Regional Party Research Articles

FDI Policy in India: With Special Reference to the Multi-Brand Retail FDI Policy

This article attempts to trace the FDI policy in India from India’s Independence till the economic liberalisation in 1991 and onwards. It highlights how different regimes approached the FDI policy in India, from ‘hostility’ to ‘accommodation’ to ‘collaboration’. The article then looks at the multi-brand retail FDI policy which was recently introduced in India. This policy was one of the hallmarks of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA II) regime and marked a significant push towards a more extensive economic reforms programme. It clearly stated that if this policy is operationalised, it will result in a big boost in investments in our country. However, most of the Indian states, the Left parties and various regional parties opposed the introduction of FDI in the multi-brand retail sector. They stated that this policy would harm the Indian economy in the long run. The article also focuses on two important stakeholders of this policy, namely the farming sector and the unorganised retailers. It looks at the advantages and the disadvantages of the multi-brand retail FDI policy on these two sectors along with their responses.

«Немцев-переселенцев к эвакуированному населению не причислять». Положение немецкой интеллигенции в годы Великой Отечественной войны (на примере Кустанайской области Казахстана)

Introduction. The history of the deportation of the German population to the USSR up to the present time is estimated ambiguously. The issue of the situation of the German intelligentsia deported to the territory of the Kazakh SSR, including members of the AUCP(b) during the Great Patriotic War, remains problematic and has not been thoroughly studied by scholars. The war created a difficult situation: two different streams of people of German nationality merged on the territory of the Kazakh SSR. On the one hand, there were local Germans living in Kazakhstan since pre-revolutionary times, and on the other hand, there were Germans deported during the period of the Great Patriotic War, which requires a separate study. Methods and materials. Based on declassified documents of state and party bodies of regional and republican levels marked “Classified”, on the example of the Kustanay regional party organization, the features of the “privileged position” of Germans, members of the AUCP(b) in the conditions of deportation are considered. At the same time, in the regional aspect, detailed lists of teachers, medical workers – “German immigrants who arrived in Kustanay region in 1941” – are being introduced into scholarly discourse, which made it possible to find out the composition of the deported German intelligentsia. The archive file “List of teachers evacuated to districts of Kustanay region in 1941–1942” was analyzed separately, which was not reflected in the historical literature. Analysis. The analysis of the documents shows that, with rare exceptions, all the German intelligentsia deported to Kazakhstan (teachers, philologists, librarians, medical workers) turned out to be collective farm labor in 1941. Proof of discrimination against people of German nationality was the complete absence of data on German teachers (both local and resettled) in the lists of teachers and documents of local authorities. The extremely difficult situation of the deported German intelligentsia (the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, the Ukrainian SSR) at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War on the territory of the Kazakh SSR is revealed in the regional aspect (on the example of Kostanay region). This is evidenced by the fate of German teachers, including the German party intelligentsia during the deportation to Kazakhstan at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Along with this, declassified party documents directly indicate that persons of German nationality continued to be accepted in the primary party cells into the ranks of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Kazakhstan even after the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Among them were deported German Communists as well. Results. As a result of the collective research work of historians of Russia and Kazakhstan, the situation of the German intelligentsia (including members of the Bolshevik Party) deported at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War from the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, and the Ukrainian SSR to the territory of the Kazakh SSR (on the example of Kustanay region) was studied and subjected to scientific analysis for the first time. The article materials will help to facilitate the work of scholars, local historians, and descendants of deported Germans to establish the fate of the loved ones, find the confirmation of their being in forced settlements, and at the same time, broaden scientific topics of papers on the history of Germans in Kazakhstan.

Declining memberships and Australia’s political party registration test: Legal doubts and democratic principles

In recent decades, membership of established parties in parliamentary democracies such as Australia has been in marked decline. This has been accompanied by the regulation of political parties, featuring membership tests for the registration of non-parliamentary parties. This article raises questions about both the legality and democratic credentials of the ‘membership testing process’ applied by the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC).

A Brief Review of the History of Reforms to the Legal Regulations of Political Parties in Mexico

This article studies the major reforms in the history of the legal regulation of political parties in Mexico based on the political context in which they took place. The objective is to explain their origin and characteristics. I argue that: 1) The 1946 reform increased requirements for the recognition of political parties; it was passed to prevent the electoral participation of threats to the official party. 2) The 1977 reform loosened requirements for the recognition of political parties; it intended to open the party system to incorporate the extra-institutional opposition. 3) The 1996 reform increased public funding for political parties; it aimed to benefit the PRI in the case of losing the power. 4) The 2007 reform consisting of regulation of intra-party processes was passed to harmonize the constitution with the electoral court’s jurisprudence, establishing procedures and conditions. 5) The 2014 reform —standardization of federal and local legislation on political parties—, intended to transfer the characteristics of the federal electoral process to the states. Finally, 6) the most recent reform proposal, reduction of public funding for political parties, is based on the discredit of these organizations and on the exorbitant amount of money they receive. The study shows that the reforms approved during the era of a hegemonic party system (1946, 1977, and 1996) were aimed at benefiting the official party, while the subsequent reforms reflect a pluralistic context and emerged from the judicial power (2007), the opposition political parties (2014), and the civil society (last reform proposal).

РЕГИОНАЛИЗМ И МНОГОУРОВНЕВАЯ ПОЛИТИКА ПО ЯЗЫКОВОМУ ВОПРОСУ В СТРАНАХ ЕВРОПЫ

Introduction: European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, adopted by the Council of Europe, has become an important regulator of language policy in the signatory and ratifying countries. As a result, language policy towards minorities, turns out to be a bright example of multi-level governance (MLG) – a new pattern of political interactions, which is characterized not by hierarchical system of subordination to one center (the state), but pluralistic, dispersed activity of many actors interacting at different and interconnected levels of power. MLG, however, differs across various regions, since subnational actors intend to be self-sustained players of political interactions to varying degrees. Objectives: to identify the mechanisms of regionalist parties’ impact of on the involvement of regional actors in multi-level governance and to determine how it influences on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Methods: large-N comparative analysis and comparatively oriented case-study. Results: a large-N comparative analysis of 134 regions from countries that have ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages has confirmed that the strength of regionalist parties has a positive effect on the scope of guarantees and preferences that minority languages receive in regions. The case-study of the Serbian Vojvodina, the most typical case, allows to expose the mechanisms of the impact of regionalists. Being represented in the regional authorities, regionalist parties not only promote language issues on the public agenda, but also achieve more energetic involvement of regional actors in policy formulation and making decisions on language policy at the national level. At the initiative of regionalist parties, first in Vojvodina, and then throughout the country, ethnic councils were institutionalized as significant actors in language policy. Thus, non-state actors are actively involved in the language policy, which is fully consistent with the MLG approach. Conclusions: regionalist parties and movements have a significant influence on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Its strength demonstrates a stable and statistically significant impact both on the volume of obligations undertaken in relation to regional languages, and on the degree of their implementation. Another significant factor is the presence of a kin-state among the linguistic minority.

РЕГИОНАЛИСТСКИЕ ПАРТИИ В СТРАНАХ ЕВРОПЫ: ФАКТОРЫ УСПЕХА

At the end of the XX - beginning of the XXI centuries, regionalist parties have become reputable and influential political players in the European political landscape, however, the unevenness of their development in the cross-regional dimension raises the question of the factors that impact their success. The article aims to test the hypothesis developed in previous works based on other empirical data and using different ways of operationalizing variables. The study is carried out by the method of multiple linear regression on the empirical material of all 313 administrative-territorial units of European countries that fully correspond to the concept of "region". As a result of the analysis, it was found that the socio-cultural and historical specificity of the region has the most stable influence on the success of regionalist parties, while the socio-cultural one is of utmost importance. The level of economic development of the region is also statistically significant, but its effects are multidirectional. In the countries of "old" Europe, more developed regions tend to have regionalism, while in "new" Europe, on the contrary, regionalist parties are more successful in underdeveloped regions. The hypothesis regarding the positive impact of decentralization on the development of regionalist parties is not confirmed.

A fakultatív hitoktatás a Rákosi-korszakban az adatok tükrében

In September 1949, the religious education in public education was abolished, and optional religious education was replaced. The Hungarian Working People’s Party (MDP) called on the Party, the ministerial and central government bodies (in co-operation with the trade unions and the mass movement) to make every effort to reduce the number of students enrolling in religious education. Between 1949 and 1953, administrative measures were mostly used, while between 1953 and 1956, the emphasis was more on persuasion by parents. The plans and instructions made by the various bodies had to be implemented by the regional Party and state administration bodies (city, county, district councils) and data had to be provided. These data were forwarded to the Party’s bodies (especially the MDP Agitation and Propaganda Department) and to the State Office for Church Affairs (established in 1951), which also submitted it to the MDP’s bodies.

RUSSIAN-GEORGIAN WAR OF 2008: REACTION OF UKRAINIAN POLITICUM

The paper analyzes assessments of Ukraine's political environment regarding the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 – the military conflict between Georgia on the one hand and Russia and the separatist groups of South Ossetia and Abkhazia on the other, the «hot» phase of which fell on August 8–12. It is stated that although Ukrainian and foreign historiographies already have some work on this military confrontation in the Caucasus, in all these cases it is mostly an analysis of the events of August 2008 in Georgia only through the prism of political history with a predominant chronology of the conflict. The main stages of the Russian-Georgian military confrontation in August 2008 and further attempts to resolve it through diplomacy are briefly outlined. It was stated that the «hot phase» of the confrontation on the territory of Georgia immediately became the center of attention of Ukrainian politicians. From the first day of the military conflict among Ukrainian political circles, there were two camps – pro-Georgian and pro-Russian – attitudes to which were correlated personal and collective political, ideological, mental, and even pragmatic sympathies, often turning from assessments of the foreign policy situation for disputes and discussions within the country. It is noted that the circles close to the then President Viktor Yushchenko took an openly pro-Georgian side, and the Ukrainian head of state himself visited Tbilisi against the background of the threat of Russian occupation in support of his counterpart Mikheil Saakashvili. It is stressed that the neutral attitude to military actions in the Caucasus prevailed among Ukrainian politicians, especially among Prime Ministers Yulia Tymoshenko and Volodymyr Lytvyn, who headed the bloc of the same name in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. It is shown, that representatives of the Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine took a pro-Russian stance in assessing the military conflict, blaming official Tbilisi for the start of hostilities and supporting the idea of recognizing Russia’s independence after Abkhazia and South Ossetia. It is concluded that despite the presence of such a diverse palette of views, it was not possible to adopt a clear consolidated official position within the walls of the parliament, despite the relevant appeals of Speaker Arsenii Yatseniuk. Keywords Russian Federation, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, war, politicum, Ukraine.

ЭЛЕКТОРАЛЬНЫЙ РЕГИОНАЛИЗМ: СЛУЧАЙ ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКОГО СОЮЗА ВЕНГРОВ РУМЫНИИ

The article analyzes the dynamics of the regionalism strategy of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians of Romania (UDMR), representing the interests of the Hungarian minority, in the 1990s-2010s. The study uses official policy documents and manifestos of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania, official electoral data, materials of coalition interactions and parliamentary debates, along with materials from the Manifesto Project Database. The results of the analysis show that the strategy of the regionalist party is transforming: from the rigid and consistent ethnolinguistic regionalism of the 1990s-2000s, in the 2010s the party is shifting to a more flexible adaptive strategy, which is a synthesis of moderate regionalism and competent positioning of the party as a coalition partner with a centrist social-economic agenda. The regionalist agenda is used by the party during the years of electoral activity, which serves as a tool for achieving institutional opportunities for participation in the national political process (shared-rule). The UDMR intention to expand the party's political subjectivity is not the main aim but the tool and opportunity for lobbying the interests of the regional community. The turn of the Hungarian regionalists from a strategy of confrontation with the Romanian unionist parties to a strategy of bargaining and cooperation is also the result.

ИСТОРИЧЕСКАЯ СПЕЦИФИКА РЕГИОНОВ РОССИИ: ИНСТРУМЕНТАРИЙ ДЛЯ АНАЛИЗА ГЕТЕРОГЕННОСТИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ПРОСТРАНСТВА

Despite the trend toward homogenization of the political space, which serves as characteristic of modern nation-states, cross-regional differences persist, and sometimes even intensify. For that reason, the question arises why some regions almost do not deviate from national political trends, while in others a specific electoral landscape, special party systems, regionalist parties develop. Explaining these differences, researchers, as a rule, rely on social-economic, cultural, geographical and historical features of the regions. At the same time, large-N comparative studies require the quantitative measurement of cross-regional differences, and it is most problematic to find indicators that reflect the historical specificity of the regions. In the article, based on a tool developed for the comparative analysis of Western European regions, an original scale is proposed for quantitative measurement of the uniqueness of the history of Russian regions - the index of the specifics of political history (ISPI). This instrument is tested on the empirical material of such manifestations of the heterogeneity of the Russian political space as the intensity of regionalism in the early 1990s and the heterogeneity of the party-electoral landscape in 2000s. The analysis finds that history matters, and the proposed index is a promising tool for cross-regional comparative studies.

Участие контрольных комиссий РКП(б) в составе Наркомата Рабоче-крестьянской инспекции в формировании командно-административной системы СССР. 1923-1924 гг.

The article analyzes the process of radical improvement of Soviet state apparatus outlined by the Central Committee of the RCP (B) and launched in connection with the illness and death of V.I. Lenin in 1923–24. The personnel (and personnel reserve) problem was aggravated by bitter struggles for inheritance and leadership over the party and Soviet state within the Central Committee of the RCP (B). In Soviet historiography, this problem was hushed up; in modern historiography it remains insufficiently studied. To fill in the historiographic gaps, the author uses method of source study. It has been revealed that in the studied period, Soviet civil servants, who occupied their high positions on the basis of pre-revolutionary (underground) party experience, did not meet the qualification criteria; many of them cared about their own well-being to the detriment of the case entrusted them by the party, embezzled, encouraged protectionism, had mistresses, and were surrounded by bureaucrats and personalities with a dubious past and present. Administrative measures adopted in 1923–24 to reduce the state apparatus of the People's Commissariats by 12–40 percent did not produce the desired result: the payroll not only failed to decrease, it actually grew by 100 percent due to so-called special rates of payment for management personnel and specialists. As a palliative measure, the 13th Party Congress planned to strengthen the Central Control Commission of the RCP (B) and the People's Commissariat of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection. In 1923– 24, members of regional party boards and personnel of the People's Commissariat of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection conducted important surveys of the Soviet bodies and institutions. Mass checks were run simultaneously in Soviet and party agencies. Party leaders and civil servants were checked by “troikas” of party and state auditors for adequacy to their posts; conflicts between party leaders and non-party employees were revealed, as well as facts of corruption, opposition, petty-bourgeois bias, drunkenness, domestic corruption, etc. Imposed punishments, however, were to take into account the low cultural level of managers from former workers and peasants or representatives of national republics. Following the inspections, the regional party boards were recommended “to keep an eye on” managers, while treating their shortcomings with understanding. It has been revealed that according to the plans of the Central Committee of the RCP (B), party collegiums of control commissions were not to turn into purely judicial bodies considering cases of misconduct, they were to prevent the negative phenomena. Introduction of massive control over leading personnel accelerated the formation of the command-and-control system in Soviet Russia, with all its advantages and disadvantages.

Начало нового электорального цикла: перспективы и первые итоги

The article is devoted to assessing the impact of innovations in electoral competitive processes in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District. The purpose of the study is to identify electoral techniques and mechanisms that increase the manageability of regional political processes. The authors draw attention to changes in electoral turnout indicators, for example, the proportion of people who voted "outside". Highlighting against this background the overestimated indicators of the Transbaikal Territory and the Jewish Autonomous Region, which indicates the high importance of the administrative resource in the elections. The elections to the State Duma in 2021 became the second in a row after changes were made to the mechanism for its formation, which gives grounds for studying the dynamics of electoral indicators of the correspondence between the results of elections in the majoritarian and proportional parts. Based on the "correspondence index", the authors assess how "stable" the regional party system is in the subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District. On a single voting day in the fall of 2021, elections to the regional parliaments of the subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District were held: Primorsky and Kamchatka Territories, the Amur Region, the Jewish Autonomous Region and the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. Against this background, it should be noted the changes made to the scheme for the formation of the parliaments of the Primorsky Territory and the Amur Region. In these subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District, the proportion of parliamentarians elected by the proportional part of the electoral system was reduced. According to the authors, this fact made it possible to increase the controllability of the parliament, since it depoliticized it, in addition, due to this, the proportion of people belonging to the faction of the party in power increases, which is largely confirmed by the data on their quantitative composition. Of particular interest in the fall of 2021 was the election of the governor of the Khabarovsk region, at which Acting M.V. Degtyarev had to justify the trust of the federal government. The intrigue of the elections largely consisted in the fact that the main candidates for the post of head did not represent the interests of the party in power and both were “Varangians” in relation to the region. Under such conditions, the federal center, according to the authors, was ready to go to great lengths to stabilize the political regime. A new electoral cycle begins in difficult foreign policy conditions, which, as the authors note, can radically change the situation in the regions of Russia

Стабильность партийных систем в регионах России: опыт статистического анализа

The article assesses the level of stability of regional party systems in Russia. The empirical basis of the study was data on the results of elections to regional legislative assemblies of the Russian Federation in the period 2017–2021. The electoral volatility index of M. Pedersen is used as the main tool for quantitative analysis, as well as its modern modifications – indices of inter-electoral and total volatility. The conclusion on the diversity of party systems in the regions of Russia is justified, a typology of the regions on the level of stability of the party system is proposed.

Weak Secretaries: How the Central Committee Assessed the Professionalism of Soviet Regional Leaders in 1946–1948

The article explores the reasons, course, and results of studying the professional qualities of the first secretaries of regional party committees in 1946–1948. This survey was prompted by the desire of the Soviet top leadership in the first post-war years to improve regional leadership and thereby increase the efficiency of the management system. For this purpose, the Cadres department of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) compiled special characteristics for the first secretaries of obkom, kraikom and republican committees, which included an assessment of their organizational skills and career prospects. The assessment of these leaders was not based on the usual formal criteria (education level, political training and work experience), but according to the fulfillment of the center’s tasks, leadership style and authority among local managers. In the opinion of the Central Committee, the ability to establish work of the party apparatus and normal relations with local managers allowed regional leaders to cope with their duties. Despite the weak analysis of the data, vague assessment criteria and their arbitrary application, softening and correcting the estimates, disappointing results were obtained. It turned out that many of the first secretaries of regional party committees did not have elementary managerial skills, practiced a dictatorial leadership style, and chronically failed to perform economic tasks. Based on this, it was necessary to replace half of the regional leaders, but Cadres department of the Central Committee proposed to dismiss only 10 % of the first secretaries and keep at work another 20 % due to short-term retraining. Nevertheless, in 1946–1948, even such modest plans could not be implemented due to the lack of a cadre reserve, and therefore the renewal of the corps of regional leaders was delayed until the early 1950s.

НАДЕЖДИНСКОЕ ДЕЛО 1928–1929 гг.: КОНФРОНТАЦИЯ МЕЖДУ ТАГИЛЬСКИМ ОКРУЖКОМОМ ПАРТИИ И УРАЛЬСКИМ ОБКОМОМ ВКП(Б)

The article uses example of the Nadezhdinsk case to show political daily life of the local and district Party-Soviet nomenklatura, which carried out various activities, performed administrative functions, interacted with higher authorities, and defended local group interests. The emergence of the Nadezhdinsk case was provoked by N. Kharitonov, correspondent of “Ural’skiy rabochiy” newspaper. According to the results of his business trip to Nadezhdinsk, he submitted two letters and a memo to the newspaper’s editorial office, in which he described situation in the Nadezhdinsk party organization. The article analyzes the results of verification of Kharitonov’s materials by district commission, Moscow commission and regional control commission. It is demonstrated that the Nadezhdinsky case developed against the background of difficult and tense relations between the Tagil district committee and the Ural regional committee of the VKP(b). This circumstance had a significant impact on the findings of the district commission. The commission rejected the correspondent’s main charges, accused him of slander, political blackmail and links with trotskyists. The Tagil district committee supported the commission, defending its leader, I. F. Maslennikov, and accusing the regional Party committee of scheming against the district Party organization. Both the regional administration and the Moscow inspectors did not agree with the conclusions of the district commission, recognizing them as biased and prejudiced. In the course of their own inquiry, they encountered opposition to their work from the district leadership and found that the district commission used unworthy methods of verification. Because of the conflict situation around this investigation, local and district administrators involved in the Nadezhdinsk case were dismissed, mainly due to their misconduct during the investigation.

The Establishment of the Monopoly of the Communist Party on State Power in the 1920s

The article deals with the issues of the work of the Bolshevik Party using the example of the party organizations of the Lower Volga region to influence the public consciousness of the population for political purposes. Various forms and methods of agitation and propaganda work of the Bolsheviks with the population are revealed. The interrelation of attracting ordinary communists as professionals to conduct propaganda work and the creation of appropriate preferential conditions for them, the specifics of bringing to justice communists who held party positions for violations of public order are shown. Special attention is paid to the expansion of the functions of ideological workers associated with the organization of youth unions, control of executive power, solving industrial issues, etc. Privileges to communists that contributed to the improvement of their financial situation, but not provided for by state laws, are highlighted. The article describes the work of the secretaries of the regional party committees to identify the activity of workers in the political and economic life of the country, their moods in order to replenish and strengthen the newly formed state body.

Партийное руководство избирательными процессами в Коми автономной области в 1920-е годы

The relevance of studying forms and methods of party management of electoral processes during elections to executive and legislative authorities in the 1920s is beyond doubt. The administrative command system was formed then; the party became a guiding force in society. Despite significant achievements of Russian scientists in studying the Communist Party activities, there are not enough works devoted to electoral processes in national and regional historiography, which enforces the relevance and novelty of this work. The article is to showcase party management of electoral processes in the Komi Autonomous Region in the 1920s. It uses archival documents deposited in the National Archive of the Komi Republic. These are regulatory documents of plenums and congresses, paperwork of the Komi Region Party Committee, as well as documents on personnel. Most of these have been introduced into scientific use for the first time. It is known that the Constitution of 1924 lacked articles on suffrage, elections, etc. All electoral processes were based on the Constitution of 1918. They were three-stage. Peasants, who made up the majority of the population of the Komi Autonomous Region, directly elected deputies of village Councils (Soviets). Some of them became participants of volost congresses. At volost congresses, delegates were elected to uezd congresses and therefrom to regional congresses. Volost and uezd executive committees were also formed there. Consequently, the Bolsheviks paid most attention to selection of delegates at volost and uezd level. Resolutions of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B), circulars and resolutions of the Komi Regional Party Committee were devoted to this. Instructors and agitators were sent there. On the basis of party documents, the selection of communist delegates was carried out. Communist congress factions were formed from them. After the elections, election campaigns results were analyzed at plenums of the Komi Regional Party Committee with subsequent discussion on the ground. The studied materials allow us to conclude that organization of elections at all levels of government developed in line with political guidelines and with direct party involvement. On the one hand, there was strict compliance with all party directives coming “from above,” and on the other, a clear “us” and “them” division. It was a conscious policy aimed at legal support of state power.

Особенности политико-партийной репрезентации лидеров русинской общественности Закарпатья в контексте местных выборов 2020 года

The article focuses on the political and party representation of the Rusin leaders in Transcarpathia (Ukraine) who particiapted in the local elections of 2020. The analysis is based on the electoral statistics and interviews with participants in the election campaign. According to the author, the Rusin leaders are heads and activists of national cultural associations and opinion leaders who do not represent ethno-cultural associations, but are widely known in Transcarpathia. The author argues that the new electoral system of “semi-open” party lists has resulted in the failure of local elections for all candidates representing the Rusin community. However, the electoral statistics shows that Rusin leaders actually received: 1) more votes than their opponents on the political party lists (Vladimir Fenych, Vasilij Sich, Nikolai Rishko); 2) the same number of votes (Svyatoslav Gal); 3) the required 25 % of the votes from the electoral quota (Yurij Shypovych). Most of the Rusin candidates ran for the political forces “For the Future” (7 persons) and “Opposition Platform - For Life” (5 persons). Their dominance can be explained by identifying candidates with the oppositional rhetoric of these parties, as well as their proximity to regional party leaders who sympathize with the Rusin public movement and identify themselves as Rusins. One of the representatives of Rusin community ran for the party of power “Servant of the People” (Svyatoslav Gal), one (Nikolaj Rishko) - for “The Team of Andrej Baloga” Candidates Ivan Danatsko, Ivan Palinkash, and Ivan Bushko, as self-nominated candidates, distanced themselves from political parties.

Membership in Ukraine’s political parties: membership crisis or crisis of the party model?

The characteristics of political parties of Ukraine and democratic countries in relation to the level of membership have been considered; its low level has been stated. In Ukraine, the formation of political parties was carried out in accordance with the model of “mass political party”, formulated by M. Duverger. Accordingly, regulations on political parties clearly define the requirements for formal membership. The main versions of the information on the number of members of political parties in Ukraine have been analyzed; its secrecy and impossibility of verification have been emphasized. On the basis of interviews with party activists of Lviv region, the parameters of membership in regional party branches have been determined. The influence of a number of factors on the involvement of non-party employees in party organizations has been clarified and their role in the work of party structures has been outlined. It has been proved that the low level of membership in regional centers is evidence of the crisis of the mass party model. It has been also proposed to consider as an indicator of this crisis the attempts to form a network party model by a number of newly created parties in Ukraine.

SOCIALIZATION STRATEGY TO INSTILL NATIONALISM IN 3T (FRONTIER, LEAST DEVELOPED, OUTERMOST) REGIONS TO COUNTER THE NATIONAL DEFENSE THREATS

<div><p class="Els-history-head">The 3T region (terdepan, tertinggal, terluar or frontier, least developed, outermost) in Indonesia is an area that is prone to non-military threats, especially ideological threats that can affect national defense. Various efforts have been made by the government but the level of success achieved is still minimal. In this case, the state needs to seriously develop steps to socialize the attitude of nationalism, especially to people in the 3T region. The purpose of this study was to explore the appropriate socialization strategy used in inculcating the attitude of nationalism in the 3T society regions. This study used qualitative methods with data collection through library research and analytical methods using descriptive analysis. The results of this study are expected to find the right socialization strategy that should be applied in the 3T region in the future. The success in efforts to socialize the planting of nationalism in the 3T region by the government depends on many factors, and the involvement of the central government and regional parties, as well as all levels of society, is an important aspect in determining the success of these efforts.</p></div>