Illegitimacy Rates Research Articles

Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America: Behavior, Ideology, and Politics

In the past decade, as historians have explored the private side of history, the subject of sexuality has attracted increasing scholarly attention. Well before Michel Foucault argued that the nineteenth century had witnessed an expansion of discourse that created new categories of sexualities, social historians were reinterpreting not only the discourse on sexuality in nineteenth-century America, but changing patterns of behavior as well. During the 1970s, when family historians identified changing rates of fertility and illegitimacy, they raised new questions about the frequency of marital intercourse and the possible use of contraceptives and abortion. When feminist historians explored the meanings of sexuality and reproduction in women's lives, they sparked lively debates about the relationship between ideology and behavior and about the regulation of female sexuality by the medical profession. Soon studies of prostitution, homosexuality, and utopians expanded the scope of this historical inquiry. By the 1980s, public policy debates over abortion, adolescent sex, and homosexuality inspired a new interest in the origins of state regulation of sexuality.1 Within this growing literature, historians have focused for the most part on two broad subjects: ideology and behavior, or, as Carl Degler has summarized this distinction, 'What Ought to Be and What Was. 2 Particularly for the nineteenth century, scholars have explored attitudes about proper conduct, usually found in published advice literature, and the actual practices that people engaged in, usually deduced from quantitative sources but also found in legal records and personal papers. Too often, however, historians have explained the relationship between ideology and behavior by asking whether or not ideas influenced individual practice. My reading of the literature on sexuality in nineteenth-century America has made me uneasy with the limitations of these two categories. By thinking only of ideas and behaviors, historians fail to recognize an important third category, one that might be labeled sexual politics. The subject matter in this category includes political efforts to transform thought or practice (for example, moral reform, antiprostitution, or birth control movements),

Illegitimacy in Aberdeen.

SummarySince the 1960s, illegitimacy rates in Britain have increased and it is likely that the rise is related to a changing meaning of illegitimacy. Three cohorts of women bearing illegitimate babies in Aberdeen are studied in order to explore the social context of illegitimacy over the period of rising illegitimacy rates. One cohort of women bore their babies in 1954, a second cohort in 1964 and the third cohort in 1974. By using three sources of official data in conjunction—birth registrations, marriage registrations and hospital records—an effort is made to construct the careers of these women and thereby to obtain some insight into the circumstances in which illegitimacy occurs. It is found that there is a continuing pattern of women who bear illegitimate babies being young, single and primiparous, that the rates of marriage and timing of marriage after delivery of an illegitimate child for all three cohorts are similar and that there is no evidence of an increased incidence of cohabitation. More and better types of data on illegitimacy are needed to supplement the existing stock of official data.

Determinants of 1950-1970 Change in Illegitimacy Rates in Developed Populations

We use data on 23 populations, a linear regression model, and measures derived from aggregate-level theories to analyze 1950 to 1970 changes in age-specific illegitimacy rates. Illegitimacy rates in 1950 have strong net effects on 1970 levels in most age groups, but a population’s 1950 age at marriage, economic growth rate, and change in the status of women have large and significant net effects on all 23 populations and on change in early 1950 marriage age nations as well. In the 1950 late age at marriage stratum measures with an effect on 19501970 change were economic growth rates and two measures of marital fertility change.

Illegitimacy and Marriage in Eighteenth-Century England

Illegitimacy and Marriage in EighteenthCentury England It is agreed by several writers that there was a steep rise in rate of illegitimacy in England between 1750 and I850. Problems and disagreements arise over reliability of statistics, and over interpretations or explanations which may be applied to them.1 Shorter claims that most important contributory factor was an increase in sexual activity, and in particular he asserts that during this period women were more inclined to indulge in fooling around (Shorter's expression). The implication of Shorter's argument is that it has always been men's intention to seduce as many women as possible while women, up to 1750, exercised restraint with regard to premarital sexual relations through fear of societal censure, parental sanctions, and pregnancy. His claim is that from 1750 to 1850 laissez-faire marketplace organization, capitalist production, and beginnings of proletarianization among work force were more important than any other factors in spread of sentiment. In other words, women, during this period of increasing urbanization and industrialization, were no longer feeling traditional restraints imposed by family and therefore felt able to indulge in premarital intercourse. At this time paid work, according to Shorter, gave women an inclination to escape sexual restrictions of their parents and also gave them possibility of doing so. He further states that, before 1750, sexuality served mainly instrumental objectives, such as procreation or establishment of an economic unit, rather than being seen as a means for gaining personal fulfillment. For unmarried women intercourse was often a means of gaining peace from an employer's persistent attentions, but after 1750 the libido unfroze in blast of wish to be free. Colorful though

Models of illegitimacy: United States, 1969

Three theoretical perspectives on illegitimacy, the anomic, the subgroup, and the demographic, are reviewed and compared. A composite causal model is then developed and estimated using areal data derived from the 1970 U.S. Census. While theoretical nonspecificity disallowed a definitive test, all three perspectives yielded valuable insight into the complex mechanisms underlying illegitimacy rates. Results indicate that variation in illegitimacy rates is systematically related to variation in social structure and that integration of the three positions should prove useful to further research.

The relationship between rates of marital and illegitimate fertility: U.S., 1969

In this paper the authors have used nonrecursive regression analysis to examine the positive zero-order correlation between race specific illegitimate and marital fertility rates of American women aged 20-29 and 30-44. They derived a set of county level areal characteristics believed to influence childbearing of both married and unmarried women from 4 theories of fertility. The theories were: 1) the "innovation" hypothesis which emphasizes the diffusion of new methods of birth control 2) the normative hypothesis which correlates illegitimacy and fertility rates with community norms 3) the deviant subculture hypothesis which asserts that persons judged by outside observers to be deviant are often not violating the social norms of their subculture and 4) the alternative role hypothesis which stresses the provision of other than childbearing roles for women. The independent variables isolated by the authors were population density migration stable marriage Southern region low education program enrollment physician density labor force participation and school enrollment. To isolate variables that have similar influences on both marital and illegitimate fertility was the purpose of the study. Unlike the single cause explanation for the positive relationship of marital and illegitimacy rate trends advanced by earlier researchers the authors have found that in cross-sectional analyses the positive correlation is due to multiple variables that have similar effects on both fertility rates.

Follow-up of unmarried adolescent mothers

Douglas F. Clapp, Ph.D., is Clinical Psychologist, Children's Home of Cin cinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio. Rebecca Staude Raab, MS, is Special Education Tutor, Burlington, Vermont. Only ten years ago, social services status of a group of adolescent un for unmarried mothers were motimarried mothers who kept their vated by the desire to redeem waybabies. ward girls, to protect the child, to conceal the mother's shame, and to prevent her from repeating her misCLIENTS take.1 Since then, although the rate of illegitimacy has remained high, the se'ec'mg 'he sample group, the au moral stigma associated with out-of'hors chose volunteers from among wedlock birth has apparently de210 unmarried mothers who had kept clined.2 This change in attitude can 'heir children and who had been probably be attributed to a variety of clients of the Children s Home of factors, among them the human rights Cincinnati, Ohio, between 1971 and movement, an increased openness on 1974. The criteria used in the selec the part of the media in presenting ''on process included the following sexual material, and the diminished stipulations: (1) pregnancy must status of the traditional marriage. In bave occurred before age 20, (2) the addition, Gallagher has noted that woman must not have been married increased sexual activity among adoas °f 'be bme °f s'udy> and (3) lescents and the recent legalization of 'be woman must have brought her abortion may well have affected socichild directly home from the hospital, etal attitudes.3 ®f 'be 210 women, many had moved Two noteworthy trends appear to away or were unwilling to participate be related to the changes in attitude 'n 'be stucly. —an impressive increase in the numOf 'I16 51 women who met the cri ber of adolescent unmarried mothers teria10 were chosen at random from who keep their babies and a dramatic ea(-b °f 3 subgroups. The 1971 sub decline in adoption rates.4 Although SrouP was made up of women whose some pregnant unmarried women do children were born between July 1971 decide to marry, to undergo an aborar! June 1972, the 1972 subgroup tion, or to release their baby for adopcomprised mothers of children born tion, it is clear that many young between July 1972 and June 1973, women prefer to establish singlearRl 'I16 1923 subgroup included parent families. These two trends are women whose children were born be of major consequence to social ser'ween July 1973 and June 1974. vice agencies, because the services Grouping the women according to they offered in the past included year permitted an analysis to be made placing the mother in the protective °f 'I16 potential differences that could environment of a maternity home or be attributed to the length of time helping to secure an adoptive home 'bat they had been unmarried mothers for the child.5 as °f August 1975, the time of the In light of the changing needs of study, this population of unwed mothers, 1° selecting the 10 women for each agencies should review their programs subgroup, care was taken to insure to insure that the services they offer 'hat each subgroup maintained a ra coincide with what these clients acc'a' distribution that reflected the tually want. Prior to developing a population of unmarried mothers at contemporary definition of service 'he Children's Home. The authors delivery, however, agencies must detherefore believe that despite the fine specific areas of need.6 In order small size of the sample group, the to assess the strengths and weaknesses volunteers were highly representative of these adolescents, the girls' apof 'he entire group of unmarried proaches to their current living situmothers at that time, ations—including such areas as eduA demographic description of the cation, employment, interpersonal resample population is shown in lationships, and parenting—must be Table 1. There were no significant taken into account. Therefore, the mean differences in the mothers' cur present study was designed as a prerent age or in their estimated age at liminary attempt to assess the current the time of conception between the

Some Speculations on the Future of Marriage and Fertility

It is projected on the basis of current factors depressing fertility that the U.S. will reach zero population growth in about 50 years and that at a population of about 250 million; it will then begin to decline. Factors cited are available and effective contraceptive technology radical changes in the institution of marriage (massive postponement of marriage and high divorce cohabitation and illegitimacy rates) which in turn are based on changes in the role of women particularly greater educational and employment opportunities. Although it is asserted that these demographic changes seem desirable because of less pressure on the environment and resources with an opportunity to improve the quality of life the question is raised whether the changes taking place in the institutions of marriage and the nuclear family are so far-reaching as to require eventual serious government subsidization of reproduction.

A millennium of misery: The demography of the Icelanders

Summary The aim of this paper is to give a summary account of eleven centuries of Icelandic population development. Iceland represents the most extreme inhospitable environment in which a European people has been able to survive and maintain its culture; none has been so persistently ravaged by natural calamities. The first modern national census in the world was taken in Iceland in 1703, and is a relatively untapped source of data on a population of almost three centuries ago. Of particular note in the demographic history of Iceland is the high incidence of cohabitation and de jure illegitimacy. Iceland is now demographically similar to the other Scandinavian countries except in her relatively high fertility and very high rate of illegitimacy.

A Millennium of Misery: The Demography of the Icelanders

Summary The aim of this paper is to give a summary account of eleven centuries of Icelandic population development. Iceland represents the most extreme inhospitable environment in which a European people has been able to survive and maintain its culture; none has been so persistently ravaged by natural calamities. The first modern national census in the world was taken in Iceland in 1703, and is a relatively untapped source of data on a population of almost three centuries ago. Of particular note in the demographic history of Iceland is the high incidence of cohabitation and de jure illegitimacy. Iceland is now demographically similar to the other Scandinavian countries except in her relatively high fertility and very high rate of illegitimacy.

Low incidence of cervical cancer in Utah

Utah has the highest birth rate in the nation, but cervical cancer incidence is 26% below the national average. This lower occurrence of cancer is accounted for by the Mormon population, which has incidence rates about 50% below those of the nation and of Utah non-Mormons. Reported venereal disease and illegitimacy rates are very low in Utah, which may explain low cervical cancer incidence. Invasive cervical cancer is higher in the rural than urban areas of Utah, in contrast to findings of other studies. Higher in situ incidence in the urban areas suggests more active cytologic screening, which may account for lower invasive rates. A socioeconomic gradient (though not as steep as found in other studies) is also demonstrated in the urban cervical cancer incidence data. These findings are consistent with the concept of cervical cancer as a venereal disease, and emphasize multiple sexual partners and premarital sexual activity in its etiology.

The Impact of AFDC on Illegitimate Birth Rates

This paper assesses the influence qf welfare payments and other socioeconomic fiactors on age-specific white and nonwhite illegitimate birth rates. For nonwhite younger women, the regression results suggest that larger welfare payments are associated with higher illegitimacy rates. The negative influence of income on illegitimacy together with the positive effect qf welfare payments would suggest that economic factors affect the probability qf legitimizing an out-qf-wedlock conception. Such an argument is more weakly supported by the results for white women.

Premarital sexual permissiveness and illegitimacy in the Nordic countries.

The Nordic countries differ from other Western societies in their long histories of premarital sexual permissiveness. Yet, in spite of this general permissiveness, there are enormous variations in the frequency of illegitimacy and in the tolerance of it, both among the five Nordic countries and within each of them. Iceland is an exception; here the rate of illegitimacy is high throughout the country, and so is tolerance of it. Sweden appears to be moving in this direction, but the historical situation is more complex.

Women's Work and European Fertility Patterns

19th century theories relating womens work to fertility and illegitimacy rates are generally described. Edward Shorters 1973 article in which he argued that female emancipation led to increased rates of fertility in Western Europe at the end of the 18th century is reviewed. Shorter maintains that sexual emancipation of working-class women was brought on by industrial employment opportunities outside the home. Work led to sexual liberation by revolutionizing womens attitudes about themselves. Although Shorters interpretation is important in that he brings womens history into demographic history it is a misleading article. Increased illegitimacy rates are the only real evidence presented by Shorter for the hypothesis that womens attitudes and sexual behavior changed. This article critically examines Shorters hypothesis and then presents historical evidence about womens work experiences before and during industrialization. An alternative model to explain fertility changes which is based on historical evidence is offered. Factors contributing to the rise of European fertility rates which are accounted for in this model include declining mortality earlier and more marriages close spacing of births and growth in the population of propertyless workers. Fertility fell toward the end of the 19th century because of a decline in infant and child mortality and an increase in prosperity. It is argued that womens work in the late 18th and early 19th centuries was not liberating in any sense of the word.

National differences in extraversion and neuroticism.

A method is proposed for measuring national differences in extraversion and neuroticism from demographic and epidemiological data. The method is to use national prevalence rates of a number of variables and treat them as indices of the levels of extraversion and neuroticism in national populations. The variables taken are the national rates of divorce, illegitimacy, accidents, crime, murder, suicide, alcoholism, chronic psychosis and coronary heart disease; and the per capita consumption of calories, cigarettes and caffeine. Data for these indices are presented for the advanced western nations. The relationship of these variables to extraversion and neuroticism among individuals is used to set up a model for their relationship among nations. The variables were factored by principal components analysis and this yielded two major factors identified as extraversion and neuroticism. The factor scores of each nation on the two factors were then computed. These indicate that the most extraverted nation is the United States and the most introverted is Japan. The most neurotic nation is Austria and the least neurotic is Ireland.

The Effects of Legal Abortion on Legitimate and Illegitimate Birth Rates: The California Experience

The availability of legal abortion in California appeared to affect California fertility in 1971 with a downward trend in both legitimate and illegitimate births. In 1972 legitimate birth rates continued to fall as rapidly as in 1971 but illegitimacy rates declined less rapidly. Unmarried women continued to be the dominant recipients of legal abortion. Illegitimacy remained at a high level, however, and its rise among white teenagers pointed to the phenomena of women deliberately electing unwed motherhood.

Illegitimacy and mental retardation

SummaryThe rate of illegitimacy in 1400 retarded individuals in a residential institution was found to be similar to that in the general population. The illegitimate children tended to have lower birth-weights. For reasons of selection, these illegitimate children were a little brighter than the legitimate ones, while the illegitimacy rate was low in Down’s syndrome and high in a group with congenital malformations. The rate was also high in cases of cultural-familial mental retardation.

Historical and contemporary trends in illegitimacy.

A review of historical trends in illegitimacy rates in European populations after 1750 finds a period of rising rates to around 1870 followed by one of declining rates to about 1940. The early rise in illegitimacy appears to have been related to increasing sexual activity, while the decline is ascribed to increasing use of birth control. Changes in illegitimacy rates since World War II are closely related to changing patterns of marital fertility control and timing of legitimate childbearing. Although illegitimacy may have a heavy impact on welfare programs, neither the AFDC program in the United States nor family allowance programs in other nations increase or decrease illegitimacy. The probability that an unmarried pregnant woman will marry prior to delivery is related to the level. of out-of-wedlock pregnancies in various populations. The chances for legitimation are high when pregnancies are few. We reject the view that differences in social stigma explain the chances for legitimation. Changes in illegitimacy rates in the United States since 1940 were examined. The bulk of the increase in nonwhite rates is related to improved health conditions that have reduced involuntary fetal loss and have increased fecundity. The increase in sexual activity among unmarried women after 1940 appears to be quite small, particularly among teenage girls not about to marry. Many unwed mothers eventually marry, and their chances (some 20 years after the illegitimate birth) of heading a family without a husband seem little different from those of other ever-married women. However, the hardship of illegitimacy on the child and mother during early years and the social costs involved are sufficient to justify development of programs to reduce illegitimacy. The potential of various programs is considered.

Urban variation in infant mortality from birth injury and atelectasis in England and Wales in 1958-67.

Variations in mortality attributed to birth injury and atelectasis in the 10 years 1958-67 have been investigated for each county borough of England and Wales. It became evident that diagnostic difficulties in separating these two causes must have been such that for statistical purposes they should be combined in a single rate.Variables likely to affect the local rates such as the sex ratio of births, and rates of illegitimacy and immaturity as an ill-defined cause of death appeared to affect the mortality levels in certain towns but not sufficiently to account for the wide variations apparent in those levels. It is concluded that local surveys are necessary in the towns with highest rates to uncover differences in numbers of births in hospital, in obstetric techniques and in quality of medical care.

Sex education for parents.

MRS. JOHNSON, a woman in her early twenties, is having her fourth unplanned baby. Her husband works long hours but brings home little money because of his low wages. The couple's sex life has become strained because of fear of pregnancies and inadequate knowledge about birth control. The above situation is all too typical. As a public health nurse, I became acquainted with many people having difficulty dealing with their sexuality. My first exposure was with over-fertility and unwed mothers. With further experience, I found more and more women were telling me about their marital problems. I suspect that it is most logical for the woman to be the least sexually satisfied of a married couple because the male is more easily and quickly stimulated and satisfied. Also, the female's desire for sexual intercourse tends to increase until the late twenties and is maintained until about age sixty. The male's sexual desires tend to decrease slightly after reaching a peak during the teenage years. It seems reasonable that an individual would expect others to respond sexually much the same as he does. Unless a man was informed otherwise, he would be inclined to believe that a female could be easily sexually aroused and satisfied. It may be especially difficult for a male to seek marital counseling for sex information because of the cultural assumption that he should already be knowledgeable in these matters. Many people seem to have little comprehension of what marriage involves when they sign the contract. High rates of divorce, illegitimacy, illegal abortions, venereal disease, and much mental illness may be indications of difficulties dealing with sexuality.