Recent Parliamentary Elections Research Articles

First public dataset to study 2023 Turkish general election.

In the context of Turkiye's most recent parliamentary and presidential elections ("seçim" in Turkish), social media has played an important role in shaping public debate. It is of utmost importance to capture social media trends during the 2023 Turkish elections, since it uncovers a great deal of information of election propaganda, political debates, smear campaigns, and election manipulation by domestic and international actors. We provide a comprehensive dataset for social media researchers to study Turkish elections, develop tools to prevent online manipulation, and gather novel information to inform the public. We are committed to continually improving the data collection and updating it regularly leading up to the election. Using the #Secim2023 dataset, researchers can examine the social and communication networks between political actors, track current trends, and investigate emerging threats to election integrity. Our dataset and analysis code available through Harvard Dataverse and Github, respectively.

Electoral inequity

Ideally, a representative democracy awards a genuine vote to each adult. We study this issue in competitive democracies with an election model combining district apportionment and proportional representation. Four classic seat allocation rules, including d’Hondt, are reframed as Dutch auctions, allowing important properties to be easily derived. The pros and cons of these methods are stated in terms of economic inequality; Sainte Laguë’s is shown to best carry the genuine vote ideal, both for elections and for apportionment. We next expound the interplay between these two components in generating an inequitable treatment of voters and develop the scale-free index of inequity best fitted to their concern. We apply it to 40 countries for the apportionment of electoral districts. Lastly, we compute the same inequity index for recent parliamentary elections in 80 countries, finding that the majority system mistreats electors, thus putting a ‘price’ on government stability.

Frankreichs Parteiensystem im Umbruch

Until 2017 “two blocks” dominated the French political party system . Alternative governments of the left and of the bourgeois-conservative camp have alternated since the 1960s . Due to the drastic losses of the traditional parties as Les Républicains as well as the Socialists and the electoral successes of the liberal-conservative Macron supporters, the supporters of the radical right-wing Le Pen’s movement and the left-wing socialist party under Jean-Luc Mélenchon there has been a new development towards an asymmetry . Since the most recent parliamentary elections in 2022, one can speak of a tripolar system: Alongside Macrons La République en Marche (now Renaissance), the right-wing Rassemblement National under Marine Le Pen and the left-wing group La France Insoumise under Jean Luc Mélenchon . The once dominant parties of the Fifth Republic still exist, but are only a shadow of themselves .

Региональные тенденции электоральной поддержки латвийских партий: фактор соседства

The article analyses the neighbourhood effect in the voting behaviour of the Latvians at the four recent parliamentary elections, the ethnic and national leaning of parties considered. The study expands a set of electoral geography tools by adding modern techniques of spatial analysis as well as by increasing the knowledge on the position of the Russian speakers within Latvia’s political party landscape. The research aims to evaluate the role of the neighbourhood effect at Latvian elections and identify stable spatial voting clusters. The degree of spatial autocorrelation and changes in it were analysed for each parliamentary party and the non-parliamentary but still influential Latvian Russian Union (LRU). Statistically significant spatial clusters of high and low support were identified and compared; their steadiness over the study period was examined. The structure of these clusters is generally the same for the ‘Russian’ parties (Harmony and the LRU), whilst the ‘Latvian’ parties are characterized by greater spatial diversity. The analysis shows that regions bordering on Russia have clear spatial clusters where election results correspond to the parties’ attitudes towards Russian speakers and the Russian Federation. The ‘Russian’ parties and those more or less favourably disposed to Russian speakers (For a Good Latvia, For Latvia from the Heart) have clusters of high support in the area and the ‘Latvian’ parties of low. This pattern, however, may be due to the high proportion of the non-Latvian population in Latgale (a region with strong historical connections with Russia) and the character of the development of the border area, rather than to the proximity to the Russian border.

Partie prorosyjskie w ukraińskim systemie partyjnym w ujęciu konstruktywizmu lingwistycznego

Since Ukraine gaining independence in 1991, parties supporting close cooperation with the Russian Federation have been an integral part of the Ukrainian political scene. Nevertheless, after the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, it would seem that their influence will steadily decline. Nevertheless, the recent parliamentary election shows a reverse tendency, and the Opposition Platform - For Life, political party founded in 2018, headed by former members of the Party of Regions and persons closely connected to Vladimir Putin, managed to defeat national-democratic parties. In this paper, the Author tries to answer the question, using the theory of linguistic constructivism, how the Opposition Platform - For Life is regaining its influence in the new political reality in Ukraine, analyzing the genesis of pro-Russian parties since independence, their political programs and narratives in the media environment, which were and are created by pro-Russian parties.

Albanian Question Today

The paper deals with three interrelated topics: the recent parliamentary elections in Albania, the current situation in neighboring Kosovo, and the renewed dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade. It contains the analysis of the run-up to the election and its result along with the longstanding assumptions regarding the specificities of Albania’s electoral geography. It also assesses the pan-Albanian rhetoric of the leading politicians in Tirana and Pristina which is actively exploited for political strengthening and used as a right means for blackmailing Brussels. Nonetheless, whoever resorts to it looks upon other as rivals and is not ready to give up leadership in the implementation of the national ideal. The author also speculates about the prospects for the future negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo, believing that a serious result cannot be expected until the presidential elections 2022 in Serbia.

May brings new policies and new people to the UK's parliaments

Mandy Ryan, BVA's head of media and public affairs, outlines how BVA has engaged with and responded to the Queen's Speech and recent parliamentary elections in Scotland and Wales.

The production of ignorance

If you have never heard of the word agnotology, there is probably a good reason. It means the study of the deliberate manufacture of ignorance or doubt, including the spread...

Thailand’s hybrid politics

Thailand’s military junta, in power since 2014, appears to have consolidated its position in the recent parliamentary election. The monarchy remains a key actor in Thai politics. While the election also featured the success of a new party providing serious ideological opposition to military rule, for the time being it seems likely that Thailand will continue its long history of hybrid authoritarian–democratic politics.

Governmental Change and FDI Inflow to Poland and Hungary in 2010-2016

Objective: The purpose of this article is to explain if and how FDI flows have changed due to the most recent parliamentary elections in Poland and Hungary. The shift in governmental policies are said to affect the institutional settings in the host country and hence the willingness of foreign firms to invest. In the study we tried to identify any interdependencies between the FDI inflow and unexpected electoral results. Research Design & Methods: Based on statistical data we applied a cross-country analysis to verify whether the perceived higher investment risk truly undermined the choices of firms. Qualitative analysis and critical discussion drawing on available reports and databases were applied. Findings: Hungary and Poland have recently suffered a drop in the inflow of FDI as revealed by the statistical databases. It is, however, hard to determine whether this decline will continue and to what extent it has been dependent on recent policy changes, particularly in the light of evidence stressing unabating investment attractiveness and new projects coming. Implications & Recommendations: The recent election results in numerous countries suggest an alteration in perceiving the necessity for further international openness and integration. The new nationalism, protectionism and economic patriotism have gained new supporters. Contribution & Value Added: We tried to show the idiosyncrasy of the relationship between institutional election-induced changes in the political landscape and the subsequent modification of attractiveness sentiment leading presumably to changes in actual FDI flows.

Non-alternative reality? On the misery of the Left in Eastern Europe: the case of Poland

This article is a socio-historical analysis of the current weak position of the left wing in Poland and an attempt to explain the social causes of this situation. The author focuses mainly on the last 26 years and the political and economic processes, which took place in Poland and in Eastern Europe after the cold war and the restoration of capitalism in this part of the world. He also points to historical events taking place in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This paper shows that after the collapse of the Eastern bloc, its former member countries experienced extensive changes in the structure of ownership and huge social inequalities. Although this did not evoke class anger, social frustration was used for the development of populist right-wing and nationalist movements, composed of defenders of national identity. The current authoritarian government of the conservative-nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland is the result of not only the recent parliamentary elections, but also of neoliberal policies and the lack of a comprehensive, progressive political alternative to the directions set by the power elite in the early 1990s.

Populism and Extremism: The Immediate Political Challenges to Europeanism

Perhaps the greatest challenge to Europeanism today is Europe itself. In the midst of the banking and economic crises that evolved most aggressively within the peripheral European states, the European Central Bank proceeded to overcome their rigid monetary policy approaches as we edged closer towards economic collapse. The financial crises have now been closely followed by a political crisis inspired by the dramatic influx of illegal immigration. As a result, Europe finds itself at a crossroads inspired by populist shifts to the left and right, with fear, uncertainty and frustration leading to the decision by the United Kingdom to trigger Article 50, further fuelling nationalist revolt across a host of key European partners. The aim of our article is to present evidence and explanation for the individual political spectral-shifts within the European Union, while outlining the growth of populist movements since the most recent parliamentary elections.

The Myth of the Angry Voters: Parliamentary Election in Slovak Republic

Abstract The recent parliamentary elections which took place in The Slovak Republic in March 2016 opened for many national and international commentators the bottled of demons from the past history of Slovakia. For the first time a Far right extremist political party entered into parliament and held seats there. They gained more than some standard political parties and also were not dubbed as the “black” horse of this election. As they were not measured by public opinion. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the fundamental purpose of voters that had elected this political party and on the other hand the main reason that has opened the parliamentary door to such a political entity that was not visible in the previous electoral periods or played any important role in the independence of Slovak republic. Our main assumption will be that which is taken from the media analysis before the parliamentary election and public opinion research. Our main variable from the external environment will be the migration refugee crisis and the rhetoric of political parties acting at national level. We can assume that this was one of the main reason for the entry of this political party within others which were “hidden” or covered by this crisis and were not mediatized in the media.

Six months and two parliamentary elections in Spain: December, 2015 and June, 2016. The end of the two-party system?

This paper presents an overview of the two recent parliamentary elections in Spain, held in December 2015 and June 2016. It also analyzes how the economic crisis, austerity policies and corruption have affected the results of both of these electoral processes. The economic situation has put the traditional Spanish two-party system at risk with the emergence of two new parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos.

Electoral Fraud and Electoral Geography: United Russia Strongholds in the 2007 and 2011 Russian Parliamentary Elections

Despite United Russia’s (Edinaya Rossiya—UR) dominance in repeated Russian legislative elections, the correlates of the party’s electoral support remain noticeably understudied beyond the influence of electoral manipulation. I pinpoint the specific contours of UR’s strongholds in the two most recent parliamentary elections in Russia—2007 and 2011—focusing on raion- and regional-level correlates of the vote using an original dataset. UR has been undergirded by geographically concentrated ethnic minorities and the countryside, and these patterns of support have persisted even in the absence of fraud, suggesting that the dominant party’s electoral windfalls cannot be attributed solely to electoral malfeasance.

Parliamentary elections and the future of the political system in Egypt

Egypt's recent parliamentary elections held from 17 October to 2 December 2015 took place at the end of an unsettled transitional period in the country that lasted for almost five years since the January 2011 revolt ousted the almost 30-year-old Hosni Mubarak regime. This paper discusses the road to these recent parliamentary elections that began with the ‘Corrective Revolution’, ‘road map’ and constitution of 2013. General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi's victory in the presidential elections of 2014 was followed by controversial legislation, unnatural political alliances, and a troubled and unfavourable political environment for holding the parliamentary elections. The paper examines some of the candidates in these parliamentary elections and the absence of the Muslim Brotherhood as well as the election results and the parliament they produced, concluding with the repercussions for the future of the political system.

Sri Lanka’s Long Constitutional Moment

Constitutional change in Sri Lanka has been a vexed issue and one mired in party politics for many years now. Particularly intractable difficulties have surfaced over whether the country should jettison the semi-presidential form of government, introduced in 1978, in favour of a Westminster model under which the prime minister would enjoy greater powers. The recent presidential and parliamentary elections, which saw a decisive shift in the popular mood, have brought the debate over constitutional reform into sharp focus and have already led to a number of important initiatives by the new government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena. This article assesses the implications of those initiatives and examines the key challenges that remain to be addressed. It argues that the ‘constitutional moment’ created by the combined outcome of the two recent elections has the potential for further, far-reaching reform.

Elections without recognition: presidential and parliamentary contests in Abkhazia and Nagorny Karabakh

While various debates have arisen on the relationship between non-recognition and democratization, empirical case studies on elections in de facto states are extremely rare. This article examines recent presidential and parliamentary elections in two unrecognized or partially recognized de facto states in the South Caucasus, namely Abkhazia and Nagorny Karabakh. Accordingly, the emphasis is on the Abkhazian presidential elections of August 2011 and August 2014 and parliamentary elections of 2007 and 2012, along with the most recent executive and legislative elections in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) in July 2012 and May 2015 respectively. On the basis of extensive interviews and participant observation, this article demonstrates how although both parliamentary and presidential elections in Abkhazia are competitive, they favour the titular nation, while in homogeneous Nagorny Karabakh fear of a renewed conflagration has until recently produced relatively uncompetitive presidential contests. The dynamics of majoritarian versus party list, party, ethnic and gender representation are examined in each case. The case studies reveal weak political parties, but the NKR has made incremental changes to the electoral law that might encourage a less personality-based parliamentary system.

RECENT PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS

The author analyzes the situation in Cyprus upon the background o f the Annan plan and the recent parliamentary elections. The article covers the main events andfactors that have a bearing on the current sitaution in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The analysis concerns the Turkish prime minister's pre-election visit to the TRNC, political campaigning for the elections, external and internal factos influencing the elections, its results and Turkey's reactions to the election results and the new government. The author contends that President Denkta$ envisages 'a single new state created by the two existing states'. As to the form o f the union, he believes that 'a corifederal system would have more chance of success than afederal system. Ifthis works well the two sides may decide in future to establish a closer union'.

The Post-Rose Revolution Reforms as a Case of Misguided Policy Transfer and Accidental Democratisation?

This article traces political and institutional developments in the Republic of Georgia after the Rose Revolution. Particular focus is placed on efforts by Georgian policy-makers to align Georgian political institutions with Western models. Drawing on the concept of policy transfer, the author demonstrates various pitfalls in this process. Based on the gathered evidence, it appears that Georgian policy-makers engaged in various processes of ‘incomplete transfer’, compounded by a lack of understanding or deliberately false conceptions of Western institutions. Despite democratic rhetoric and interlinkages with the West, Georgia moved to a novel form of ‘hyper-presidentialism’ and dismantled institutional checks and balances. Hence, the Rose Revolution initially served to reinforce the already existing institutions of ‘patronal presidentialism’ through a series of misguided institutional modifications. The author also discusses the outcome of the recent parliamentary and presidential elections, which may have ironically and accidentally further democratised the country.