Regional Party Research Articles

Становление Общества друзей воздушного флота на Юго-Востоке РСФСР в 20-е годы XX века (по архивным материалам)

This article examines the process of formation of the Society of Friends of the Air Fleet in the South-East of the RSFSR in 1923, based on unpublished archival materials stored in the State Archives of the Rostov Region and the Center for Documentation of the Modern History of the Rostov Region. These sources are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. This problem has not previously been considered by historians. The formation of the branch of the Society of Friends of the Air Fleet in the South-East of the RSFSR began after the creation of a similar union organization in Moscow. Its main goal was to collect funds from Soviet citizens for the construction of aircraft through campaigning and propaganda of aircraft construction ideas. The backbone of the organization was made up of representatives of regional party structures and military leaders. In a fairly short period of time, the leadership of the Society managed to create a high-quality organizational structure, as well as establish relations with other air transport organi-zations. It has been proven that the branch of the Society had a certain autonomy from the Union branch and did not always carry out its orders, and also managed to attract funds from Soviet citizens and legal entities.

Electoral reform in Ukraine: main achievements and impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war

The article is devoted to the electoral reform in Ukraine in the context of European integration processes and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, including after the full-scale invasion. The results of the electoral reform implementation in 2019-2021 are summarised. The author describes the achievements of the 2019 election campaigns in terms of adherence to the principles of transparency, competitiveness, and democracy, as well as recommendations for further improvement of the electoral legislation. The author emphasises the importance of codifying the regulatory framework for elections. It is noted that the adoption of the Electoral Code and its further implementation contributed to the stabilisation and integration ofelectoral legislation. The author identifies the key achievements of the electoral reform: the introduction of a proportional system with open regional party lists, ensuring the voting rights of internally displaced persons, the introduction of gender quotas, and the creation of conditions for voting by people with disabilities. The negative impact of the full-scale Russian aggression on the electoral reform, which largely concerns the system of election organisation, is investigated. The author identifies the factors that complicate the organisation and conduct of elections in wartime: the inability to guarantee the safety of electoral participants, significant financial costs, the difficulty of ensuring proper voting in the face of rocket attacks, etc. The author concludes that it is impossible to hold elections under the legal regime of martial law. The article reveals the content of the new tasks of reforming the electoral system caused by the full-scale war. The author emphasises the need to continue the electoral reform initiated before the full-scale war as a condition for the successful implementation of Ukraine's European integration aspirations.

“POLITICALLY MATURE AND EXPERIENCED ONE...”: SOME MODELS OF ROTATION OF THE FIRST SECRETARIES OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY REGIONAL COMMITTEE IN THE 2ND HALF OF THE 1940S TO THE 50S (based on the materials of the Upper Volga regions)

The article analyses the models of rotation of regional leadership in the Upper Volga regions at the end of Stalin’s period and in the beginning of Khrushchev’s one. The focus is on the 3 first secretaries of the Communist Party regional committee in the 1940–50s - Pavel Alfyorov, Vladimir Luk’yanov, Fyodor Titov, who at different times were Party leaders of Vladimir, Ivanovo, and Yaroslavl regions. Attention is paid to quantitative and institutional characteristics associated with personnel rotations of late Stalinism and Khrushchev Thaw. The methodological basis of the study was the principles of historicism and systematicity, the prosopographic method, a combination of analysis of archival documents and sources of personal origin. The theoretical basis of the article is based on the ideas of Yelena Zubkova, Aleksandr Konovalov, Aleksey Fyodorov, Oleg Khlevniuk, Yoram Gorlizki. The source base is represented by documents from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, materials from documentary publications and reference publications, and personal sources (memoirs, interviews). The article concludes, that the biographies of the first secretaries of the regional committees of the Upper Volga regions (Pavel Alfyorov, Vladimir Luk’yanov, Fyodor Titov) demonstrate 3 different models of rotation of regional leadership personnel of Stalin and Khrushchev periods, but do not exhaust the diversity of personnel movements in the post-war USSR. It is noted that the first rotation model “From region to region”, inherent in Vladimir Luk’yanov, can be considered typical of the group of successful Stalinist promoters of the late 1930s. It is emphasised that the second model “Region-centre-region”, inherent in Pavel Alfyorov, reflects a move across the regions with a short-term return to the central apparatus of an experienced but not quite successful Party functionary. It is stated that the third model “Second-First-Second”, inherent in Fyodor Titov, was more rare, characterised by alternating the position of first secretary of the regional committee in the regions of the Russian Soviet Republic and second secretary in the republican communist parties of the USSR. The significance for career growth in the 1940-50s is noted considering the positions of second secretary of the regional committee, chairman of the regional executive committee, inspector of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, structures of the central apparatus. As the finishing point in the nomenclature career of Party functionaries of the 1950–60s, the Party Control Committee is indicated. The publication is an invitation to discussion for representatives of the scientific community regarding the typification and classification of regional Party leaders of the Soviet era.

Решение «жилищного вопроса» партаппаратом БАССР периода «хрущевской оттепели»

The principles of solving the housing issue in the era of the “Khrushchev thaw” in the Bashkortostan ASSR among the privileged part of Soviet society ‒ regional party managers ‒ were examined in the article, based on archival sources deposited in the National Archives of the Republic of Bashkortostan, introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The author concretized the specifics of “allocation of housing” to the party nomenclature in one of the largest national republics in the RSFSR, characterized by hidden interdepartmental clashes that took place between the organs of the republican party power and authorized state bodies at the local level. The article focuses on the trend that emerged in the late 1950s, which was expressed in the gradual rejection of housing and everyday asceticism by the post-Stalin party nomenclature in favor of the growing philistine-consumer individualism and consumerism, which were not officially recognized in the Soviet Union. The article examines the moral and ethical qualities of regional party managers, whose public rhetoric and self-presentation in the public space contrasted with their focus on obtaining material benefits depending on the level of their position.

Party Leadership of the Partisan Movement during the Occupation of Smolensk Region by Nazi Troops (1941–1942)

The article is devoted to the analysis of one of the most difficult, ambiguous and contradictory issues of the Great Patriotic War – the party leadership of the partisan movement in the Smolensk region in 1941–1942. Unfortunately, Soviet historiography used to evaluate the party leadership of the deployment of the guerrilla struggle exclusively in rosy tones, avoiding any critical assessments, which distorted the real picture of events. Party leadership and influence was a complex phenomenon. If at the level of ordinary party members heroism in the fight against the enemy, the personal qualities of real communists manifested themselves massively and everywhere, then confusion often reigned in regional party organizations, there was a lack of discipline. This was the result of serious failures in the leadership of the party members on the ground by the Smolensk Regional Committee of the CPSU (b). At the same time, after the occupation of the region, the regional committee had no systematic connection with district organizations and did not lead the partisan movement for five months. The situation began to change only after the defeat of the Nazis near Moscow. The turning point was the IX Plenum of the Smolensk Regional Committee of the CPSU (b) in April 1942, after which the systematic and active leadership of the underground district committees and the partisan movement in the Smolensk region began. But even then, in the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), in the NKVD, the partisans (many of whom were surrounded) were looked at suspiciously, with distrust. This can explain the enormous losses of the partisans in the summer and autumn of 1942. Thus, the thesis about the outstanding leadership role of the CPSU (b) in the deployment of the partisan movement is significantly embellished and does not correspond to reality.

Policy implementation and strategic effects: Assessing the impact of parliamentary thresholds on Indonesia’s political system and governance

This study examines the impact of parliamentary thresholds on the Indonesian political system through the lens of the Routine Policy Implementation Model and the Strategic Policy Implementation Model. The main objective is to evaluate the effectiveness of parliamentary thresholds in managing political fragmentation, assess their impact on stability and representation in the legislative system, and understand their implementation’s technical and strategic implications. Using a qualitative approach supported by interview studies and field observations, this research combines analysis of election data in the 2009, 2014, and 2019 elections with a qualitative assessment of policy changes and political dynamics. The Routine Policy Implementation Model focuses on the technical aspects of threshold implementation, including vote counting procedures and seat allocation efficiency. Meanwhile, the Strategic Policy Implementation Model examines the broader implications of these thresholds for political consolidation, government effectiveness, and the representation of minor parties. The results show that the parliamentary threshold has significantly reduced political fragmentation by consolidating the number of parties in Parliament, resulting in a legislative system that is cleaner and easier to administer. However, this consolidation has also marginalized small parties and limited political diversity. The novelty of this study lies in its comprehensive analysis of how parliamentary thresholds affect administrative efficiency and strategic political stability in Indonesia, compared to democratic countries in transition, such as Slovenia and Montenegro. In conclusion, although parliamentary thresholds have increased political stability and government effectiveness, they have also raised concerns about the reduced representation of small and regional parties. The study recommends maintaining balanced thresholds that ensure stability and diversity, implementing mechanisms to review thresholds periodically, and involving diverse stakeholders in adjusting policies to reflect evolving political dynamics. This approach will help balance the need for a stable legislative environment with broad representation.

The Impact of Political Stability on Regional Economic Growth in India: A Comparative Study of State-Level Development

This study explores the intricate dynamics of Indian politics, focusing on the interplay between historical legacies, electoral processes, and socio-economic factors shaping contemporary governance. As the world's largest democracy, India offers a unique perspective on political evolution influenced by colonial history, diverse cultural contexts, and rapid economic changes. The analysis covers the historical foundations of India's political system, the impact of major political parties and leaders, and the role of elections in determining policy outcomes. Key areas of focus include the influence of caste and religion on voting behavior, the effects of political campaigns and media, and the evolution of political alliances. The study also addresses current challenges such as corruption, governance inefficiencies, and the impact of globalization on domestic politics. Findings indicate that while India's democratic institutions are resilient, significant disparities in political representation and governance persist, highlighting the need for reforms to enhance transparency and address socioeconomic divides. This examination provides valuable insights into the complexities of democratic governance in a diverse and rapidly evolving society. Additionally, the study underscores the role of regional politics and local governance structures in shaping national policies. It highlights how regional parties and state-level leaders influence broader political trends and contribute to the complexity of India's federal system. By incorporating these perspectives, the analysis offers a comprehensive understanding of how local and national forces interact, shaping the overall political landscape of India

A dual summit of power? Career movements and multilevel circulation in the Spanish executive elite

ABSTRACT Drawing from the literature on political ambition, this article examines whether politicians holding executive offices exhibit similar patterns of movement between different levels of government as parliamentary elites. It also tests the influence of various institutional and political variables typical of federal systems. Focusing on Spain, the study classifies career movements based on the initial position and the direction of advancement, analyzing their variations depending on the availability, accessibility, and attractiveness of the structure of opportunities. The article particularly aims to elucidate why certain regions are more advantaged to provide decision-makers with more opportunities to circulate across political layers. Our sample includes cabinet members (prime ministers and ministers) and regional chief executives in Spanish regions from 1980 to 2021. The findings suggest that the status of regions, the availability of parliamentary seats, and the regional party system, among other factors, contribute to understanding regional variations in opportunities for executive level-hoppers.

A Critical Study on the Rise of Regional Party and Weakening of National Party in Tamil Nadu with Special Reference to Chennai

The political landscape of Tamil Nadu has witnessed a significant transformation characterised by the ascendancy of regional parties and the concurrent weakening of national parties. This research delves into the underlying factors contributing to this phenomenon and its implications for the state's political trajectory.Drawing on a combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, this study examines historical trends, electoral data, party manifestos, and socio-political dynamics to elucidate the rise of regional parties such as the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), alongside the diminishing influence of national parties like the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).Key drivers identified include linguistic identity politics, regional pride, historical grievances, charismatic leadership, and effective mobilization strategies. Additionally, socio-economic factors such as caste dynamics, welfare policies, and regional disparities play a crucial role in shaping voter preferences and party allegiances.The ramifications of this shift extend beyond electoral outcomes to governance, policy formulation, and federal dynamics. The dominance of regional parties has led to the prioritization of state-centric issues and the articulation of Tamil Nadu's distinct socio-cultural identity within the Indian federal framework.By offering a comprehensive analysis of the rise of regional parties and the decline of national parties in Tamil Nadu, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of sub-nationalism, federalism, and political decentralisation within the Indian context.This research follows a empirical research method and a total of 202 samples have been collected through questionnaire.

FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF MULTIPARTY REGIONAL SYSTEMS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation and development of multiparty system in the regions at the present stage of Russia’s political development. The article analyzes the processes of transformation of the Russian party system in the context of systematic changes in the mechanisms of legislative regulation of their party and political activities. The aim of the study is to determine the degree of influence of the regional party system on the exercise of political power in Russian regions. This is necessary to determine the main directions for improving the system of party legislation in the process of establishing a new political system. Conclusions. As a result of the conducted research, a number of unresolved contradictions in the formation and development of the modern Russian regional party system have been identified. These contradictions do not allow this type of party system to achieve the level of influence that would give them the opportunity to really and effectively participate in the current political process. It can be argued that the party systems that have developed today in the regions are lagging behind in their development in comparison with the all-Russian party system. The author concludes that in order to change the current situation, it is necessary to improve the quality of representation from political parties in regional and municipal authorities. In order for political parties in the regions to articulate the interests and needs of various social groups, they must have the necessary power resources in making decisions on the leadership and management of the region. One of such ways to increase the level of influence of the regional party system is, in the author’s opinion, the reform of party legislation in the direction of creating broader opportunities, both for creating parties of different political spectrum and for increasing their power capabilities.

지역소멸의 위기에 따른 민주주의의 약화와 대응 방안

In today’s Korean society, the crisis of rapid decline in local population, coupled with a decreasing population, poses one of the biggest challenges in preparing for future generations. Moreover, the issue of rapid decline in local population may present a significant threat to democracy, a foundational principle of the Constitution, beyond just being a concern at the level of industrial or administrative policies for balanced regional development. This article points out that democracy is also weakening due to the crisis of rapid decline in local population, and proposes solutions in terms of the implementation of democracy, focusing on institutions such as elections, political parties, and direct democracy. Firstly, from the perspective of localities and regional populations, there are issues with the proportionality of electoral districts and regional representation. As an extreme imbalance in population between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas forms, the citizens of the latter experience weakened representation in the election of their legislators, leading to the emergence of large electoral districts or the abnormal setting of a single district for areas lacking regional homogeneity or community cohesion. Under the current small constituency plurality system, maintaining strict population proportionality presents a difficult challenge to overcome. To harmonize the proportionality of electoral district populations with regional representation, considering a constitutional amendment to transform the unicameral legislature to a bicameral system where the upper house has regional representation, or adopting a regional proportional representation system for legislative elections, are potential institutional changes that should be explored. Secondly, recognizing regional political parties as a way to promote local democracy could help enhance local political autonomy. Current Party Law recognizes only national parties, and the Constitutional Court has upheld these provisions. However, the essential function of a party is to participate in the formation of political will of the people, which does not necessarily have to be nationwide. Recognizing regional parties could bolster local democracy and should be considered for enhancement. Thirdly, in response to regional issues more actively and flexibly, the diversification of local government structures should be actively recognized, and strengthening direct democracy measures is necessary to address issues in areas experiencing extreme population decline.

FROM THE FRINGES TO THE FOREFRONT: THE RISE OF THE BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY (BJP) IN NAGALAND

This paper delves into the intriguing phenomenon of the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) rise to prominence in Nagaland, a state with a predominantly Christian population. Historically, Nagaland's political landscape has been dominated by regional parties advocating for distinct ethnic and tribal interests. However, the BJP's recent electoral successes have significantly challenged this established political order, prompting inquiries into the factors driving its rise.

Tanah tak Bertuan: Volatilitas dan Stabilitas Elektoral di Jawa Barat Pasca Ode Baru

The changing power of political parties is one of the most important phenomena studied in democratic political systems. It can shed light on the extent to which political parties are connected to voters, the strengthening or weakening of party institutionalisation, the influence of personalities in politics, the influence of electoral and party institutional design, and so on. Studies on political party change (electoral volatility and stability) have been conducted comparatively, and some studies are conducted by looking at the national context of Indonesia. However, while studies have been conducted on these issues at the local level, they remain overlooked. This article fills this gap by presenting a description and analysis of electoral volatility and stability in West Java in the post-New Order era. Using the theoretical framework of electoral volatility and stability as well as the theory of party system institutionalisation (PSI), this study proposes three findings: high party turnover; higher electoral volatility in West Java compared to national electoral volatility; more competitive political party competition at the district/city level in West Java. The findings on electoral volatility, stability and competition are influenced by the restrictions of political party regulations, which have an impact on the decreasing number of political parties in elections, the personalisation of politics and the presidentialisation of politics, as well as the historical roots of the old-established parties that have been entrenched since the New Order era.

COMMUNIST PARTY’S REGIONAL CONFERENCE AND REGIONAL COMMITTEE AS INSTITUTIONS OF REGIONAL POWER OF THE LATE SOVIET ERA (based on the material of the Upper Volga regions)

The article analyses the social characteristics of key regional structures of the Communist Party power and the features of their composition. The study focuses on the Party institutions of regional power in the late USSR: the regional Party conference, the regional committee of the Party, the bureau of the regional committee of the Party. Considerable attention is paid in the article to the historiography of the issue of regional power in the USSR. The methodological framework of the study consisted of an institutional approach, a combination of source analysis and the oral history paradigm, the principles of historicism and systematicity. The theoretical basis of the article is based on the network approach to institutions of power (ideas of Aleksandr Konovalov, Viktor Mokhov, Oleg Khlevniuk, Yoram Gorlizki). The central concept of the study is the concept of “regional leadership network”. The “ administrative market theory” is of an auxiliary nature. Acording to Simon Kordonskiy. The basis of the corpus of sources for the article was unpublished material from archives of Russia’s regions (Vladimir, Ivanovo, Kostroma, Yaroslavl). A significant part of the sources consisted of oral history evidence – semi-structured interviews conducted personally by the author. The article concludes that contradictory trends had been growing in regional Party institutions of power. It is noted that there was an active inclusion of broad sections of the population in regional authorities, based on the values of Soviet democracy. However, actual decision-making was in the hands of the Party nomenclature clique, headed by the first secretary of the regional Party committee. It is emphasised that the real institutional centre for making management decisions at the regional level of government in the USSR was the Bureau of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party. A general increase in the educational level of the Party conference delegates and members of the regional committee of the Party is noted.

The life path of G.H. Bumagin

Importance. In 2024, G.H. Bumagin, secretary of the Leningrad and Novgorod regional Committees of the CPSU(b), who played a very important role in many events of the Battle for Leningrad, as well as in the restoration of the Novgorod region in the first post-war years and actively studying the activities of the partisans and underground workers of the Leningrad region in the last years of his life, will turn 120 years old. Now, there are no biographical fundamental works about him, and in books and articles, researchers most often described his work during the Great Patriotic War and in the first post-war years. The purpose of the study is to examine in detail his life path. Its tasks are to establish life periods and their chronological framework, to determine the criteria for choosing chronological frameworks, to describe each life period and its features, to establish the results and contribution of G.H. Bumagin to the events that he participated in.Materials and Methods. The research is based on archival materials from the Central State Archive of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg and the Novgorod Museum-Reserve. A descriptive-narrative, biographical methods, analysis and periodization are used for it.Results and Discussion. Based on archival materials, it is possible to describe the formation of G.H. Bumagin as the party leader of the Leningrad region before the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War and the development of his career path. In addition, his work on the formation of the resistance movement in the first months of the Battle for Leningrad, the leadership of the Commission of the eastern districts of the Leningrad region and the leadership of the Novgorod region in the first post-war years is described.Conclusion. G.H. Bumagin had a difficult fate. A guy from a poor family who lived almost halfstarved, made every effort to get out into the world. He decided to do this by serving in the Red Army. Thanks to her, he was able to develop a political career in Leningrad and became secretary of the Leningrad and then Novgorod Regional Party Committee. They tried to blacken his name during the Leningrad case. Even though he was imprisoned without any evidence, he endured adversity with his family and, after rehabilitation, adjusted his life. When he retired, he had another front of work – studying the Resistance movement, which he led in the first months of the war. His accumulated material and work experience were subsequently useful for compiling memoirs and reports on the history of the partisan and underground movements of the Leningrad, Novgorod and Pskov regions. He left valuable materials after his death, which formed the basis not only for this article, but also for other historical works.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ СИСТЕМА ИНДИИ: ИСТОРИЧЕСКИЙ ОПЫТ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ

За 77 лет независимости Индия покончила с колониальным прошлым, упрочила свой суверенитет, встала на путь модернизации индийского общества. Сегодня это динамично развивающаяся страна с эффективной экономикой, стабильной политической системой, высокоразвитая в политическом, экономическом, военном и научно-технологическом отношении. В состоявшихся в стране 17 парламентских выборов участвовало 60–70% избирателей. Конституция Индии, принятая 26 января 1950 г., гарантирует всем гражданам социальное, экономическое и политическое равенство; свободу мнений и вероисповедания, предусматривает сильный центр и штаты, которые не обладают правом отделения от Индии. Во всеобщих выборах участвуют около 300 политических партий, из которых до 10 – общеиндийские. Over 77 years of independence, India has put an end to its colonial past, consolidated its sovereignty, and embarked on the path of modernizing Indian society. Today it is a dynamically developing country with an efficient economy, a stable political system based on representative democracy, the principles of federalism and an independent judiciary. It confirms its leading position in the production and export of electronic products; produces a quarter of all the world’s medicines; strengthens its military-industrial potential, actively participates in the exploration of outer space, i.e. positions itself as a highly developed global power in political, economic, military, scientific and technological terms. However, about 22% of the population lives below the poverty line, and about half did not go to school. Over the years of independence, 17 parliamentary elections have been held in the country with the participation of about 60–70% of voters. Indian society is divided along confessional lines: 80.46% are Hindus, 13.43% are Muslims, 2.34% are Christians, and 1.87% are Sikhs. The division of Hindus into many castes often determines the nature of the country’s political life. The Constitution of India, adopted on January 26, 1950, laid the foundations for the existence of a republican system and parliamentary democracy. The Constitution of India guarantees all citizens social, economic and political justice and equality; freedom of expression, religion, worship; fraternity, ensuring the unity of the nation. The Constitution of India has stood the test of time: it provides for the possibility of changing it in accordance with the requirements of life. It provides for a strong center and autonomous states, whose powers are clearly delimited. The states do not have the right to secede from India. The parliamentary system of India provides a combination of legislative and executive authorities. India is one of the most diverse multiparty democracies in the world. About 300 political parties are participating in the general elections, of which up to 10 are all-Indian. In recent decades, there has been a significant strengthening of the role of regions and regional parties, which has made it almost impossible to create one-party governments in the center or in the regions. The population of the states increasingly identifies with the states rather than with the Center, which is happening against the background of growing confessional and caste consciousness and is accompanied by the drawing of dividing lines between individual religions and castes.

India's General Election: Verdict 2024-A Reflection of Public Political Decisions

2024 has been a year of elections around the world, including the developed nations—the USA, the UK, the European Union and the Russian Federation alongside countries like India, Mexico, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran (the Islamic Republic of), South Africa, Republic of Korea (South Korea), Algeria, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Ghana, Mozambique, Madagascar, Venezuela, (the Bolivarian Republic of), Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), Taiwan, Syrian Arab Republic, Mali, Sri Lanka, Romania, Chad, Senegal, Cambodia, Rwanda, Tunisia, Belgium, Dominic Republic, Jordan, South Sudan, Czechia (Czech Republic), Azerbaijan, Portugal, Belarus, Togo, Austria, El Salvador, Slovakia, Finland, Mauritania, Panama, Croatia, Georgia, Mongolia, Uruguay, Republic of Moldova, Lithuania Botswana, Namibia, Guinea Bissau and North Macedonia. This editorial is devoted to the verdict of India’s General Election 2024. The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections have trickled in by defying most of the expectations of the exit polls. The graph of the results projected a different picture, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) grabbing 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament. At the same time, the coalition of opposition parties, collectively known as the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), accomplished 234, which is 38 less than the required majority. As a twist in the election results, the regional parties made significant gains in many states. Congress bagged a strong revival, which was hugely attributed to the Bharat Jodo Yatra and Nyay Yatra under the architect of Mr Rahul Gandhi. Nevertheless, with its allies, BJP-led NDA is on board as Modi 3.0 leads the largest democracy.

СЛУЖЕНИЕ НАУКЕ «ИСТОРИЯ»

The article is devoted to the life and scientific work of the famous scientist historian Vladimir Petrovich Ivankov, who worked for many years at the Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Bashkir Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences (now the UFIC RAS) as the head of the sector of the history of Soviet society, who will turn 105 years old on May 27, 2024. He lived a difficult life, but full of important and turning points in his life. The article draws on unique sources deposited in the scientist’s personal collection in the Scientific Archive of the Ufa Federal Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. First of all, these are his personal files, which contain documents relating to his work at the institute. Of no small importance are the published prospectuses of generalizing collective works preparing for scientific development, where V.P. Ivankov is listed as a member of the team of authors as a scientific supervisor or executive editor. Some documents from the personal fund of the famous scientist R.G. were used. Kuzeev in the Scientific Archive of the UFIC RAS, which contained information about the preparation of a collective work on the history of the BASSR, which was subsequently entrusted to V.P. Ivankova. Vladimir Petrovich Ivankov receives a historical education at the Udmurt Pedagogical Institute. He begins his career in schools in Izhevsk. After graduating from the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, he worked in the party bodies of Udmurtia. In the early 1950s. studies at the Academy of Social Sciences, where he defends his Ph.D. thesis. In 1957 he was transferred to Bashkiria, where he worked at the regional party school as head of the department of history of the CPSU, then at BSU. Despite his busy schedule, he devoted a lot of time to scientific work, an interest in which began in his student years, and continued at the Academy while preparing his dissertation. While still in Udmurtia, he participated in the development of the history of the local party organization and the preparation of documentary collections. In Bashkiria, he was involved in writing general works on regional history. From September 1963 to November 1983 all further life and scientific activity of V.P. Ivankova was associated with the Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Bashkir Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Having headed the sector of the history of Soviet society, he took on the difficult tasks of writing the third volume of a collective work on the history of the BASSR, the history of the party organization of the republic. The tasks set by the executive editor were completed in a timely manner and successfully, summarizing works were published, which became an important result of the research activities of the scientist and the institute itself.

International Criminal Justice Data in Bangladesh: A Scoping Review

Abstract Bangladesh gained its independence from Pakistan in 1971 after a nine-month long war. The Pakistani military and local collaborators carried out brutal operations on Bangladeshi civilians during the period of 25 March to 16 December 1971, which caused genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. This scoping review synthesises the data related to laws, policies, institutions, and culture of Bangladesh surrounding victims, their families, and perpetrators of the aforesaid crimes. Bangladesh faced questions in prosecuting the local collaborators of the Pakistani military at the domestic tribunal, whilst Pakistani war criminals have not yet been tried, and there is still no international consensus on recognising the genocide. On the other hand, the lack of an internationalised judicial response further indicates that no sincere effort has been made to establish a global post-conflict resolution that transcends the regional parties involved in this matter.

Centralizing Rules: How Party Regulations Are Reinforcing Cadre Loyalty in Today’s China

Centralizing Rules: How Party Regulations Are Reinforcing Cadre Loyalty in Today’s China