Regimes In Peru Research Articles

Uloga autoritarnog fuhimorističkog režima u Peruu u suzbijanju delovanja levičarskih gerilskih grupa Sendero Luminoso i Revolucionarni pokret Tupak Amaru

The subject of this research is the analysis of the role played by the Fujimorist regime in Peru, i.e. the rule of Alberto Fujimori in that Latin American country from 1990 to 2000, in suppressing the activities of the left-wing, i.e. Marxist-Leninist guerrilla groups Sendero Luminoso and the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement which represented the main security threat in the observed area from the 1980s to 2000. The basic assumption is that the Fujimorist regime, due to its authoritarian character, had greater success in the fight against Sendero Luminoso and Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement than was the case with the democratic regime before it, primarily due to the greater use of violence and brutal methods of suppressing guerrilla activity. The results of the research showed that it was in the period of the 1990s that the greatest successes of the state in the fight against the observed guerrilla groups were achieved, as evidenced, among other things, by the arrest of Sendero Luminoso leader Abimael Guzmán in 1992 and the complete neutralization of the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement in 1997. The conclusion of the research is that the observed case is another indicator that authoritarian regimes, more prone to violence and less interested in human rights and freedoms, tend to solve security problems more quickly and efficiently, such as the activities of guerrilla groups, but also that security risks related to the activities of Sendero Luminoso in Peru still exist, although they are much smaller than before the 2000s. In the research, we used the historical method, the case study method and comparative analysis.

Functional distribution of income and growth regime in Peru, 1942-2013

This paper begins by reviewing the literature on the relation between economic growth and the functional distribution of income since the time of the classical economists, highlighting the work of Kalecki and the post-Keynesians who develop the growthregimes approach. It reconstructs and analyses statistics on the shares of wages, income from self-employment (or from mixed sources) and profits in Peru’s GDP between 1942 and 2013, and then compares these shares with the averages for Latin America and other economies. The study then makes a comparative analysis of trends in the wage share and rate of growth, and it estimates a simultaneous equations model using three-stage least squares (3SLS) and generalized method of moments (GMM) to determine the growth regime. The conclusion is that growth is wage-led, so distributional policies to increase this component would likely boost the level of economic activity.

Process is insufficient: a reply to Cote Hampson and McNulty

This reply explores the implications raised by a scholarly conversation among the pieces by Cramer, Cote Hampson, and McNulty in this special issue of Global Discourse. Cramer's piece argues that midwives and women living in states where home births are legally attended by Certified Professional Midwives continue to experience confusion about legal status, and chilling social approbation that constrains access to reproductive choice. Cote Hampson argues that women in hierarchical professions in the United States, as typified by academia and the military, often refuse to avail themselves of policies meant to facilitate work-life balance, in large part because they understand accessing maternity leave to be a stereotyped behavior that weakens employers’ perception of them as ideal workers. And, McNulty's research shows that procedural changes meant to facilitate – indeed mandate – women's participation in participatory-budgeting regimes in Peru may increase the presence of women in these meetings, but do not increase their actual, meaningful participation. In light of the findings of all three pieces, that women's access to rights is not meaningfully expanded by procedural changes, this comment asks whether legal venues and procedural changes are the best ways by which women can assert claims to equality, equity, and justice.

Neoliberal discourses and ethnonormative regime in post-recognition Peru: redefining hierarchies and identities

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the impact of ‘recognition’ of cultural and ethnic diversity in Peru. It proposes that the rise of a new global ‘ethnonormativity’ – a regime to define and administrate cultural and identity differences, to establish boundaries between those who ‘are’ ethnic and those who are not, and to set rights and duties derived from identities – has had meagre effects in Peru. While the past decades have witnessed the emergence of Latin American political actors who regard indigenousness as their basic political identity, there has been no ‘emergence of indigenous movements’ in Peru. The discourses that highlight the importance of diversity have gained terrain – unsettling, to a certain extent, the narratives of assimilation through ‘development’ and mestizaje – and the Peruvian state has officially embraced ‘recognition’, including it in its official rhetoric and creating institutions to design policies to guarantee the rights of the indigenous and Afroperuvian ‘peoples’ (itself a label part of the language of multiculturalism). The state has also crafted a definition of ‘indigenous peoples’ and introduced ethnic variables in censuses and official statistics, thus being active in the production and regulation of subjects. Some civil society actors have also incorporated ethnic labels into their rhetoric to adapt to the global turn to identity politics. Peru remains, however, a fertile terrain for neoliberal policies and discourses of a different kind. A discourse that exalts ‘emprendedurismo’ (entrepreneurship) and states that success depends entirely on personal effort has become a new common sense, obscuring the structural inequality that has historically affected indigenous and Afroperuvian people. Extractivism continues to damage the environment and the rights of indigenous people, while the expansion of agribusiness in the coastal valleys of Peru keeps people – regardless of their ‘ethnic’ self-identification – in poverty and without basic labour and social rights. The article suggests that the ambiguities of the ethnonormative regime in Peru may serve as a diversion from structural issues in a context of neoliberalism and may re-elaborate racial hierarchies, racism and the narratives of mestizaje it allegedly opposes.

The Politics of Illusion: The Collapse of the Fujimori Regime in Peru

Peru approached the twenty-first century a polarized country. In the year 2000, with increased authoritarian control over the legislative and judicial branches along with constitutional reforms paving the way for his re-reelection, President Alberto Fujimori campaigned for a third term in office. His main electoral opponent, Alejandro Toledo, along with opposition leaders, spearheaded massive demonstrations in Lima accusing the government of repression, corruption, drug trafficking, and electoral fraud. Opposition figures were joined by grassroots social movements, unions, students, and human rights activists who opposed the regime's repressive and corrupt practices, which included by now reports of torture and extrajudicial killings. When Fujimori first became president a decade earlier he had inherited a country ravaged by widespread poverty, hyperinflation, nearly depleted foreign reserves, a growing narcotics trade, and two armed terrorist groups: the MRTA (Tupac Amarú Revolutionary Movement) and the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso). Both were on the offensive across the country, the Shining Path most prominently, planting car bombs in the capital, kidnapping and killing civilians, and besieging towns and villages across the country. Looking for a way out of economic and terrorist violence, Peruvians were faced with two options in 1990: Alberto Fujimori, an ex-university president and agricultural engineer of Japanese descent, and Mario Vargas Llosa, a white, upper-middle-class novelist and liberal intellectual. Though Fujimori was less well-known, many Peruvians saw Vargas Llosa's center-right coalition as a repackaged version of the same traditional political groups that had lead the country into crisis. Fujimori would appear much like Hugo Chávez later in Venezuela, a populist outsider ready to challenge the traditional party system. Many saw Fujimori's succinct rhetoric as refreshing when contrasted with Vargas Llosa's elaborate speeches, especially since the former president, Alan García, who fled the country in 1992 on corruption charges, was also well-known for his loquacious disposition.

Apuntes sobre el régimen de trasparencia fiscal internacional en el Perú

In this article the author develops the background of international fiscal transparency regime in Peru and then specifies the implications of it in our context. It also the prupose of this regulation and develops the theme of the agreements assigned to avoid double taxation. Finally other relevant factors are suggested to take into account as relevant to the Fiscal transparency aspects.

El rol preventivo de las consultoras ambientales y su importancia en el proceso de evaluación del impacto ambiental: Actualización de últimos cambios normativos

In Environmental Law, the regulation of the consultants and the regime to which they are subject is questioned. However, those who question it have not analyzed the fundamental role that they fulfill within the procedure that implies an environmental certification. Through this article, the author aims to explain the evolution of environmental consultants and demonstrate their role within the economic regime in Peru.

Second Independence, National History and Myth-Making Heroes in the Peruvian Nationalizing State: The Government of Juan Velasco Alvarado, 1968-1975

This article examines the rhetoric and visual discourse of the first phase of the military regime in Peru (1968-1975), explaining the remaking of national history as a pivotal component of a larger cultural project. Contrasting previous processes of nation and state making, Juan Velasco Alvarado and his officers depicted the preceding nation as a failure, one which could be overcome through a so-called authentic revolution. In claiming the making of this revolution, they recast Peruvian history as an ongoing process towards independence, starting from early anti-colonial struggles, transiting through an incomplete declaration of political independence, and moving towards the ultimate moment of economic emancipation signaled by the rise of the military (1968). The crafting of national heroism and heroes was central to this reconfiguration of Peruvian history. While significant attention has been paid to the role of Túpac Amaru II in the military regime’s discourse, this article explains how this figure was inserted within a larger platform of significant characters that represented the same nationalizing values allegedly embodied by Velasco’s political project. In delivering this message, the regime relied on both a well-designed propaganda machine and softer devices for the spread of nationalism.

Migration Amidst Climate Rigidity Traps: Resource Politics and Social–Ecological Possibilism in Honduras and Peru

According to dominant narratives about adaptation to climate change, those facing worst-case scenarios, without means at their disposal to adapt in situ, face an ineluctable set of adaptation strategies that ultimately includes the permanent abandonment of geographic spaces rendered uninhabitable and unproductive for human use. Yet environmental stress and adaptive capacity are distributed unevenly, and power structures play a role in fashioning them. It is argued here that when access to land and water are impacted by environmental stress, the structures that mediate their access are reinforced, even as the adaptive alternatives for smallholders are undermined. In this way, dominant resource regimes set up migration as the primary viable alternative for adaptation among a dwindling set of choices. This framework is applied to two early analogues of climate change impacts: flooded Garífuna villages of Honduras's North Coast and communities enduring glacier recession and shifting hydrologic regimes in Peru's Cordillera Blanca. In both cases, stress motivates new forms of migration that reinforce dominant power structures. In Honduras, migrants from wealthier social strata are moving on a more permanent basis, and in Peru, the once historical pattern of labor migration is becoming a practical necessity. These cases underscore the role of political economy in adaptation to climate change and adaptive migration in particular.

Deep crustal melting in the Peruvian Andes: Felsic magma generation during delamination and uplift

The Miocene-aged Yungay and Fortaleza ignimbrites (YFI), 9° S, Cordillera Blanca, Peru, share geochemical affinities typical of Phanerozoic adakite-like rocks and Archaean tonalite–trondhjemite–granodiorite (TTG) suites. In this contribution, we will investigate the melt source region(s) of the adakitic ignimbrites and their relationship to the dynamic tectonic regime in Peru at the time of eruption. The geochemistry of the YFI differs significantly from spatially related lavas in western Peru, which are characterised by classic calc-alkaline arc signatures. The YFI were erupted along crustal-scale normal faults at the culmination of major tectonic changes affecting the western Peruvian margin, where they represent the last volcanic activity recorded in the area. These regional changes included crustal thickening, shallowing of the Nazca Plate from c. 30° to c. 5°, the arrival and subduction of the Nazca Ridge and rapid crustal uplift and exhumation. The previously unstudied adakitic YFI are examined, then a series of high-pressure piston-cylinder experiments are detailed. Synplutonic mafic-intermediate dyke material is used as an analogous source, and direct experiments are performed on ignimbrite samples. These show that the geochemical signature and mineralogy of the YFI can be produced at pressures >2.2GPa and temperatures >1025°C. These data support an origin for both ignimbrites as partial melts of juvenile, garnet-bearing, hydrous, mafic lower crust (granulite to eclogite), modified by ~20% contamination by igneous crust. A slab source is considered highly improbable. Eclogite and granulite at >2GPa (>65km depth) are absent within the modern lithospheric architecture of the Peruvian margin, requiring removal of this source region syn- or post-eruption. A likely mechanism for removal is crustal delamination in an east-relative motion, associated with shortening caused by progressive shallowing of the Nazca Plate subducting slab. Due to the restricted mantle flow through the thinned mantle wedge, there have been no further magmatic episodes since the eruption of the Yungay and Fortaleza ignimbrites.

Reflections on Putin and the Media

A political scientist investigates the extent to which, under Vladimir Putin, the Kremlin consolidated control over the Russian media. Conceptually, a contrast is drawn between the Soviet and post-Soviet systems of media control. Data-bases are used to illuminate imbalances of television coverage of presidential candidates and public officials as well as the evolution of popular distrust of the media. Comparisons are drawn with President Alberto Fujimori's defunct regime in Peru and speculation is offered as to the fragility of the Kremlin's control over the media.

The Growing Threat to Democracy in Latin America

Does democracy have a future in Latin America and, if so, what is it? Only a few years ago, such questions seemed absurd. Democratic governments existed almost everywhere in the region, Cuba being the notable exception. Nowhere in the Third World did the vision of a New Democratic Order appear more promising. But things change. If we learn anything from history, it should be that bad times always return. Today, anti-democratic trends are on the rise, making this a propitious moment to assess their implications both for the region and for US interests and policy. Accordingly, this essay will cover a lot of ground. This is a big subject, as well as an important one, and it will be addressed here in several parts. The first section will pose three themes and a number of questions related to the growing danger. Second will be a discussion of the syndrome of authoritarian which poses one of the primary threats to Latin American democracy in the years ahead. Part three will offer some policy recommendations for both US and Latin American leaders before finally turning to a brief forecast of the future. The Growing Threat The first theme concerns the importance of democracy for US interests. Unfortunately, terrorism cannot be restricted to the violence of non-state actors. Latin American history is replete with episodes of state terrorism. Often, indeed, state terrorism has been a major contributor to the rise of guerrilla movements, as for instance in the Central American wars of the 1970s and 1980s. [1] In those cases, democratic transitions became a critical factor in defusing civil war. Today, democracy continues to serve as an important legitimizing force, inhibiting both state and non-state terrorism. Its decline would have ominous implications for the region's political stability. Second, democracy is not an all-or-nothing proposition. It is not a matter of either you have it or you don't. Rather, there are all shades of democracy, ranging from purely facade democracies, such as the now-demised Fujimori regime in Peru, to formal or procedural democracies, where you have relatively free and competitive elections and the institutional forms of democratic governance, but where other important aspects--e.g., a free press, respect for human rights, strong and effective legislative and judicial institutions--are missing. Then there are what might be called substantive democracies, where you find not merely forms and procedures but also human rights, a free press, effective legislative and judicial institutions, military subordination to legitimate, elected civilian authority, a healthy, autonomous citizen participation in politics--all the things, in short, that serve as a check on the abuse of power and give meaning to the concept of popular sovereignty or self-government. The question, of course, is how do nations move from a facade or procedural democracy to more substantive democracy? How do they broaden and deepen democracy? How do they foster democratization? A third theme is the notion that Latin American democracy is currently in some trouble. Historically, the region has gone through a series of cycles in which periods of democracy have alternated with periods of authoritarianism or dictatorship. And the question now is whether the present cycle of democracy is coming to a close. Has democracy reached high tide? Is it beginning to recede? Last year's troubled electoral process in Peru is only the most dramatic indication that something is terribly wrong. The rampant political and economic instability that Ecuador has been experiencing is another bad sign. In January 2000, the military there launched a coup, the first successful military overthrow of an elected civilian government in South America in almost a quarter century. Serious problems have also been plaguing Haiti, which has recently witnessed deeply flawed elections and now seems poised to descend into dictatorship and perhaps chaos. …

Religious regimes in Peru: Response to a review

I want to react to the review of my book Religious Regimes in Peru by Andrew Canessa in a recent issue ofthe Bulletin of Latin American Research. I strongly feel that the reviewer both misunderstood and misrepresented my book in a number of serious ways to the extent that I hardly recognised my own work. Since Dr Canessa did not mention it, he apparently completely missed the central theme ofthe book, namely a simple comprehensive theory of religion and politics with novel features, with the aid of which the book was constructed. I stated this goal in the first paragraph of the Introduction. In my more detailed comments, I will follow Dr Canessa's arguments. I would have argued that the military or political expansion of polities such as Tiwanaku and Wari was impeded by ecological factors and that 'the only way to expand the influence was to emphasise religious prominence' (p. 41), while citing Isbell's work in support. This is a rather unusual reading of my text. My quotation referred to early coastal societies, while Isbell's quotation only related to Tiwanaku's influence in the Ayacucho region. I refrained from making any detailed statements about the politico-religious developments in both the Wari and Tiwanaku heartlands, since I think that current scholarship does not provide sufficient information to do so. Dr Canessa observed next: 'Here lies a problem with the way the book is presented. Spier lists the sources on which each section is based in a footnote and it is unclear to what extent the ideas presented are Spier's or those authors in the initial footnote, let alone which of these writers is the source of any point being made.' When writing a study of this kind, it is impossible to make references to all the authors all the time. This would lead to a great number of extended references and discussions after almost every sentence in which factual information is stated. This would make the book unreadable. So I opted for a joint footnote in every section, in which I stated on whose work the section was based. When quoting and/or making references I thought were important for the argument, I did so in the main text. Since I presented my theory in simple sociological terms, I hoped that any thoughtful reader would have noted where my representation of established scholarship ended and my analysis began.

Religious regimes in Peru: a reply

Religious regimes in Peru: a reply

Religious Regimes in Peru: a Reply

Religious Regimes in Peru: a Reply

Religious Regimes in Peru: Response to a Review

Religious Regimes in Peru: Response to a Review

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:Savedoff, William D. (1995) Wages, Labour and Regional Development in BrazilSeidman, Gay W. (1994), Manufacturing Militance: Workers' Movements in Brazil and South Africa, 1970–1985Lesser, Jeffrey (1995), Welcoming the Undesirables: Brazil and the Jewish QuestionSzuchman, Mark D. and Brown, Jonathan (eds) (1995) Revolution and Restoration: The Rearrangement of Power in Argentina, 1776–1860Hünefeldt, Christine (1994) Paying the Price of Freedom, Family and Labor among Lima's Slaves, 1800–1854Nygren, Anna (1995) Forest, Power and Development: Costa Rican Peasants in the Changing EnvironmentSponsel, Leslie E. (ed.) (1995) Indigenous Peoples and the Future of Amazonia. An Ecological Anthropology of an Endangered WorldCampbell, Howard (1994) Zapotec Renaissance: Ethnic Politics and Cultural Revivalism in Southern MexicoSpier, Fred (1994), Religious Regimes in Peru: Religion and State Development in a Long‐Term Perspective and the Effects in the Andean Village of ZuriteCamnitzer, Luis (1994), New Art of CubaLeiner, Marvin (1994), Sexual Politics in Cuba: Machismo, Homosexuality, and AIDSMason, Tony (1995) Passion of the People? Football in Latin AmericaMiller, Simon (1995) Landlords and Haciendas in Modernizing Mexico: Essays in Radical ReappraisalGuimaräes, Antônio S., Agier, M. and Castro, Nadya A. (1995), Imagens e identidades do trabalhoNewson, Linda A. (1995), Life and Death in Early Colonial EcuadorSwanson, Philip (1995), The New Novel in Latin America: Politics and Popular Culture after the BoomCollier, Simon, Cooper, Artemis, Azzi, Maria Susana and Martin, Richard (1995), Tango! The Dance, the Song, the Story

Religious Regimes in Peru: Religion and State Development in a Long-Term Perspective and the Effects in the Andean Village of Zurite.

This inquiry deals with religion and politics in Peru from the beginning of agrarisation, c. 8000 B.C. up until AD 1991. Of central importance for the analysis are state formation and development, the relations between church and state, the internal and external relations within and among the various religious groupings. These national themes are illustrated at a local level by the examination of the history of the Andean village of Zurite, situated near the regional centre Cusco.

The Americas

The Americas

Religious Regimes in Peru: Religion and State Development in a Long-Term Perspective and the Effects in the Andean Village of Zurite.

Religious Regimes in Peru: Religion and State Development in a Long-Term Perspective and the Effects in the Andean Village of Zurite.