Army Reform Research Articles

Die Obstruktion in der ungarischen Rechtsgeschichte

SUMMARY Procedural delaying tactics (Obstruktion), including filibustering, have been used by parliamentary minorities overwhelmed by large majorities supporting a government. English in origin, they were widespread in Europe by the turn to the twentieth century as a consequence of liberal interpretations of the right to freedom of speech. Apart from England and the United States, the practice was especially prevalent in Austria and Hungary. Barna Mezey examines this issue in Hungary from 1846 until 1939, reviewing the historical, constitutional and legal aspects of obstructive measures and the steps taken against them within a comparative context. The Hungarian manifestation may be divided into simple obstruction (filibustering for several hours per speaker, days for the whole operation), technical (procedural delays, for which frequent lengthy votes were needed), and violent forms such as shouting and the throwing of objects. Only in the last case did Hungarian Speakers not hesitate to take countermeasures, including summoning the police. After the Dual Monarchy was established, the minority in the Hungarian parliament claimed that its blocking actions were justified as the Compromise of 1867 led the government of Austro-Hungary to pursue policies not in the national interest. The Hungarian parliament was divided between those favouring the dynasty's attempt to create a more unified kingdom and those adhering to the principles of 1848. The latter were deprived of the chance of ever achieving office by the powers granted to the monarch in the Compromise. They felt driven to employ delaying tactics in an organized manner from 1872 onwards, when a proposed change in voting criteria would have greatly restricted the franchise. Another major conflict from 1896 was over measures to reduce the influence of the Church on marriage and to widen freedom of religion, including that for the Jews. An attempt to impose more discipline on debates in 1904 led the opposition to destroy all the furnishings of the debating chamber and precipitated the fall of the government. In 1912 the Speaker, acting for the government, used the police to remove the opposition from the chamber and push through a law introducing a two-year term for military service and other army reforms. Legislation at that time also prohibited procedural delaying measures, and in 1928 severe restrictions were placed on filibustering. The author also analyses the debate at the time among legal experts over the validity of these tactics, at the heart of which lay disagreements on the nature and limits of freedom of speech.

Het Staatse leger en de militaire revolutie van de vroegmoderne tijd

Olaf van Nimwegen, The Dutch army and the early modern military revolutionSince the 1950s, all studies into warfare during the early modern period have been dominated by the idea of a military revolution. The Dutch army plays a pivotal role in this debate. The reforms introduced by Maurice of Orange and his cousin, William Louis of Nassau, are hailed as the beginning of the modern army. In this contribution, the author endorses the importance of the Nassaus' tactical reforms, but challenges the assumption that they also ushered in army reform. As long as the government wanted to keep its involvement with the army as indirect as possible, army growth was limited and the knowledge and expertise gained in wartime was quickly lost in peacetime. It was only after the 1670s that the armed forces of the Dutch Republic were transformed into a standing army made up of professional troops. It was following an attack by the French in 1672, whose forces were far superior, both in terms of sheer numbers and organizational prowess, that the Dutch were forced to restructure their army. With this, the Nassau tactical revolution became embedded into a much farther reaching organizational revolution. This article is part of the special issue 'Legerorganisatie en oorlogvoering in de Lage Landen tijdens de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw'.

Conscription versus Penal Servitude: Army Reform's Influence on the Brazilian State's Management of Social Control, 1870-1930

Conscription versus Penal Servitude: Army Reform's Influence on the Brazilian State's Management of Social Control, 1870-1930

The progressive army: US Army command and administration, 1870-1914

Dedication - Contents Page - List of Maps and Tables - Preface - Acknowledgements - The American Army in the Late Nineteenth Century - 'No End of a Lesson': America and the Spanish-American War - Early Army Reform and the Election of 1900 - The Emergence of a New International Order - Root's Army Reforms - America and the Continued Extension of the White Man's Burden - International Suspicion and Fear of Japan:1905-1908 - Military Preparedness and the Emergence of the New Citizen Army: 1909-1920 - Appendices - Notes - Bibliography - Index

Russia's garibaldi: The revolutionary life of Mikhail Artemevich Muraviev

Colonel Muraviev helped stage the October Revolution and commanded the forces which scattered Kerenskii's bid to oust Lenin; yet in July 1918 Muraviev came within an ace of deposing Lenin by staging a military insurrection in Garibaldi's name. To explain this apparent conundrum, an attempt is made to link together Muraviev's pre‐October career as a campaigner for the reform of the old army, and his experiences in February, March and April 1918 when he tried, but failed, to resist German occupation of Ukraine. Ardently opposed to German imperialism, he was not the man to send against the Allied Czechoslovak Legion.

On the Road to Total War: The American Civil War and the German Wars of Unification, 1861-1871 (review)

142CIVIL WAR HISTORY focused so as to not lose their morality to the demands of the conflict; when soldiers accepted killing they had to reconcile it with their religious beliefs. Combat inspired even the nonreligious soldiers to get religion. There is nothing novel in the assertion that the experience of combat taught soldiers how to deal with it. But Hess has added to the scholarship in this area by casting the Union soldier not as a victim ofcircumstance, but as a victor over its horrors. His analysis is rich with insight, and the chorus of quotes illustrates how and why soldiers turned the combat experience into something spiritual. He does a good job in describing the complexity of emotion and reality of the combat experience from the trenches. He articulates well the broad-based attitude regarding not only how the soldiers endured combat but also why they continued to fight for the cause. Though this work is certainly not the last word on the subject, Hess has presented a point ofdeparture for scholars and students seeking to know about this aspect of war. Stephen D. Engle Florida Atlantic University On the Road to Total War: The American Civil War and the German Wars of Unification, i86i-i8yi. Edited by Stig Forster and Jorg Nagler. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xii, 705. $84.95.) Stig Foerster and Joerg Nagler have put together a fine collection of essays authored by some ofthe brightest international scholars of military history. Divided into six topics, the thirty-two essays explore basic historiographical and comparative issues: the role of nationalism, leadership, and war in defining total war; mobilization and warfare; the home front; the reality of war; and society's collective memory of such wars. Space here does not allow me to do the work justice. But some essays do outshine others. Mark Neely Jr.'s previously published "Was the Civil War a Total War?" (Civi/ War History 37. 1 , 1 99 1 ) is a logical first essay that searches for a definition of what constitutes total war. Neely finds that the American Civil War did not break down the distinctions between combatants and noncombatants , nor did it cause the governments to call for centralized planning and massive economic mobilization. More than a few scholars in the volume strongly disagree with Neely's conclusions . The opposition can be summed up best by Edward Hagerman's (à la Clausewitz) view that total war is a dynamic process that moves "toward totality " and away from limitation (141), something which Mark Grimsley aptly demonstrates in his recent work, The Hard Hand ofWar: Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (1995). Unfortunately, he is conspicuously absent from the list of essay authors. The second key essay, by the esteemed Carl N. Degler, deftly crafts the boundaries that make the two wars comparative. His conclusion is provocative, al- BOOK REVIEWS143 though not surprising. Both countries were in the process of nation-making. Ultimately, the American Civil War and the German Wars forged "new" nations. Other essays of note include Richard E. Berringer's work on Confederate identity and the will to fight; Herman Hattaway's exploration ofCivilWararmies; James M. McPherson's treatise on the Civil War as a total war; and Phillip Paludan's foray into Northern propaganda and public opinion. Equally interesting is Stig Forster's effort on Prussian military leadership and Gerd Krumeich's piece on the "people's war in Germany and France from 1871 to 1914. Moreover , Manfred Messerschmidt's lucid analysis of reform within the Prussian Army prior to the Wars of Unification and Jay Luvaas's insightful work on the influence of the German Wars on late nineteenth-century U.S. Army reform demonstrate the need for further comparative efforts on modern military systems and cultures. In short, this book deserves space on the shelf of every student of war. It is not the definitive answer to the nagging question of what constitutes total war, but it does set the framework forthe discussion. Perhaps Lt. Gen. Philip Sheridan answered the query of what constitutes total war succinctly when advising Otto Von Bismarck on the German course of action during the Wars of Unification...

The Salmon P. Chase Papers Vol. 3: Correspondence, 1858-March 1863 , and: The Salmon P. Chase Papers Vol. 4: Correspondence, April 1863-1864 (review)

BOOK REVIEWS143 though not surprising. Both countries were in the process of nation-making. Ultimately, the American Civil War and the German Wars forged "new" nations. Other essays of note include Richard E. Berringer's work on Confederate identity and the will to fight; Herman Hattaway's exploration ofCivilWararmies; James M. McPherson's treatise on the Civil War as a total war; and Phillip Paludan's foray into Northern propaganda and public opinion. Equally interesting is Stig Forster's effort on Prussian military leadership and Gerd Krumeich's piece on the "people's war in Germany and France from 1871 to 1914. Moreover , Manfred Messerschmidt's lucid analysis of reform within the Prussian Army prior to the Wars of Unification and Jay Luvaas's insightful work on the influence of the German Wars on late nineteenth-century U.S. Army reform demonstrate the need for further comparative efforts on modern military systems and cultures. In short, this book deserves space on the shelf of every student of war. It is not the definitive answer to the nagging question of what constitutes total war, but it does set the framework forthe discussion. Perhaps Lt. Gen. Philip Sheridan answered the query of what constitutes total war succinctly when advising Otto Von Bismarck on the German course of action during the Wars of Unification: the enemy peoples, Sheridan cautioned, "must be led with nothing but their eyes to weep with over the war." Indeed, all enemy peoples' tears spent agonizing over the results of these "total" wars have proven inestimable. Mark Grandstaff Brigham Young University The Salmon P. Chase Papers Vol. 3: Correspondence, 1858-March 1863. Edited by John Niven. Associate editors, James P. McClure and Leigh Johnsen. (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1996. Pp. xxxi, 481. $45.00.) The Salmon P. Chase Papers Vol. 4: Correspondence, April 1863-1864. Edited by John Niven. Associate editors, James P. McClure and Leigh Johnsen. Assistant editor, Kathleen Norman. (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1997. Pp. xxxi, 481. $45.00.) Salmon Portland Chase was at the center of American politics and antislavery agitation politics from the 1840s until his death in 1873, occupying such positions as United States senator, governor of Ohio, secretary of the Treasury, and chiefjustice ofthe U.S. Supreme Court.As such he enjoyed and maintained a vast correspondence with the luminaries of the middle period of American history. In these next two volumes in the series of Chase's papers, editor John Niven gives us a penetrating glimpse of Chase and his correspondents through the bulk of the Civil War. The letters chosen are excellent representatives ofChase's mountainous correspondence, andthey are luxuriously footnoted and referenced. Scholars and students in general should be aware of the material residing in these published letters, for they touch upon vital issues of the war period. Chase 144CIVIL WAR HISTORY kept abreast of all movements touching upon slavery and the fate of blacks. He obtained much advice about the proceedings at Port Royal, South Carolina, and volume 3 has an abundance of letters from Mansfield French, Edward L. Pierce, and William H. Reynolds on the condition of the slave population in the Sea Islands. Likewise, these volumes, especially the fourth, have numerous letters from New Orleans about the regimes of Nathaniel P. Banks and Benjamin F. Butler. The writers debated the economic future of the freedpeople and brought up the issues of wages, apprenticeships, land leases, and yeoman farming. Also prominent in this collection is the controversy over emancipation and the use of black troops. When Chase wrote letters to others, he commented about Lincoln's slow-but-sure movement to emancipation. Indeed, in his letters one can almost witness the changes in Chase himself as he evolved from an individual holding constitutional anti-extensionist views to a fervent advocate of black suffrage. As one would expect, many letters deal with financing the war effort. These letters are dry reading and at times not quite as informative as one would wish; nonetheless, they provide a glimpse into Chase's economic thinking and his powers ofcalculation. In particular, Chase showed his distaste for paper money and an unstable standard of value. He wanted a national...

Soldiers on the Steppe: Army Reform and Social Change in Early Modern Russia.

Soldiers on the Steppe: Army Reform and Social Change in Early Modern Russia.

Soldiers on the Steppe: Army Reform and Social Change in Early Modern Russia. By Carol Belkin Stevens. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1995. Glossary. Bibliography. Index.

Soldiers on the Steppe: Army Reform and Social Change in Early Modern Russia. By Carol Belkin Stevens. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1995. Glossary. Bibliography. Index. - Volume 55 Issue 1

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Soldiers on the steppe: army reform and social change in early modern Russia

Soldiers on the steppe: army reform and social change in early modern Russia

HONOUR, ROYAL SERVICE AND THE CULTRAL ORIGINS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: INTERPRETING THELANGUAGE OF ARMY REFORM, 1750-1788

Journal Article HONOUR, ROYAL SERVICE AND THE CULTRAL ORIGINS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: INTERPRETING THELANGUAGE OF ARMY REFORM, 1750-1788 Get access JAY M. SMITH JAY M. SMITH Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar French History, Volume 9, Issue 3, September 1995, Pages 294–314, https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/9.3.294 Published: 01 September 1995

Florence Nightingale Museum

Florence Nightingale Museum. Established and maintained by the Florence Nightingale Museum Trust. Located at St. Thomas' Hospital, London, United Kingdom. Permanent exhibition, opened 12 May 2010. Museum Director: Natasha McEnroe. Designer: Kossmanm.Dejong. http://www.florence-nightingale.co.uk Florence Nightingale Trust, created in 1982 to preserve, protect, and make Nightingale's artifacts, letters, and publications accessible to the public and scholars, established the Florence Nightingale Museum, designed by Robin Wade Design Associates and formally opened in February 1989 by Her Royal Highness Princess Alexandra of Kent. To mark the centenary of Nightingale's death, the museum recently underwent modernization through a £1.4 million redevelopment fund and reopened, once again, by Princess Alexandra on May 12, 2010, to coincide with Nightingale's 190th birthday. redesigned museum features interactive and touch screen exhibits, films, and a creative program with various activities for children, including a word game that Nightingale invented. Although a hard copy of Nightingale's register of 222 nurses is in a glass cabinet, visitors can turn the pages electronically with the life-size digital register. museum contains many of Nightingale's artifacts and paraphernalia, illustrations, portraits, and narrative placards. aim of the refurbished museum is to deepen visitors' understanding of Nightingale's achievements by moving beyond the sentimental Victorian image of the ministering angel and to show the relevance of her ideas today. Three pavilions provide a historically balanced account of Nightingale's life and work. first, entitled The Gilded Cage, discusses her privileged childhood and struggles against the stifling social constraints of Victorian England. second pavilion, The Calling, focuses on how Nightingale and her team coped with the chaotic and disease-ridden military hospitals in the Crimea. Her work on the health of the Indian army following the 1857 Indian Mutiny was also displayed in this pavilion. last pavilion, Reform and Inspire, addresses the public health, nursing, and army reforms that Nightingale undertook after her return to London from the Crimean War. Featured also in the museum is a Jamaican nurse, Mary Jane Seacole, whose display includes a narrative and video about her role during the Crimean War, a photograph of her, and a medicine box containing some of the herbs she used, such as ginger, cinnamon, lemon grass, sage, vanilla, and licorice. With so many of Nightingale's iconic objects on display, the museum has resolutely succeeded in bringing Nightingale to life. Highlights include one of her inimitable black dresses with white lace around the neck and cuffs; the lifelike expression of her pet owl Athena (stuffed after the owl's death); Alexis Soyer's specially constructed stove for use in the army; William White's 1836 portrait of Florence and her sister Parthenope, painted to show them as desirable brides for a gentleman; and a 19th-century Turkish lantern or famoos (artists have often mistakenly shown Nightingale holding a Greek or genie lamp instead). Many more items that belonged to Nightingale are presented, including her childhood lunch box, a pen and inkwell, a writing case, jewelry, and the medicine chest she took to the Crimean War, containing medicine for upset stomach and diarrhea, quinine for malaria, and ipecacuanha to treat dysentery. These objects are an embodiment of her life and work that should permit visitors to gain a sense of Nightingale as an indomitable and courageous woman who reformed and modernized nursing. only historiographical reference is a comment about Lytton Strachey's short biography of Nightingale in 1918, seen by many historians as an attempt to destroy the Nightingale myth. …

Defending the Empire: The Conservative Party and British Defence Policy, 1899-1915.

South African war and army reform 1899-1903 the politics of naval reform 1900-1903 army reform and the militia issue 1903-1905 the politics of naval reform 1903-1905 into opposition 1905-1906 dreadnoughts and politics 1906-1908 the greatest army bill for centuries the politics of naval reform 1906-1910 The Last Word of Voluntary Service 1907-1910 dreadnoughts and politics 1909-1911 the crisis of the voluntary system 1910-1911 new leader, old realities 1911-1914 epilogue - war and office 1914-1915.

Haldane's reform of the regular army: scope for revision

The reputation of Haldane as an army reformer has rested largely on his own writings. In his published memoirs, Before the War (London, 1920) and An Autobiography (London, 1929), Haldane, the former Secretary of State for War, argues that the perception of a new strategic purpose had underpinned his reform of the regular army. Meeting Sir Edward Grey a month after assuming office, in January 1906, he was informed that a Franco-German conflict was possible, and that Britain might be requested to assist France. A preliminary investigation by the Army Council was to reveal that it would take two months to mobilize and transport 80,000 men to France. Appalled by this calculation, Haldane claims that he resolved to provide a more prompt and sizeable contribution to the defence of France and the Channel ports. The new strategy depended upon a revision of mobilization planning; it also required the replacement of peacetime formations by an Expeditionary Force, whose size and organization reflected the military requirements of a Continental commitment. That January meeting had been fundamental. Haldane affirms:I became aware at once that there was a new army problem. It was, how to mobilize and concentrate at a place of assembly to be opposite the Belgian frontier, a force calculated as adequate … to make up for the inadequacy of the French armies….

The East India Company and Army Reform, 1783-1798

The East India Company and Army Reform, 1783-1798

St. John Brodrick and Army Reform, 1901–1903

Edwardian England has become an increasingly significant period for scholarly research. One of the more carefully examined subjects is the interrelationship between politics and army reform. The debacles of the South African War forced the governments to examine England's army, and reforms emerged after 1901. Historians have concentrated on the efforts of Balfour's administration of 1902-05 and Haldane's sojourn at the War Office from 1906 to 1912; these periods witnessed the emergence of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the reorganization of the War Office, the shaping of the General Staff and the development of the British Expeditionary Force. All of these have been subjected to detailed examination — notably, the C. I. D. in recent works by Peter Fraser and Nicholas d'Ombrain, and the War Office by W. S. Hamer.There is, however, at least one gap in the historical literature on politics and army reform: St. John Brodrick's term as Secretary of State for War, 1901-03. An understanding of Brodrick's activities is necessary, since he was, of course, the first War Secretary to attempt reforms as a response to the obvious shortcomings of the army in the South African War. A careful examination will explain why he failed in many of his programs, the political consequences of these failures, and some of his more positive contributions.The breakdown of the British army in the first few months of the South African War, which began in October 1899 and ended in May 1902, shocked and dismayed both the public and the Government.

The Professionalization of George B. McClellan and Early Civil War Field Command: An Institutional Perspective

THE PROFESSIONALIZATIONOF GEORGE B. McCLELLAN AND EARLY CIVIL WAR FIELD COMMAND: An Institutional Perspective Edtmrd Hagerman This essay is an analysis of the field command of General George B. McClellan in the context of an emerging professionalism in the United States Army as it coped with the origins of modern warfare. By the 1820's professional subcultures, including the officers corps of the U.S. Army, had begun to exchange pre-industrial community traditions of interdependent social roles for specialized and functional definitions of place as society organized increasingly around science, technology , and industrial development. McClellan, who was a graduate of West Point, the son of a famous surgeon and teacher who was also the physician at West Point, and for a time an industrial manager as vice president of a railroad, matured in a cross-section of these groups. Born in 1826 and graduated from the Academy in 1846, McClellan grew up and received his higher education within the growing professional awareness that produced and sustained the army reforms of 1821. Designed to prevent a repetition of the unpreparedness exposed in the War of 1812, the 1821 reforms acknowledged the specialized nature of warfare to the extent of creating a permanent professional core in a military organization still dominated by the militia system. West Point was the training ground for the new professional officer. ' For the emergence of professionalism in the period that shaped McClellan's milieu see William B. Skelton's excellent study, "The United States Army, 1821-1837: An Institutional History" (Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1968). For a brief survey of professionalism to the Civil War see Rüssel F. Weigley, The American Way of War: A History of United States Strategy and Policy (New York, 1973). For the medical profession in the United States Army see Percy M. Asbum, A History of the Medical Department of the United States Army (Boston, 1929). For the broader context of professionalism in the practice of medicine see the important case study in Daniel H. Calhoun, Professional Lives in America: Structure and Aspiration, 17501850 (Cambridge, Mass., I960). For the civilian context of the conflict within the professionalism of the officer corps, particularly within the elite corps of engineers, between identification as a professional military officer and identification with the civilian profession of civil engineering, see Daniel H. Calhoun, The American Civil Engineer: Origins and Conflict (Cambridge, Mass., 1960). For the civilian atmosphere that might persuade a professional officer to opt for a civilian identification, see Charles Robert Kemble, The ¡mage of the Army Officer in America: Background for Current Views (Westport, 113 114 CIVIL WAR HISTORY McClellan's education and his early experience as a professional officer contained contradictions that shaped his definition of military reality for the remainder of his career. From the standpoint of field command the military problem is to achieve and sustain tactical and strategic mobility; the purpose of the military system to develop and to integrate theory, doctrine, organizational procedures and operational planning to mobilize, move, maneuver, fight and maintain an army in the field. McClellan's military education and pre-Civil War service occurred in a professional officers corps which succumbed to the prestige of French military thought in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars. The West Point curriculum, and theory and doctrine developed by the professional officers corps, defined tactics and strategy primarily as static applications of the eighteenth century mechanistic principles of warfare revived by the Empire and Restoration generation of French military thinkers. The dominance of the corps of engineers as the elite of the new army accentuated this tendency toward mechanistic and technical definitions of strategy and tactics. The lasting influence of Sylvanus Thayer, the dominant figure in the creation of the new professional officers corps when West Point superintendent, 1817-1833, equated military professionalism with a mastery of applied scientific and mathematical principles to implement given principles of warfare. There was practically no allowance for a continuing evaluation of strategy and tactics as a complex of changing factors. The only significant challenge to this definition of military reality came from Dennis Hart Mahan, professor of military and civil engineering and the science of war at West Point, 1832...

The East India Company and Army Reform, 1785-1798.

The East India Company and Army Reform, 1785-1798.

The East India Company and Army Reform, 1783-1798

The East India Company and Army Reform, 1783-1798