1. Introduction This article explores the key challenges to building a 'capable development state' in South Africa, as articulated in the National Development Plan (NDP). These challenges stem not only from a lack of capacity, but from a lack of coherence in framing the agenda and key success factors of a capable development state. The debate on state literature has evolved considerably from the Weberian analysis of examining state bureaucracies from a rationalist perspective--that is, focusing on the presence/absence of a coherent and hierarchical organisational logic, its efficiency and effectiveness and the existence/non-existence of a meritocratic professional bureaucracy insulated from day-to-day political interference (see van Bockel & Noordegraaf 2006). Later literature began examining the capability of the state with reference to its historical location in the existing political economy --that is, the periodisation of statehood from colonialism to modernity, class formation and political cohesion (Evans 1997; Houston & Muthien 2000). More recently, state literature has examined the capability of the state against the trajectory of democratisation and/or development (Evans 1989). Finally, there has been a closer scrutiny to the mechanics of the state engine with the growth of 'managerialism' centred in the rise of new public administration (Schwella 1991; Muthien 2000). All of these theories in essence present a mosaic of analyses of various angles of state operations. For the purposes of this article, state capability will be assessed through the level of expertise and professionalism, the governance of accountability, the effective design of organisational systems and processes, the level of skills and the quality of leadership; drawing on a hybrid of perspectives of state theory. State capability in South Africa will also be examined through the prism of public sector reform and discourses around the development to date. 2. Public sector reform Public sector reform in South Africa has come a long way since 1994 from a highly centralised 'command and control' function to a more decentralised function at three tiers of government with devolved authority to national departments, provinces and local authorities. The NDP affirms this decentralisation and goes further to make a bold call for devolving more power to the metros at local government level. As evident in the dominant post-apartheid discourse since 1994, the paradigm of public sector reform has evolved from: --democratisation and transformation of the state machinery (1994-2004), to --building a development state (2005-2013) However, public sector analysts have observed that South Africa still lacks a coherent model of public sector reform and public management (Chipkin & Lipietz 2012; Muthien 2013). It is important to emphasise that South Africa is not a 'failed state'. We have a functioning judicial system, legislature, state bureaucracy and executive. Moreover, we have pockets of excellence in terms of institutions, people and departments. Some authors have argued that the Mandela government inherited and reproduced the apartheid bureaucracy without much change (Picard 2005). That is far from the truth. In fact the Public Service Commission (PSC) mandated by President Mandela to restructure the fragmented apartheid public services, undertook a complete abolition of all departments and established new departments with revised organisational structures and mandates. Management had to apply for the newly created positions and the PSC had to approve all senior appointments to uphold the merit principle. Furthermore there was a complete overhaul of occupational classification whereby approximately 284 occupational classes were reclassified into 16 broad bands and Occupational Specific Dispensations (OSDs) for scarce skill and highly qualified professional classes were introduced. …
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