Complex Word Recognition Research Articles

Cross-Linguistic Differences in Morphological Processing: Evidence from English and Italian

ABSTRACT Purpose The present study examined cross-linguistic differences in orthographic transparency and morphological complexity during complex word recognition in English and Italian. If morphological processing is more important in orthographically transparent and morphemically rich languages, larger morpheme-effects should be evident in Italian. However, if morphological processing is more pronounced in orthographically opaque and morphemically sparser languages, morpheme-effects should be larger in English. Method 60 Italian (M age = 25.33, 34 females, Caucasian) and 60 English (M age = 26.35, 34 females, mostly Caucasian) native-speakers completed an online lexical decision task, while reaction times and accuracy were measured. To tease apart the independent role of stems and suffixes, we employed four types of nonwords: Stem+Suffix: night+ness, Stem+NonSuffix: night-lude, NonStem+Suffix: nisht+ness, NonStem+NonSuffix: nisht-lude). Results The results revealed a significant morpheme interference effect in both languages: nonwords with stems were read slower and less accurately than those without stems and nonwords with suffixes slower and less accurately than those without suffixes. Crucially, this observed pattern was larger in English than Italian. Also, a significant Stem by Suffix interaction suggested that Stem+Suffix nonwords were harder to reject than all others. Conclusion The current findings suggest that morphological processing is more pronounced in opaque orthographies like English, possibly because the activation of morphemic chunks can be used to compensate for grapheme-to-phoneme inconsistencies.

Sand, Sandpaper, and Sandwiches: Evidence From a Masked Compound Priming Task in L1 and L2 Speakers of English.

This study follows the footsteps of Jonathan Grainger and colleagues by investigating compound processing in English monolinguals and Chinese-English bilinguals using the masked primed lexical decision paradigm. First language (L1) and second language (L2) speakers responded to a semantically transparent compound (e.g., snowball-SNOW), a semantically opaque compound (honeymoon-HONEY), and an orthographic control condition (e.g., sandwich-SAND). Results revealed significantly larger L1 priming effects in transparent and opaque compared to the control condition (Experiment 1A), whereas no significant differences across conditions were observed in L2 speakers (Experiment 1B). We argue that L1 populations are sensitive to morphological structure during the early stages of compound processing, whereas L2 speakers, in particular those with lower levels of language proficiency, employ a form-based type of analysis. Findings are interpreted within the framework of recent monolingual and bilingual models of complex word recognition.

Wolf-hound vs. sled-dog: neurolinguistic evidence for semantic decomposition in the recognition of German noun-noun compounds.

Animacy is an intrinsic semantic property of words referring to living things. A long line of evidence shows that words with animate referents require lower processing costs during word recognition than words with inanimate referents, leading among others to a decreased N400 amplitude in reaction to animate relative to inanimate objects. In the current study, we use this animacy effect to provide evidence for access to the semantic properties of constituents in German noun-noun compounds. While morphological decomposition of noun-noun compounds is well-researched and illustrated by the robust influence of lexical constituent properties like constituent length and frequency, findings for semantic decomposition are less clear in the current literature. By manipulating the animacy of compound modifiers and heads, we are able to manipulate the relative ease of lexical access strictly due to intrinsic semantic properties of the constituents. Our results show additive effects of constituent animacy, with a higher number of animate constituents leading to gradually attenuated N400 amplitudes. We discuss the implications of our findings for current models of complex word recognition, as well as stimulus construction practices in psycho-and neurolinguistic research.

The inflectional morphology representation of individual words in the mental lexicon

Models of complex word recognition can be separated into two wide groups: symbolic and connectionist. Symbolic models presume the existence of an explicit morphological representation of individual words; connectionist models do not and consider morphological effects to be a by-product of interaction between phonological, orthographic and semantic information. This study aimed to test whether there are explicit mental representations of inflected lexical units in the mental lexicon. Accordingly, the method of inflected suffix morphological and semantic priming of nouns in the Serbian language was used. In the morphological priming condition, the prime and the target shared the same inflectional suffix. In Experiment 1 overt priming was used, while in Experiment 2, masked priming. The results showed no significant effects of inflected suffix morphological priming, while significant semantic priming effects were recorded. The results obtained in this research are in line with predictions of the connectionist models.

The dynamics of reading complex words: evidence from steady-state visual evoked potentials

The present study used steady-state visual evoked potentials (SSVEPs) to examine the spatio-temporal dynamics of reading morphologically complex words and test the neurophysiological activation pattern elicited by stems and suffixes. Three different types of target words were presented to proficient readers in a delayed naming task: truly suffixed words (e.g., farmer), pseudo-suffixed words (e.g., corner), and non-suffixed words (e.g., cashew). Embedded stems and affixes were flickered at two different frequencies (18.75 Hz and 12.50 Hz, respectively). The stem data revealed an earlier SSVEP peak in the truly suffixed and pseudo-suffixed conditions compared to the non-suffixed condition, thus providing evidence for the form-based activation of embedded stems during reading. The suffix data also showed a dissociation in the SSVEP response between suffixes and non-suffixes with an additional activation boost for truly suffixed words. The observed differences are discussed in the context of current models of complex word recognition.

Neural responses to Finnish inflected forms during overt and covert production: The role of stem frequency and stem allomorphy

Despite extensive behavioral research on complex word recognition, the neural mechanisms involved in the production of inflections in agglutinative languages, such as Finnish, are still poorly understood. Finnish inflected nouns typically involve morphophonological alternations of the stem (i.e. consonant gradation; CG), which is less common in other languages. Behavioral research on recognition of inflected nouns containing consonant gradation has shown that the number of stem allomorphs results in faster recognition times. To our knowledge, no functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies have explicitly investigated consonant gradation in word production. In this study, participants performed covert and overt production tasks during event-related fMRI. Our stimuli comprised real word stems of high and medium frequency as well as pseudoword stems. The stems either included consonant gradation or were non-gradating. Our findings showed that the production of inflected forms containing high frequency stems or CG stems (irrespective of frequency and lexicality) yield enhanced activation of the left inferior frontal and middle frontal gyri (LIFG and MFG, respectively). This suggests that CG stems, that is, stems with more than one allomorph, facilitate lexical lookup, and that the activation of multiple stem allomorphs is reflected in increased recruitment of frontal brain regions. • We examined the effect of stem allomorphy on Finnish inflected word production. • Stem allomorphy increases error rates when producing gradated inflected forms. • Gradated stems cause stronger LIFG/MFG activation compared to non-gradated. • Higher LIFG/MFG activation was present for real stems compared to pseudo-stems. • This robust frontal activation may underpin lexical allomorph access.

Gradations of interpretability in spoken complex word recognition

In an ERP experiment with cross-modal priming, we found evidence for graded interpretability of complex pseudowords, expressed as differences in the degree of priming between a complex pseudoword and its embedded base word. Only pseudowords that were constructed according to the morphological constraints of the language (for instance that nouns ending in {-ung} in German must be derived from a verbal base) led to significant attenuation of the N400 component relative to an unrelated control. Novel formations that consisted of the concatenation of a stem and an incompatible affix (e.g. wirr A.,‘confused’ and {-lein}, which can only add to nouns) did not modulate the N400 component. Moreover, gradations in degree of priming were observed with novel pseudowords that were the result of several morphological operations as a function of the composition of the full sequence of morphological operations. Any positions within the sequence that were filled by possible, but non-existing formations (thus compare hübsch (A., ‘pretty’) > *hübschen (V., ‘beautify’) > *Hübschung (N., ‘beautification’) versus spitz (A., ‘sharp’) > spitzen (V., ‘sharpen’) > *Spitzung (N., ‘sharpening’), whereby in the former the intermediate position is expressed through a possible, but non-existing verb form) led to reduced activation of the base word. These findings corroborate previous behavioural and neuroimaging results in visual word recognition that found support for step-wise morphological decomposition in multi-affixed pseudowords and reveal that the composition of the derivational path can lead to gradations of interpretability in the recognition of spoken complex pseudowords.

A paradox of apparent brainless behavior: The time-course of compound word recognition

A review of the behavioral and neurophysiological estimates of the time-course of compound word recognition brings to light a paradox whereby temporal activity associated with lexical variables in behavioral studies predates temporal activity of seemingly comparable lexical processing in neuroimaging studies. However, under the assumption that brain activity is a cause of behavior, the earliest reliable behavioral effect of a lexical variable must represent an upper temporal bound for the origin of that effect in the neural record. The present research provides these behavioral bounds for lexical variables involved in compound word processing. We report data from five naturalistic reading studies in which participants read sentences containing English compound words, and apply a distributional technique of survival analysis to resulting eye-movement fixation durations (Reingold & Sheridan, 2014). The results of the survival analysis of the eye-movement record place a majority of the earliest discernible onsets of orthographic, morphological, and semantic effects at less than 200 ms (with a range of 138–269 ms). Our results place constraints on the absolute time-course of effects reported in the neurolinguistic literature, and support theories of complex word recognition which posit early simultaneous access of form and meaning.

Universal and particular in morphological processing: Evidence from Hebrew.

Do properties of individual languages shape the mechanisms by which they are processed? By virtue of their non-concatenative morphological structure, the recognition of complex words in Semitic languages has been argued to rely strongly on morphological information and on decomposition into root and pattern constituents. Here, we report results from a masked priming experiment in Hebrew in which we contrasted verb forms belonging to two morphological classes, Paal and Piel, which display similar properties, but crucially differ on whether they are extended to novel verbs. Verbs from the open-class Piel elicited familiar root priming effects, but verbs from the closed-class Paal did not. Our findings indicate that, similarly to other (e.g., Indo-European) languages, down-to-the-root decomposition in Hebrew does not apply to stems of non-productive verbal classes. We conclude that the Semitic word processor is less unique than previously thought: Although it operates on morphological units that are combined in a non-linear way, it engages the same universal mechanisms of storage and computation as those seen in other languages.

On the Influence of Contextual Features for the Identification of Complex Words

This paper evaluates the effect of the context of a target word on the identification of complex words in natural language texts. The approach automatically tags words as either complex or not, based on two sets of features: base features that only pertain to the target word, and contextual features that take the context of the target word into account. We experimented with several supervised machine learning models, and trained and tested the approach with the 2016 SemEval Word Complexity Data Set. Results show that when discriminating base features are used, the words around the target word can supplement those features and improve the recognition of complex words.

Surviving blind decomposition: A distributional analysis of the time-course of complex word recognition.

The current study addresses a discrepancy in the psycholinguistic literature about the chronology of information processing during the visual recognition of morphologically complex words. Form-then-meaning accounts of complex word recognition claim that morphemes are processed as units of form prior to any influence of their meanings, whereas form-and-meaning models posit that recognition of complex word forms involves the simultaneous access of morphological and semantic information. The study reported here addresses this theoretical discrepancy by applying a nonparametric distributional technique of survival analysis (Reingold & Sheridan, 2014) to 2 behavioral measures of complex word processing. Across 7 experiments reported here, this technique is employed to estimate the point in time at which orthographic, morphological, and semantic variables exert their earliest discernible influence on lexical decision RTs and eye movement fixation durations. Contrary to form-then-meaning predictions, Experiments 1-4 reveal that surface frequency is the earliest lexical variable to exert a demonstrable influence on lexical decision RTs for English and Dutch derived words (e.g., badness; bad + ness), English pseudoderived words (e.g., wander; wand + er) and morphologically simple control words (e.g., ballad; ball + ad). Furthermore, for derived word processing across lexical decision and eye-tracking paradigms (Experiments 1-2; 5-7), semantic effects emerge early in the time-course of word recognition, and their effects either precede or emerge simultaneously with morphological effects. These results are not consistent with the premises of the form-then-meaning view of complex word recognition, but are convergent with a form-and-meaning account of complex word recognition. (PsycINFO Database Record

The effects of semantic transparency and base frequency on the recognition of English complex words.

A visual lexical decision task was used to examine the interaction between base frequency (i.e., the cumulative frequencies of morphologically related forms) and semantic transparency for a list of derived words. Linear mixed effects models revealed that high base frequency facilitates the recognition of the complex word (i.e., a base frequency effect), but the magnitude of this declines with semantic transparency. These results suggest that the extent to which the constituents of a complex word contribute to its recognition is dictated by semantic transparency. The implications of these findings are discussed in the context of localist-connectionist models of morphological processing.

Electrophysiological evidence for the morpheme-based combinatoric processing of English compounds

The extent to which the processing of compounds (e.g., “catfish”) makes recourse to morphological-level representations remains a matter of debate. Moreover, positing a morpheme-level route to complex word recognition entails not only access to morphological constituents, but also combinatoric processes operating on the constituent representations; however, the neurophysiological mechanisms subserving decomposition, and in particular morpheme combination, have yet to be fully elucidated. The current study presents electrophysiological evidence for the morpheme-based processing of both lexicalized (e.g., “teacup”) and novel (e.g., “tombnote”) visually presented English compounds; these brain responses appear prior to and are dissociable from the eventual overt lexical decision response. The electrophysiological results reveal increased negativities for conditions with compound structure, including effects shared by lexicalized and novel compounds, as well as effects unique to each compound type, which may be related to aspects of morpheme combination. These findings support models positing across-the-board morphological decomposition, counter to models proposing that putatively complex words are primarily or solely processed as undecomposed representations, and motivate further electrophysiological research toward a more precise characterization of the nature and neurophysiological instantiation of complex word recognition.

Accentuate the positive: semantic access in english compounds.

The present study supplements research on semantic effects in word processing by focusing on the role that meanings of morphemes play in recognition of complex words. We present an overview of behavioral effects of six semantic properties characterizing the emotional and sensory connotations of English compounds and their morphemes, as well as their semantic richness. Semantics of compounds affected latencies to those compounds, and semantics of morphemes affected latencies to those morphemes presented as isolated words. Yet semantics of morphemes had little bearing on recognition of compounds, with the exception of longer recognition times for compounds with emotionally negative morphemes (e.g., seasick). We interpret the data as evidence against obligatory decomposition and dual-route accounts of morphological processing and in favor of the naive discriminative learning account that posits independent, morphologically unmediated, and simultaneous access to all meanings activated by orthographic cues in the visual input. We discuss selectivity and division of attention as driving forces in complex word recognition.

Morphological dynamics in compound processing

This paper explores the time-course of morphological processing of trimorphemic Finnish compounds. We find evidence for the parallel access to full-forms and morphological constituents diagnosed by the early effects of compound frequency, as well as early effects of left constituent frequency and family size. We also observe an interaction between compound frequency and both the left and the right constituent family sizes. Furthermore, our data show that suffixes embedded in the derived left constituent of a compound are efficiently used for establishing the boundary between compounds’ constituents. The success of segmentation of a compound is demonstrably modulated by the affixal salience of the embedded suffixes. We discuss implications of these findings for current models of morphological processing and propose a new model that views morphemes, combinations of morphemes and morphological paradigms as probabilistic sources of information that are interactively used in recognition of complex words.

Morphological priming (or prim#ing?) of inflected verb forms: A comparative study

The present study is a cross-linguistic investigation reporting on an on-line experimental task administered to 24 Greek-speaking and 10 Polish-speaking non-brain-damaged individuals. The questions under investigation were the following: What is the process of word recognition of complex words? What is the basic priming unit — root or word? What is the nature of mental representations? Is there an effect of morphological relatedness in the priming of complex words? and finally, what are the contents of the mental lexicon? A visual lexical decision task within a morphological priming paradigm was used, probing the subjects' word recognition of simple and of regularly and irregularly inflected verbs. The results obtained confirm the importance of morphemic relatedness in each of the two languages. They also point towards a significant language-specific effect with respect to the identification of the basic priming unit and the basic unit of representation. The present study challenges the claim for universality of certain linguistic and psycholinguistic proposals and has strong implications for the existing theories on the lexicon and mental representations.

Are morphological structures computed during word recognition?

In the recent literature in generative morphology, it has been assumed that multimorphemic words must be characterized as having a hierarchical internal structure which is expressible in the form of morphological trees. This paper reports on an experiment which addresses the following question: Are these structures relevant to complex word recognition? In a naming latency experiment, subjects were presented with prefixed and suffixed nonsense roots. The use of stimuli such as these allowed for the control of real word effects such as frequency and semantic plausibility and made it possible to systematically vary the configuration of the morphological trees. Significant response time differences were found between the morphologically illegal forms and legal configurations. This was taken as evidence that subjects do compute morphological representations. Because no differences were found between legal left-branching structures and legal right-branching structures, it was concluded that morphological computation is not sensitive to the serial ordering of morphemes within a complex word.