REVIEWS 773 celebrations was the renowned physicist Peter Kapitza who worked at Cambridge during the period when Szent-Gy6rgyi held a Rockefeller fellowship there in the latter part of the I920S. Could he have influenced the Hungarian scientist? The second group of three essays deals with the emergence of empirical economics in Hungary. They show how the severeeconomic problems,which accompanied the imposition of state socialism, and the subsequent 'New Course', alertedthe regime to the need for reliableeconomic intelligence and analysis.The providersof these services competent, empiricallyorientated economists were, however, obliged to strugglewith obsessiveandpersisting secrecy. A key role in this process was played by Istvin Friss,who acted as a kind of patron of the re-emerging discipline as Director of the newly created Institute of Economics, whilst much of the momentum was generated by younger scholars whose communist convictions had been shaken by the impact of terror and the moral and intellectual influence of its surviving victims. Peeri shows how a kind of compromise grew up between these economists and the regime, whereby they were freed from the strait-jacketof Stalinist political economy, but required to focus on policy relevant issues uninformed by Western 'bourgeois' theory. As with the firstgroup of essays, these succeed in illuminating the dynamics and complexities of the interface between politics and scholarship in a well grounded way which avoids the distortionsof hindsightjudgements. The final section consists of one chapter which offers a comparative assessmentof the impact of the state socialistpattern of enforced modernization on science and scholarship. It advances the interesting argument that exiting from this form of modernization may prove to be as costly as entering into it. This is because it generated an illusory form of development, 'overstretching' economic constraints. Consistent with a theme running throughout these essays Peteri warns that the divisions which characterize academic eliteshave resultedin theirinabilityto addresshow the pain of postcommunist stringency should be distributed, re-igniting, ironically, the dangersof political interventionduringdemocratization. Department ofPolitics PETER KNEEN University ofDurham Salminen, Esko. 7he Silenced Media:7The Propaganda WarBetween Russiaandthe West in NorthernEurope.Translated by Jyri Kokkonen. Macmillan, Basingstoke, I99. xii + I98 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. ?42.50. PROFESSORSALMINENis uncompromisinglyblunt about what was going on in Finland during the Cold War:'the Soviets sought to create a uniform media in Finland and to make the country a member of the socialistbloc during the I970s' (p. ix). And from the vast amount of materialcited and analysedby the author,the Soviet Union came very close to achievingits goals, ironically,just before the Soviet empire startedto fallapart. One of the book's main themes is self-censorshipand the author paints a grimpicture of Finland in the Ig7os: 'The Soviets did not have to look farfor 774 SEER, 79, 4, 2001 those who would praise and whitewash their system, and remain silent about problemsand failings.In the late I96os a majorportion of Finland'suniversity studentsavidly adopted the teaching of the New Left. Marxismwas regarded as a solution to the ills of society. Left-wing ideology spread rapidly among young people and intellectuals. Before long, many students, artist groups, research and journalist associations were captured by the system' (p. 27). Worsestill, 'kowtowingto the Soviets developed to the level of a new national consciousness' (p. 28). Even papers considered to be conservative or right wing in Finland, such as UusiSuomi,accepted regular columns from Soviet journalists, in this paper's case, from Spartak Beglov (a prominent Soviet propaganda specialist), whose authorship of Vneshnepoliticheskaya propaganda. Ocherk teoriii praktiki(I984) says a great deal about what he and his Soviet mastershoped to achieve in Finland. There is a likelihood, argues Professor Salminen, that the origins of selfcensorshipin Finland regardingthe Soviet Union are a legacy of the wartime alliance with National Socialist Germany. About the Finnish system of wartime censorship, we are told that 'up to 98% of all submitted texts were accepted, which can only point to the strong grip of self-censorshipamong Finnish journalists' (p. 14). On the other hand, given the memories of the Russo-Finnish winterwar(I939- I940), thefactthat98 percentof thetexts were acceptable might well imply that thiswas not an issue of self-censorship, but one of approval.After I 945, the real danger to intellectualfreedom came...
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