Although it was unquestionably the worst natural disaster in Argentine history, the 1944 earthquake in San Juan has been reduced to a mere anecdote: the quake gave Juan Domingo Perón national visibility as he organized the relief collection that made him cross paths with Eva Duarte, the woman who would help him build one of the most powerful and enduring political movements in Latin America. In his finely written and thoroughly researched study, Mark Healey convincingly disputes this anecdotal status, reclaiming the earthquake as a central episode in twentieth-century national and provincial politics. Healey’s book joins a historiography that has moved the study of Peronism away from the traditional focus on Buenos Aires and the labor movement. In line with current scholarship that has criticized the idea of “natural disasters” by focusing on their social, political, and cultural consequences, Healey innovatively looks at the San Juan earthquake as a crucible that sheds light on the emergence of Peronism, changes in local power, urban rebuilding, and the transformation of the fields of engineering and architecture.At the time of the earthquake, half of the provincial population lived in the capital. San Juan was dominated by a powerful conservative wine-making elite, which kept close control over politics in the province. This elite cared little about the working and living conditions of the common folk, a status quo only challenged by the populist movement of Federico, Aldo, and Elio Cantoni in the 1920s and early 1930s. The social order was visible in the adobe houses of the wealthy with their elaborate masonry facades, located in the city center, while the poor, settled along the fringes, occupied quincha homes assembled with light frames made of tree trunks and walls and roofs of woven twigs and mud. Marked by social inequality and material fragility, the city collapsed after the quake.Healey argues that the tragedy offered Perón a crucial site for forging and testing his project for a New Argentina as a modern, socially inclusive, and fair nation. Aid for the poor of San Juan was the first step toward uplifting the underprivileged sectors of the nation, while the promises of new durable housing for all set the stage for the Peronist concept of housing as a right of citizenship. Furthermore, the aim of a diversified sanjuanino economy reinforced by public works and infrastructure preceded the Peronist goal of making Argentina a rich industrial power and an economically decentralized nation. However, Healey argues that by 1955, the year Perón was overthrown, there were few signs of this integral vision of change in San Juan. The core of Healey’s study lies in his interpretation of why this was so.To answer this question, Healey offers a detailed analysis of the rich and hectic rounds of political struggle, resistance, and negotiation among a myriad of historical actors. Involved in a web of varying alliances, they all endorsed contrasting and changing views of the future city and the process of rebuilding. Federal officials soon learned that as “outsiders” they could not proceed with reconstruction without the acquiescence of municipal and provincial authorities; the wine-making elites were forced to recognize the newly gained political power of labor leaders; and engineers and architects fiercely competed for both political and technical influence and professional and institutional power. “Movers,” who wanted to rebuild the city in a new site, fought bitterly with those who wanted to keep its traditional location, while proponents of concrete collided with advocates of adobe. As evidence of the numerous contradictions between discourse and deed, many members of the propertied classes who defended private rebuilding still occupied the best residences in the emergency neighborhoods constructed by the state.Through a meticulous examination of policies, institutions, and realpolitik, Healey unravels the frustrating dynamics of political deadlock in the aftermath of disaster and the paralyzing effects of the quake on sustained and dependable development. As impressive as Healey’s incorporation of historical actors is, his analysis tends to reproduce the common view among the state, the elites, and technicians that rebuilding proceeded from the top down. Ordinary neighbors, working-class residents, and the average men and women of San Juan play no roles in the countless political tugs-of-war the book so vividly reconstructs. In addition, though Healey offers short, engaging vignettes of the day of the quake, there is no portrayal of everyday social life after the tragedy. These issues, of course, do not weaken the many contributions of this fine study, which experts on Peronism, historians of Latin America, and scholars of urban studies will read avidly.
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