratz's book is a finepiece ofwork, broadly researched with patiently and precisely detailed insights, every sentence shaped and revealing. It is a pleasant relief from the gnarled style ofmuch contemporary academic discourse. YALE UNIVERSITY JEFFREY L. SAMMONS Letzte Chancen: Vier Einakter vonMarie von Ebner-Eschenbach. Ed. by SUSANNE KORD. (MHRA Critical Texts, 3) London: Modern Humanities Research As sociation. 2005. I36 pp. ?I2.99; $24.99. ISBN 978-o-947623-65-4. Macht desWeibes: Zwei historischeTragodien von Marie vonEbner-Eschenbach. Ed. by SUSANNEKORD. (MHRA Critical Texts, 4) London: Modern Humanities Re searchAssociation. 2005. 254 pp. ?I2.99; $24.99. ISBN 978-o-947623-69-2. These important editions of little-known dramas by theAustrian author Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach (I830-19 I6) are vital foranyone who wants to research and teach beyond thecanon. They are the result of arduous editorial work and aremeticulously annotated by Susanne Kord, whose pioneering work on women dramatists, Ein Blick hinter die Kulissen: Deutschsprachige Dramatikerinnen im i8. und I9. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Metzler, I992), has been followed, among other things, by editions of dramas by Luise Gottsched and Elsa Bernstein. Scholarship has long overlooked Ebner-Eschenbach's dramas, important exceptions being Susanne Kord's own work and Sarah Colvin's excellent studyWomen and German Drama: Playwrights and their Texts, I860-1945 (Rochester, NY: Camden House, 2002). As Kord points out in the introduction toLetzte Chancen, only one of the seven 'complete' editions of Ebner Eschenbach's works between I893 and I989 includes any of her dramas, and thatone merely two short comedies. The volumes formpart of a valuable Modern Humanities Research Association se ries forthepublication ofpreviously unavailable primary texts.Ebner's two tragedies, Maria Stuart inSchottland: Historische Tragodie (i 86o) andMarie Roland: Trauer spiel in 5 Aufziigen (i867), are reprinted for the first time,making it possible, for example, forus to readMarie Roland-set during Robespierre's Reign ofTerror alongside Biichner's Dantons Tod, orMaria Stuart alongside Schiller's play of the same name. Ebner's short comedy Ohne Liebe could be read productively alongside Schnitzler's Liebelei, for the twowere performed together in theVienna Burgtheater in I898. It was Ebner's ambition to become a German Shakespeare, yet she spent long years battling with the popular preconception thatwomen were simply not capable MLR, I02.4, 2007 I I83 ofwriting drama. Her firsttragedy, Maria Stuart inSchottland, was performed in I86 I inKarlsruhe, after she suppressed her Christian name togive the impression of being amale writer. The director was astonished that 'M. v.Eschenbach' turned out to be awoman. But laterhe would not performMarie Roland. The prejudice of the patriarchal institution of the theatre forcedEbner to renounce drama and she turned instead to domestic fiction as amore socially acceptable genre for a woman writer. Kord's introduction toLetzte Chancen provides a livelyanalysis ofEbner's reputation and takes issuewith the standard scholarly portrayal of her dramatic work as a form of apprenticeship, something she did before she found her true vocation. The short comic plays gathered together inLetzte Chancen were written once her stories had brought her great acclaim. Yet, while previously she had...

The Global Cold War (review)

Reviewed by: The Global Cold War Jeremy Black The Global Cold War. By Odd Arne Westad. New York: University of Cambridge Press, 2006. ISBN 0-521-85364-8. Maps. Photographs. Illustrations. Notes. Index. Pp. xiv, 484. $35.00. This particularly impressive and clearly written account of the Cold War is especially valuable because of its global perspective, and its focus on the worldwide impact of superpower confrontation. To find, for example, an entire chapter devoted to Ethiopia and Somalia is to be reminded of the complexity and intensity of the Cold War, of the interaction of local and global tensions, and of the extent to which chronologies did not coincide. Détente, a term frequently applied to the 1970s, scarcely described the situation in the Horn of Africa. Haile Mengistu emerges from Westad's book as a particularly dangerous figure, and the Soviet willingness to overlook his reign of terror is a reminder that the tendencies associated with Stalinism continued thereafter. Ambassador Anatolii Ratanov indeed saw a similarity between the activities of Mengistu's supporters within the Derg and the early revolutionary experience in Russia. There is also an instructive chapter on Iran and Afghanistan in the same period, which indicates how opposition to the U.S. did not necessarily extend to support for the Soviet Union. Two days after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Soviet ambassador promised Khomeini assistance in any conflict with the U.S., only to be told there could "be no mutual understanding between a Muslim nation and a non-Muslim government." Westad is also good at the changing chronology of the Cold War. For example, he points out that, from the mid-1960s, it was clear to both Washington [End Page 1191] and Moscow that the focus for Cold War competition in Africa was shifting from North and Central to southern Africa, in part because of the Marxist orientation of many of that area's liberation movements. Far from being marginal, success in Africa in the 1970s is seen as giving many Soviets a renewed sense of pride in their own achievements and a conviction that the Soviet Union could contribute decisively to breakthroughs for Communism elsewhere. In practice, Africa was to disappoint the Soviets, but its relationship to the general currents of the Cold War is ably depicted. Local actors do not detract attention from the superpowers, and the coverage of the latter is apposite and clear. Thus Ronald Reagan's policies are ably discussed. Westad argues that, at least initially, Reagan's attempts at spreading counterrevolution did not push the Soviets toward withdrawal, and that, at least up to early 1987, American pressure made it more difficult for Moscow to find a way out of its Third World predicaments. Gorbachev, whom Westad is taken with, is credited with having an understanding of self-determination, but, as Westad shows, the results on the ground were often messy. He is critical of the U.S.—"Seen from a third World perspective, the results of America's interventions are truly dismal. Instead of being a force for good—which they were no doubt intended to be—these incursions have devastated many societies and left them more vulnerable to further disasters of their own making" (p. 404), and argues that the U.S. and Europe should not be surprised if the impoverished world turns on them; but his judgmental remarks strike this reviewer as overly harsh. Nevertheless, an impressive work that deserves attention. Jeremy Black University of Exeter Exeter, United Kingdom Copyright © 2006 Society for Military History

The Continued Presence of the Past: New Directions in Holocaust Writing?

The Continued Presence of the Past:New Directions in Holocaust Writing? Christine Berberich German-Jewish Literature in the Wake of the Holocaust. Pascale R. Bos . New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Pp. xiv + 143. $65.00 (cloth). Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945–1954. Jay Howard Geller . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xiii + 330. $24.99 (paper). Holocaust Poetry: Awkward Poetics in the Work of Sylvia Plath, Geoffrey Hill, Tony Harrison and Ted Hughes. Antony Rowland . Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005. Pp. vii + 192. $80.00 (cloth). Hitler’s Künstler: Die Kultur im Dienst des Nationalsozialismus. Hans Sarkowicz , ed. Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 2004. Pp. 453. €24,80 (paper). Seeing Hitler’s Germany: Tourism in the Third Reich. Kristin Semmens . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Pp. xiv + 263. $74.95 (cloth). In My Brother’s Shadow. Uwe Timm . Anthea Bell , transl. London: Bloomsbury, 2005. Pp. 148. $18.00 (cloth). 2005 was a year of commemoration and remembrance. Sixty years since the end of the Second World War. Sixty years since the liberation of Auschwitz. Sixty years of trying to comprehend and deal with the extent of organized mass-murder committed during the twelve years of Nazi dictatorship. [End Page 567] On the publishing front, 2005 saw a renewed upsurge in scholarly titles dedicated to the Holocaust and the Third Reich in what seems a general reorientation for new perspectives. The ranks of actual witnesses to and survivors of the Holocaust are inexorably thinning, and instead of new memoirs by survivors one now increasingly finds second- or third-generation, postmemory, or fictional accounts of the Holocaust alongside scholarly treatises on varying aspects of the Third Reich and its reign of terror. The books discussed here are indicative of this broad range of themes and approaches that can presently be found in Holocaust and Third Reich writing; they range from traditional literature analysis (albeit with new perspectives and/or examining hitherto neglected authors) to historical discussions about Jewish life in postwar Germany and, intriguingly, tourism during the Nazi era. While this interesting scope of themes and topoi can potentially be explained with market demand, the question of positionality should not be forgotten. Borrowed from feminist studies, where positionality is used to address questions of identity construction of individual gendered subjects, it has recently been applied to Holocaust studies to address the potential problems of author background, origin, and writing incentive.1 It acknowledges that, in Holocaust studies and literature, the background of the author does, indeed, matter, despite Barthes's concerted efforts to disregard the author's life in literary analysis.2 In Holocaust studies, disregarding the author will not do. It clearly, and literally, matters where authors come from, which position they are writing from: are they survivors of the Nazi atrocities? Are they children of survivors who have grown up with their parents' memory? Are they non-Jewish? What is their incentive for writing on and researching the Holocaust? Questions such as these have become particularly pertinent since the advent of poststructuralism in Holocaust studies and the accompanying disturbing claim that Holocaust literature is a genre that can be studied and imitated—a claim that endangers the automatic right to authenticity of Holocaust memoirs but that has, since Binjamin Wilkomirski's fake memoirs Fragments (1995; 1996 in English translation), been substantiated.3 Positionality thus affects the way the subject of the Holocaust is dealt with. The issue of Vergangenheitsbewältigung—coming to terms with the past—is approached and dealt with differently depending on the writers' backgrounds. The books of this review all demonstrate how writers from different backgrounds approach similar topics in very different ways. Crucially, though, the authors, despite their different perspectives, arrive at similar conclusions. And these point squarely at Vergangenheitsbewältigung: how does, in particular, the new, reunited Germany deal with its past? Kristin Semmens's book Seeing Hitler's Germany: Tourism in the Third Reich is a fascinating account of how the Nazis used travel and tourism to indoctrinate the German people. It covers such diverse topics as the Kraft durch Freude (Strength through Joy) movement, the Kinderlandverschickung (a program sending thousands of children to the relative safety of the countryside), commercial and international...

American policy orientalized

America's Miracle Man in Vietnam presents a prime example of the controversial new cultural trend in U.S. diplomatic history. On the surface, the author's depiction of the process whereby Ngo Dinh Diem became America's candidate to head the new country of South Vietnam is familiar (see, for instance, George Herring, America's Longest War, Temple University Press, 1986, 50–69). Echoing others, Jacobs argues that the U.S. promotion of Diem ultimately led to severe setbacks in Southeast Asia. So blatant were Diem's flaws, Jacobs insists, virtually any prescient observer could have predicted his unsuitability to lead nascent South Vietnam. Diem had no political base, was “undeniably an autocrat,” and appeared to be an eccentric loner by virtually all accounts (38). Once in office, Diem predictably launched his “reign of terror and error,” alienating legions of his countrymen and strengthening his opposition, which emerged officially as the National Liberation Front in 1960 (17).

De-legitimizing Religion as a Source of Identity-Based Security Threats in a Global World

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon. Since the ancient Jewish Zealot, both terrorism as such and its most familiar version today, religious terrorism, have had different models, justifications, and moments of proliferation. Although we do not need to engage in a lengthy legal discussion of what constitutes terrorism, it would be useful to have a working definition. The word terrorism comes from the Latin terrere (“to cause to tremble”), and its political usage (with a decidedly positive connotation) started during the Reign of Terror in the French Revolution. Terror in that usage referred to an assault on civil order. Among the many different and conflicting definitions of terrorism, this paper accepts the following: Terrorism is violence or the threat of violence used and directed in pursuit of a political aim. Although this definition is very general, any attempt to qualify it further inevitably raises issues of political conviction. In a similar vein, terrorist activities could be categorized in various ways. Here is one possibility:

Mbeki and the peace process in Africa: A contribution to Africa's renaissance

Critics of South African President Thabo Mbeki's constant, consistent and continuous involvement in the continental wars and conflicts insist that the president's prime focus should be South Africa, and solving its basic problems of poverty and unemployment. However, it is important to highlight the duel relationship between South Africa and the continent during the long struggle against apartheid. Mozambique, Angola, and in part Zimbabwe, Zambia, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland are what they are now because of the reign of terror unleashed on them as a result of their direct support to the South African liberation movements. The poverty and starvation apparent in Angola and Mozambique were perpetrated by the white minority regime's constant bombing of, and acts of violence against these two countries, and direct support of the anti‐government forces. As for the South African liberation movements, they continued to exist and function mainly because of the support offered to them by their independent African brothers. It must be realised that without this support, which for some countries was very costly (i.e., economically, socially and psychologically), liberation would not have come when it did. It has fallen on the shoulders of the newly liberated South Africa to try and intervene in the wars that cause instability on the continent and to try to bring about peace.

Reigns of Terror, by Patricia Marchak

<i>Reigns of Terror</i>, by Patricia Marchak

Who we are

Who we are

Imaginary Witness: Hollywood and the Holocaust (review)

As its title indicates, Imaginary Witness traces how Hollywood has depicted the Holocaust in feature films. Daniel Anker, who won an Oscar for his documentary Scottsboro: An American Tragedy, interweaves clips from Holocaust movies, narration by Gene Hackman, and interviews with survivors who work in the film industry like Branko Lustig and Robert Clary, directors of major Holocaust pictures like Steven Spielberg and Sidney Lumet, and scholars like Michael Berenbaum and Annette Insdorf to illustrate how the portrayal of the Shoah has evolved in Hollywood productions over the past 60 years. Anker devotes much of the documentary to the formative years of Holocaust cinema. He locates the causes of Hollywood's timidity to make films critical of Hitler and Nazi anti-Semitism in the assimilationist aspirations of the Jewish movie moguls, their fear of American anti-Semitism, the financial dependence of Hollywood on the German distribution market, isolationist opposition to US intervention in European affairs, and the Production Code Administration's system of self-censorship. Anker gets this story essentially right, but assigns too much blame to the Jewish movie moguls because he relies so heavily on Neil Gabler's characterization of the Jewish studio owners as obsessed with proving their American identity by minimizing their Jewish one. Other film historians like Michael Birdwell and Steven Carr emphasize the external pressures the Jewish producers had to contend with: the threat that Congress would regulate the film industry if it did not censor itself, the State Department which cautioned against antagonizing Germany for diplomatic and economic reasons, the Third Reich's ban on movies deemed anti-German, and the PCA whose clout stemmed from grassroots backing by Catholic and Protestant organizations. Independent anti-Nazi films like Hitler's Reign of Terror and Are We Civilized? were made as early as 1934, but were never released due to Germany's pressure on the Loews and MGM theatre chains. Similarly, PCA chief Joseph Breen squelched MGM's plans to adapt Sinclair Lewis's antifascist novel It Can't Happen Here into a movie in 1935. While Imaginary Witness acknowledges that Harry Warner was one of the few producers who spoke out against Hitler, it does not explore his activities in any depth. Warner Bros. discontinued its operations in Germany in 1934 to protest the order to dismiss its Jewish employees in Germany. Since shorts and cartoons fell outside the purview of the PCA, the studio made an animated cartoon Bosko's Picture Show in 1933 that parodied Hitler. The 1936 Warner Bros. production Black Legion dramatized how an anti-immigrant hate group recruited a disgruntled worker who lost a promotion to a Polish co-worker. Based on a series of ethnically, racially, and religiously motivated murders by the real Black Legion, the movie's script originally featured a Jew as the target of the worker's wrath, but changed his identity because the PCA threatened to withhold its seal of approval if this "inflammatory" plot detail remained in the final cut of the film. Breen worried that the portrayal of anti-Semitism in Warner Bros.' The Life of Emile Zola (1937) might provide Germany with a pretext to ban all American films from distribution in the country. In response the studio limited its reference to Alfred Dreyfus' Jewish heritage to a single visual allusion. The busting of an American Nazi spy ring in 1938 provided the opportunity for Warner Bros.' to produce Confessions of a Nazi Spy. Highlighting the dangers Nazi authoritarianism and racism posed to American democracy, the movie never mentioned anti-Semitism. Anyone cognizant of current events, however, would have recognized that these movies implicitly denounced Hitler and Nazi ideology. Although Hollywood remained hesitant about tackling the issue of Nazi anti-Semitism until the United States entered the war in late 1941, Charlie Chaplin's independent production of The Great...

Reigns of Terror

Reigns of Terror, Patricia Marchak, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003, pp. xi, 306In Reigns of Terror, Patricia Marchak investigates “the causes and conditions that underlie crimes against humanity conducted under the aegis of states” (x). According to Marchak, most works on genocide (attacks on citizens because of their ethnicity or religion) and politicide (the eradication of people for mainly political reasons) are far too simplistic. She maintains that factors such as racism, ethnic conflict, authoritarian regimes or ideologies of intolerance and hatred are usually important, but each is nonetheless insufficient in explaining situations in the twentieth century in which governments attacked their own citizens.

Leary expands his reign of terror - outside the bandwidth

Leary expands his reign of terror - outside the bandwidth

Reigns of Terror

Reigns of Terror

Bridging Two Worlds: Stephen Larigaudelle Dubuisson, Emigre Missionary

Aristocrats who survived the era of revolution (1775-1848) experienced the collapse of several worlds. The political ideas of the Enlightenment found expression in a call for liberty, equality, and representative government, which challenged and overturned the rule of monarchies and aristocracies. The Reign of Terror, the establishment of the Directory, and its overthrow by Napoleon in 1799 culminated in a new Empire. A slave revolt in Saint-Domingue led to emigrations and massacres of the white elite and the establishment of the Republic of Haiti in 1803. In December, 1805, Napoleon defeated Prussia and Austria; by 1810 his empire was at its height. The son of a Corsican lawyer, he married an Austrian archduchess. Napoleon I fell in 1815, and the Bourbon monarchy was restored, but the trend toward representative government continued in France and elsewhere in Europe. The rational and scientific ideas of the Enlightenment found expression in the overthrow of Catholic religious institutions, beginning in 1790, when the National Assembly of France passed the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, and continuing during the Reign of Terror with the systematic de-Christianization of education and public life.1 Under Napoleon the Catholic Church was reinstated by the 1801 Concordat, but after the invasion of the Papal States in 1808 Pope Pius VII became his captive and spent 1812-1814 at Fontainebleau. In the Old World, the conservative Ultramontane movement emerged to oppose liberalism in ideology as well as republican and democratic governments. Its proponents, such as Joseph de Maistre, extolled obedience to absolute monarchs and placed the pope above kings in the rigid hierarchy of authority. Independence and freedom of religion and of the press were intolerable. Conversely, in the New World, the overthrow of British rule in the United States increased religious tolerance. Prohibitions against public practice of Catholicism were lifted, and Maryland and Virginia passed acts of religious freedom in 1776 and 1786, respectively. A large Catholic population moved from private worship to new churches, and priests were needed for religious instruction and celebration of the liturgy. Sons of Catholic families could obtain higher education at Georgetown College instead of studying abroad. Unlike conservative European Catholicism, a hallmark of American Catholicism was an appreciation of the importance of freedom of religion and the separation of church and state.2 Many Protestants chose to worship with their Catholic neighbors and to educate their children in Catholic schools. An aristocratic Ultramontane, Etienne (Stephen) Larigaudelle Dubuisson, survived the revolutions in Saint-Domingue and France and the rise and fall of Napoleon. In 1815 he entered the Society of Jesus to become an emigre missionary in republican Maryland.3 Pursuing his vocation in the Old and New Worlds, Dubuisson bridged their dissimilar worlds of religion and politics. This article examines his career, his parish work in Washington, D.C., Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland, his preaching, agency in miraculous cures, historical writing, and European tour as a mission fundraiser.4 Dubuisson was from a genteel family in Haiti with connections to the minor nobility. He was born in Saint-Domingue on October 21, 1786,5 and raised in Nantes. His parents, slave-holding Creoles, emigrated to France in 1791 before the slave uprising, with at least five children, including Stephen. They were in Brittany shortly after the Reign of Terror in 1794.6 He described himself as born to affluence but raised in the school of hard knocks and imperfectly educated. He was fluent in English by the age of 15 and also spoke German, Italian, and Spanish. At age 18 or 19 (1804-1805), he passed the agregation examination at the Congregation de la Sainte-Vierge at Nantes.7 The deficiencies in his education were remedied by course work at Georgetown College. From May, 1809, to March, 1810, Dubuisson was employed in the receiver general's office of the French Army in Germany and the Army of the Rhine. …

R. W. Seton-Watson's Changing Views on the National Question of the Habsburg Monarchy and the European Balance of Power

SEER, Vol.82, No.3,JUdly2004 R. W. Seton-Watson's Changing Views on the National Question of the Habsburg Monarchy and the European Balance of Power LASZLOPETER Europeis a delicate organism,in which, if one member suffers,allthe other memberssufferwith it. R. W. Seton-Watson, TheScottish Review,I8January I906 ROBERT WILLIAM SETON-WATSON, historian, writer on current affairs, founder of the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, has been widely recognized as a champion of the rights of Central and Eastern Europe's small nations. His vigorous protests in the British press against Russian policy in Finland in 1904 were, as he recalled in his memoirs,' 'my first serious letters to the press'.2 Two years later he took up the cause of the Habsburg Monarchy's nationalities, particularly those of Hungary. He felt a strong affinity towards the Slovak and later the Czech nations. During the First World War he steered a vigorous campaign for the replacement of Austria-Hungary, which he had come to regard as an unreformable oppressive state, by independent democratic nation-states. TheMaking of a New Europe,the title of Hugh and Christopher Seton-Watson's panoramic biography, testifies to the spirit of a Gladstonian liberal intellectual and, imbued with a strong sense ofjustice, speaks up for the underdog. Laszlo6Pter is Emeritus Professor of Hungarian History at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London. ' The memoirs, on the first twenty-seven years of his life, written in the 1940s, well over thirty years after the events, were inevitably coloured by his memories of the two wars. Extracts from them were published in TheMakingofaNew Europe,R. W. SetonWatsonandthe Last Yearsof Austria-Hungary,by Hugh and Christopher Seton-Watson, London, I98I (hereafter, AIN>). This work provides a basic reference that has replaced much of the earlier works. On Seton-Watson's relations with Slovak leaders see his account written in I 942 and published in R. W. SetonWatsonandHis RelationswiththeCzechsandSlovaks,ed. Jan Rychliket al. [Bratislava],1995, pp. I09-15. 2 ANE, p. I6. The letter which The Spectator published on 13 February 1904 was, for instance, a detailed factual account of the 'reign of terror' inflicted on Finland by Russia not a civilized but a 'barbarian state'. Finland was not, however, the subject of SetonWatson 's firstpolitical letter to the press. TheSpectator published in June I 902 his letter, sent from New College, Oxford, where he was an undergraduate, in which Seton-Watson protested against the view that Germany had become 'our new foe' (MNE, p. 13). See further below. 656 SETON-WATSON S CHANGING VIEWS The sources of this moral revulsionare not hard to find. An earnest PresbyterianScot, raisedin a familyof 'bonnetlairds',yeomen farmers, Seton-Watsonwasdeeplyinfluencedby religiousliterature.Contemporarychurchaffairsalso engaged his interest: I wroteseverallettersto 7heScotsman and 7heScottish Review, underthe pseudonymof LaicusJuvenis,on 'Presbyterian Reunion a Pressing Need'.Thescandalous sectarianism oftheHighlands hadappalled me.3 Above all, Seton-Watsonwas impressedwith a strongsense of Scottish national identity.As R. R. Bettsobserved,he was theheiron hisfather'ssideto thecommercial andon hismother'sto the romanticgenius of his Scots ancestry.His great interestin his Seton forebears keptalivehis Scottishfeeling,andperhapsmadehimthemore sympathetic totherightsandsentiments ofsmallnations.4 As he explained in his memoirs, his firstpublication, Scotland Forever! andOther Poems (1898), had been 'writtenin the high Byronicstyle'.5Yet Seton-Watson did not become a narrow Scottish nationalist:he was anglicized by education at Winchester and New College, Oxford. His tutor, H. A. L. Fisher, set him off on a road to acquire an unusual breadth of historical knowledge, and also a taste for high literature, French,German,Italian,aswell as strongliberalpoliticalattitudes.His liberalism,however,hadmore to do withthe communitarianHippolyte Taine, whom he greatly admired,6 than with the dry utilitarian individualism of, for example, John Stuart Mill. Thus religion, nationality, and liberal education, reinforcing each other, all predisposed Seton-Watsontowards the defence of the underdog in national conflicts. Should we, therefore, regard him, as has commonly been the case, pre-eminently as a communitarian liberal, pleading the cause of the weak? In doing so we would not do justice to the man, for this view ignores the wider context of his thoughtsand his perception of Europe as a whole as 'a delicate organism',without...

Issues in implementation of public policies: The involvement of the army in the law and order sector in Bangladesh

Bangladesh had been passing through a crisis, acute and unprecedented, for a considerable time. Lawlessness, misadministration, corruption at every level and smuggling had brought the country to the brink of the abyss. It was not possible for the police to restore law and order in the country for a number of reasons, one among which was that a section of them are extremely corrupt and reportedly connive in giving shelter to violent terrorists, drug traders and smugglers. Finding no other alternative, the Government of Bangladesh deployed the army on 17th October, 2002, in a campaign against crime. The operation was given the nomenclature Operation Clean Heart’. Operation Clean Heart’ sent fear into the hearts of those who ruled our lives by fear and held us captive in their reign of terror. It also brought us a sense of relief that is comparable to that of the people when liberating forces enter occupied territories. All said and done, the army campaign has loosened the noose of crime around our necks, however short-lived it may be. This goes counter to the view that programmes which require major organisational changes will be difficult to carry out and are unlikely to be successfully implemented.

Physical and moral regeneration after the Terror: medical culture, sensibility and family politics in France, 1794–1804

Physical and moral regeneration was one of the great aspirations of the French Revolution. Revolutionaries fashioned new cultural practices to emphasize collective rebirth and the individual citizen’s own break with a degenerate past. Often associated with radical politics, this article emphasizes regeneration’s conservative manifestations after the Reign of Terror and the Thermidorean reaction of 1794. Against the backdrop of revolutionary transformations in medical theory and practice, doctors and surgeons sought to bring new biomedical knowledge upon previous regenerative projects, arguing that unrestrained biological passions had enervated the polity and caused social disaggregation. By studying domestic hygiene and the ‘limited sensibility’ of living matter, practitioners hoped they could reverse the Jacobin excess and popular upheaval through physical and moral education. These doctors claimed that recent clinical discoveries showed that human nature was less malleable than earlier revolutionaries had believed. Therefore, greater elements of emotional and corporal self-control, taught by practitioners and internalized within the family, could heal civil society and encourage social improvement. This bio-medical programme of regeneration radiated out across three levels, moving from elite clinical theorists to a kind of ‘literary underground’ of medical practice: a hygienic regimen aimed at controlling limited amounts of vital energy in the human body; a ‘physical and moral’ rehabilitation of women to anchor them in the domestic sphere; and reproductive strategies to breed new generations of rejuvenated citizens. In their efforts to incorporate republican hygienic sensibilities within traditional law and custom, doctors helped efface revolutionary memory and contributed to the paternalistic family law of the Civil Code in 1804.

Cyber Terrorism: A Study of the Extent of Coverage in Computer Science Textbooks

Introduction Terrorism is the most pressing national security issue facing the United States and its allies around the world. This became shockingly clear on September 11, 2001 and promises to be a long-lasting threat requiring a total commitment by the United States to eliminate terrorist organizations wherever they are found. Terrorism is an old problem, and the word dates to France's Reign of Terror in 1793-94 (Garrison, 2003). The United States State Department has defined as violence against noncombatants for the purpose of influencing public opinion (Council on Foreign Relations [CFR], n.d.). The former deputy chief of the CIA Counterterrorist Center has identified four elements that are common to all acts of (Vatis, 2001). Acts of are: (1) premeditated and not simply acts born of rage, (2) political and designed to impact political structure, (3) targeted at civilians and civilian installations, and (4) conducted by ad hoc groups as opposed to national armies. The war on is sure to result in attacks against US assets launched by terrorist groups, nation-states that provide support for terrorists, and hackers who sympathize with the terrorists (Vatis, 2001). The term cyber terrorism was coined to characterize computer-based attacks against an adversary's assets. It takes place were cyberspace and converge (Denning, 1999). Though these attacks occur in cyberspace, they still exhibit the four elements common to all acts of terrorism: (1) premeditated and not simply acts born of rage Cyber terrorist attacks are premediatated and must be planned since they involve the development or acquistition of software to carry out an attack. (2) political and designed to impact political structure Computer is an act that is intended to corrupt or completely destroy a computer system (Galley, 1996). Cyber terrorists are hackers with a political motivation, their attacks can impact political structure through this corruption and destruction. (3) targeted at civilians and civilian installations Cyber terrorist attacks often target civilian interests. Denning (2000a) qualifies as an attack that results in violence against persons or property, or at least causes enough harm to generate fear. (4) conducted by ad hoc groups as opposed to national armies Cyber is sometimes distinguished from warfare or information warfare, which are computer-based attacks orchestrated by agents of a nation-state. Cyber warfare is another term that is often used to describe various aspects of defending and attacking information and computer networks in cyberspace, as well as denying an adversary's ability to do the same (Hildrith, 2001). Cyber warfare and information warfare employ information technology as an instrument of war to attack an adversary's critical computer systems (Hirsch, Kett, & Trefil, 2002). Winn Schwartau (1994) has proposed three categories for classifying information warfare: (1) Personal Information Warfare, (2) Corporate Information Warfare, and (3) Global Information Warfare. Personal Information Warfare involves computer-based attacks on data about individuals. It may involve such things as disclosing or corrupting confidential personal information, such as those in medical or credit files. Corporate Information Warfare may involve industrial espionage or disseminating misinformation about competitors over the internet. Global Information Warfare is aimed at a country's critical computer systems. The goal is to disrupt the country by disabling systems, such as energy, communication or transportation. Another level of politically motivated computer attacks is often referred to as hacktivism--a combination of political activism and hacking. The intent in hacktivism is to disrupt normal operations but not cause serious damage (Denning, 2000b). …

The First Islamist Republic: Development and Disintegration of Islamism in the Sudan (review)

In this careful and engagingly written analysis of Hasan al-Turabi's decade in power, Abdullahi A. Gallab concludes that the experience of Sudan during the first Islamist republic (1989-99) serves as a warning against ideological entrapments (p. 167) of all kinds, and leads to the realization that Islamism, like all other isms, can be and should be contested (p. ix). Drawing upon extensive interviews with Sudanese Islamists, as well as upon Arabic and English studies, Gallab summarizes the Islamist experiment in dismal terms. He variously calls it a reign of terror, a trauma, a source of despair, an open-ended system of oppression, the product of a wide range of deceits, a vehicle for the violent suppression of other religious systems and political voices, and a charade (pp. 4, 15, 78, 137). In Gallab's account, Turabi emerges as a manipulator and a megalomaniac (albeit a suave one) who entertained the creation of a personality cult (p. 112) around him. Disciplines Islamic World and Near East History | Near and Middle Eastern Studies | Near Eastern Languages and Societies | Political History

Contesting Secession: Parson Brownlow and the Rhetoric of Proslavery Unionism, 1860–1861

During the American Civil War there were few Southern Unionists better known in the North than Rev. William G. "Parson" Brownlow of East Tennessee. A regionally prominent figure before the war, the controversial Methodist minister and newspaper editor became something of a national celebrity during the conflict itself. Brownlow denounced "the vile heresy of secession" in the Knoxville Whig for as long as Tennessee remained in the Union. After the state voted in favor of separation in June 1861—against the wishes of a large majority of East Tennesseans, though not of Knoxvillians—he shifted his focus to a vitriolic critique of the "so-called Confederacy" and its "reign of terror" over Southern Unionists. 1 Local authorities finally arrested him and charged him with treason in late 1861; and after an imprisonment of three months, he was banished beyond Confederate lines in March 1862. Shortly thereafter he began a triumphal speaking tour of the North, addressing large and enthusiastic audiences from Cincinnati, Ohio, to Portland, Maine. 2 At the same time, his speeches were widely published in pamphlet form, a dime novel was written about his "heroic" daughter, and Brownlow himself took time from the lecture circuit to pen a hasty account of his experiences as a Unionist martyr. Known popularly as Parson Brownlow's Book, the volume sold more than 100,000 copies before the war's end. 3 [End Page 294]