Treaty Of Rapallo Research Articles

‘Peace-Loving Countries, Unite!’ British Reception of Soviet Declarations on ‘Collective Security’ at the Turn of 1934

Soviet-German relations were very conducive for both countries after the Rapallo Treaty was concluded in 1922. There were some signs of difficulties during the Great Depression but they did not influence the willingness of Berlin and Moscow to cooperate. After Adolf Hitler came to power, however, the deterioration of bilateral relations of the two countries became apparent. Finally, at the turn of 1934, a wave of official Soviet declarations on starting cooperation with the ‘peace-loving’ capitalist countries against the aggressor within the framework of the collective security system took place. The article’s aim is to explain whether or not the British Cabinet took notice of these speeches and what attention it paid them. It is important to determine how the British diplomats interpreted these declarations and what was the justification for their viewpoints. Previously, London had tried to separate Germany from the USSR. Hence, the question as to the British government’s understanding of the new situation arised as do the potential steps taken on the international scene once German-Soviet cooperation ceased to exist at the end of 1933. The deterioration of Soviet-German relations had the potential to influence British diplomacy, which was devoted to the idea of collective security.

Политические и экономические интересы Германии в Туркестане в первой трети ХХ в.

Introduction. The German Empire was late to the colonial stage and soon witnessed the inefficiency of investment in subject economies across Africa. So, it started looking for more developed and resource-rich territories. As a result, the affluent Turkestan attracted Germany’s attention. Goals. The article examines political and economic interests of Germany in Turkestan in the 1900s to 1930s. The period is characterized by turbulent political processes, dramatic changes in Germany — and covers the imperial and Weimar eras coupled with the increasing attention to Turkestan. Materials and methods. The study focuses on documents contained in German repositories. The paper employs the historical systemic method which makes it possible to consider the subject under study as part of a comprehensively organized system. The principle of historicism also serves as a research method thereto since it implies historical insights into the emergence and evolution of the policy of German authorities in Turkestan — in the context of actual historical realities inherent to Germany’s development in the 1900s to 1930s. Results. The work analyzes some prerequisites for the emergence of German economic interests in Turkestan, reveals certain narratives as evidence of Germany’s increased attention to Turkestan during WWI and the Treaty of Rapallo. Conclusions. It is shown that Germany did lack a well-developed, coherent strategy for Turkestan and Central Asia at large.

International Scientific Conference «The Problem of Diplomatic Recognition of the Soviet State by the Countries of the Central and South-Eastern Europe (1920–1940-s). To the 100th Anniversary of the Treaty of Rapallo and the Formation of the USSR»

Yulia V. Lobacheva. International Scientific Conference «The Problem of Diplomatic Recognition of the Soviet State by the Countries of the Central and South-Eastern Europe (1920–1940-s). To the 100supth/supAnniversary of the Treaty of Rapallo and the Formation of the USSR»

Men and boys from the Ilirska Bistrica area in Italian military uniform

Between 1922 and 1943, after the Treaty of Rapallo came into force, men enlisted in the Italian armed forces and boys forcibly incorporated into special battalions of the Italian army left the Ilirska Bistrica area as Italian citizens, joining the military structures of a state that was not their homeland. Having their names Italianized and coming from an environment that the fascist regime had stripped of its national identity, they risked their lives for the military interests of the Kingdom of Italy. The contribution sets forth selected topics, focusing on conscripts deserting in 1935, before and after the war in Ethiopia, on survivors’ personal experiences during the interwar period and the Second World War as well as on dead and missing soldiers and war captives. The author draws primarily on Italian archival sources, victimology sources, and oral sources obtained through conducting field research. To avoid generalizations, the article aims to highlight the different dimensions of enlistments and personalize the narrative by using the concrete names of deserters and dead soldiers as well as survivors’ testimonies.

The British Program for the "Reconstruction in Europe" in 1922: Political and Diplomatic Aspects

The article examines the process of formation of the British program for the "reconstruction of Europe" and the diplomatic efforts of Prime Minister D. Lloyd George to promote it on the eve and during the Genoa Conference of 1922. The Conference was one of the key events of European diplomacy between the two world wars. In 1922, thirty four nations met to restore peace between victors and vanquished, reestablish ties between Soviet Russia and the West, and promote the economic reconstruction in Europe. The relevance of the problem under study is due to the controversial assessments of the Genoa Conference in modern foreign and domestic historiography. Considering the content of these discussions, the authors of the articles proceed from the fact that Lloyd George proposed to hold a major economic and political conference to re-energise the European economy and revive the flagging fortunes of his coalition government. He believed that if Russia was opened to world trade, this would enable Germany to prosper and pay reparations to Britain and France, who could then repay their American war debts. Germany's agreement with the new principles of relations with the winners would abate France’s security fears, thus contributing to the stabilization of the Versailles world order. However, the British program was not implemented, because Soviet Russia and Germany concluded the Treaty of Rapallo. Analyzing the reasons for the failure of D. Lloyd George, the authors come to the conclusion that they stem from the basic contradiction between the large-scale plan and the diplomatic miscalculations made by the British delegation on the eve and during the conference.

A memorial of the occupied territory in front of the Rectorate of the University of Ljubljana

The article discusses the history of the memorial plaque dedicated to the territory of the Littoral, which Italy occupied after the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1920. The plaque was unveiled in Congress Square, in front of the Rectorate of the University of Ljubljana, on the initiative of the Yugoslav Society, an association aiding and supporting Slovenians abroad. The inauguration took place on 20 March 1921, in reaction to Italy’s festivities celebrating the annexation, which was carried out that same day. During the interwar period, several ideas were raised to convert the plaque into a bigger monument, none of which came to fruition. Apart from representing a place of memory, related to the traumatic loss of territory, the plaque also became a place of student political manifestations directed as much against Italy and Fascism as the Belgrade regime and its violence. Standing in the university’s autonomous territory, the plaque fell outside the jurisdiction of the Yugoslav government. It was destroyed and removed during Italy’s occupation at the onset of the Second World War. In 2012, a new memorial plaque was unveiled in front of the university building. However, due to a lack of knowledge about the history of its predecessor, it came to be regarded as a memorial of the Basovizza victims.

The treaty of Rapallo as a factor of international relations on the Central European periphery of the Versailles system (1922–1925)

On the basis of the core – periphery paradigm of international relations system and the associated concept of regional subsystems, the analysis of the impact of the Rapallo treaty on international relations in the Central European subsystem of the Versailles system is carried out. It is established that the formation of prerequisites for the conclusion of the Rapallo treaty is largely related to the specifics of the Central European regional subsystem. It included states that were characterised by a different attitude to the Versailles system. Russia, which had not signed the Versailles treaty, was located on its border, but through the Riga treaty it actually became an actor within the Central European subsystem. The Rapallo Treaty was based on the common desire of Germany and Russia to destroy the international order that was established in the region by the Versailles and Riga treaties. This posed a threat to the international positions of a number of States in the region interested in preserving the Versailles system. The Rapallo treaty helped to strengthen this trend in the policy of the leading Western states.

CENTENARY OF THE RAPPAL TREATY: ANNIVERSARY IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CRISIS OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND GERMANY

April 16, 2022 marks the 100th anniversary of the Treaty of Rapallo, concluded between Russia and Germany during the Genoa Conference. His fate and role is still controversial. Particular attention is paid to the «spirit of Rapallo» – a realistic and pragmatic idea of peaceful development in the context of today’s increased politicization and curtailment of Russian-German economic relations. We consider that following a direct decrease in mutual trade the very significance of Russian-German economic cooperation is further underestimated emotionally and subjectively. Based on a cross-country cross-sectoral analysis, the paper analyzes the interdependence of the key economies of Russia and Germany are presented. We identified the key import positions of both countries. It is emphasized that a purely quantitative calculation of the reduction of ties may be insufficient, since it does not take into account the cascading economic effects generated from supply chains. Using results of surveys of the German business community, we assessed the strength of the sanctions measures introduced with the active support of Germany against Russia regarding the disconnection from the SWIFT system, the freezing of financial accounts, the measures introduced against the Central Bank of Russia – up to the freezing in principle of economic relations between countries are presented. The author concludes that the anniversary of the Rapallo Treaty, for objective reasons of the military-political situation, remained in the shadows and cannot again put forward considerations for constructive cooperation. Most likely, in the expert community, a reference to it may have an impact on western companies in order to prevent a complete break in business relations with Russian companies.

Between Hospitality and Diplomacy. Accommodating Foreign Delegations during the 1922 Genoa Conference

During the 1922 Genoa International Economic Conference, the hotels of the city and neighboring coastal resorts played a pivotal role in many respects, including diplomatic activity. They accommodated representatives of participating countries and hosted related mundane events, as well as formal and informal meetings and discussions between delegations, individual figures, or selected groups. Moreover, the most striking and astonishing outcome of the Genoa Conference, namely the Rapallo Treaty between Russia and Germany, was signed right inside the hotel that welcomed one of the delegations. By analyzing these issues, the article deals with the existing academic literature on the role played by hotels as scenes of historical events and within the context of international relations. It also highlights how hosting a diplomatic gathering of such resonance may play a role in promoting tourism and enhancing the image of leading hotels.

Who Was J. Piłsudski Going to Balance Between and Did He Balance in Fact in 1926–1935

The monograph “Piłsudski between Stalin and Hitler” by the Polish researcher K. Rak published in 2021 cannot but interest specialists in the history of international relations in the interwar period, not least because of its analysis of tripartite rather than bilateral relations, its chronological scope (1924–1935), the wealth of source material from German, Polish and Russian archives, and the extensive bibliography, including works in Russian. Our critical analysis does not purport to show the diversity of the issues raised or addressed in the book. Our task is a different one: to provide an insight into the state of Polish historiography, first and foremost, of such landmark events in international relations of the interwar period as the 1925 Locarno Treaties, the 1932 Soviet-Polish Non-Aggression Pact, the 1934 Polish-German declaration of non-aggression, and the Polish policy of balancing. Yet Rak's book is not a historiographical one, but is purely research-oriented, containing many new and intriguing facts, observations, assertions and hypotheses, which can be debated, but cannot be dismissed. While demonstrating an innovative approach to the analysis of a number of issues, Ruck is not always free of stereotypes, especially when it comes to matters such as the threat to Poland posed by the 1922 Soviet-German Treaty of Rapallo, the explanation of Polish longstanding reluctance to respond to the Soviet proposal for a non-aggression treaty, the substitution of scholarly evidence for these stereotypes, yet his conclusions are well grounded, though not always incontrovertible.

РАПАЛСКИ УГОВОР (1920) У ОЧИМА АМЕРИЧКЕ ШТАМПЕ THE TREATY OF RAPALLO (1920) IN THE LIGHT OF CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN PRESS

The policy of US President Woodrow Wilson at the Paris Peace Conference and his uncompromising attitude in regard to the Adriatic question is a topic that still interests researchers. The paper aims to shed light on the US public opinion about the Adriatic question and conclusion of the final Treaty of Rapallo (1920) between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The paper relies on the most prominent US newspapers with the highest circulation and progressive magazines of the time, archival records and contemporary literature. A particular focus is placed on the evolution of views of the US press about the conflict between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes concerning disputable territories in Dalmatia, and about the participation of the US peace delegation and President Wilson in the negotiations and definitive resolution of the Adriatic question.

Predškolske ustanove Grada Zadra do Rapalskog ugovora

Namjera ovoga rada je prikazati predškolske ustanove grada Zadra u vremenu od donošenja naredbe ministra za bogoštovlje i nastavu u Beču 1872. do kraja Prvoga svjetskog rata, odnosno do Rapalskoga ugovora 1920. godine. O ovim ustanovama u Zadru do sada se nije pisalo stoga ćemo se pozivati isključivo na tekstove četvorice kotarskih školskih nadzornika i poneki tekst iz onovremenoga zadarskog tiska.

The Emergence of New States in Eastern Europe after World War I: The German Impact

Abstract After World War I, many borders in Europe were redrawn, especially in the northeast and southeast of Germany. Almost all political forces in Germany strived to restore the prewar German borders, especially towards Poland. Even Poland’s very existence was denied by many German political forces. The Baltic States were less important for Germany in this respect. Here the relationship with the Baltic Germans and trade relations prevailed. The independence of these states was in the eyes of German elite subordinated to the relations with Russia. The article presents this pattern of German policy until the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.

Zadarske srednje škole na hrvatskom jeziku i talijanska vlast 1918.-1921. godine

U radu se analizira kakav su utjecaj imale promijenjene političke prilike na rad zadarskih srednjih škola na hrvatskom jeziku. Završetkom Prvoga svjetskog rata 1918. godine nije došlo do smirivanja političke situacije na hrvatskoj strani Jadrana. Talijanska je vojska od 4. studenoga 1918. postupno okupirala sjevernu i dio srednje Dalmacije. Pri tome su se vršili institucionalni i izvaninstitucionalni pritisci na rad hrvatskih škola. Nameće se talijanizacija javnog i službenog komuniciranja, a okupirani dijelovi Dalmacije odvajaju se od zaleđa. U takvim okolnostima dolazi do otežana funkcioniranja školskog sustava jer jedan dio hrvatskih i srpskih nastavnika napušta Zadar, a na njihovo mjesto dolaze talijanski nastavnici. Povremeno dolazi do prekida nastavnog procesa, što je bila uzrokovano fizičkim napadima i zauzimanjem školskih prostora od strane talijanske vojske. Sklapanje Rapallskog ugovora iz studenog 1920. zapečatilo je sudbinu dotadašnjih hrvatskih školskih institucija koje prestaju s radom krajem školske godine 1920./1921.

German Consulate in Kyiv (1924–1938): Between Diplomacy and Politics

The article covers the activities of the German mission in Kyiv as a cultural, political, and administrative centre of the Ukrainian SSR in 1924–38 in the status of a consulate and consulate-general. The data about the following heads of the consular institution is provided: Siegfried Hey, Werner Stephanie, Rudolf Sommer, Andor Hencke, and Georg-Wilhelm Grosskopf. The legal basis for the establishment of consular relations between the Ukrainian SSR and Germany was the Treaty on Application of the Treaty of Rapallo signed on 16 April 1922 between the RSFSR and Germany to the Allied Republics of the RSFSR. The consular district of the first German mission covered Kyiv, Chernihiv, Podillia, and Volyn governorates. The mission of the consulate was to inform the government about the internal situation in the Ukrainian SSR, promote trade relations and cultural cooperation, and protect the interests of German citizens. The head of the consulate immediately came under close surveillance of the ODPU (United State Political Department) of the Ukrainian SSR on suspicion of conducting intelligence activities as well as collecting information about the economy, industry, and agriculture in the territory of his consular district. Subsequently, the ODPU increasingly introduced its own agents to the staff of foreign missions as service personnel, and NKVD agents in civilian clothing set up surveillance on the consulate’s premises. They accompanied the consul, the consulate staff, and even some visitors on their way out of the premises. Thus, the secret service collected compromising materials that gave grounds for accusing German diplomats of anti-Soviet activities and espionage. The consul’s correspondence was also under control. When A. Hitler came to power in Germany, the information confrontation between the USSR and the Third Reich began, but official diplomatic and consular relations continued. In his reports, the consul in Kyiv recorded the horrors of the Holodomor, the growing process of party ‘purges’, secret executions and suicides, coupled, from January 1937, with daily reprisals against intellectuals and workers in his consular district. The consulate-general in Kyiv ceased its operation in 1938, the official reason being the streamlining of the number of consular offices of the Third Reich and the USSR. Keywords: German Consulate, Werner Stephanie, Rudolph Sommer, Andor Hencke.

ГІБРИДНІ ОЗНАКИ ПРОТИСТОЯННЯ ПОЛЬЩІ ІЗ УСРР І РСФРР У КОНТЕКСТІ ДИПЛОМАТИЧНОЇ БОРОТЬБИ ПІД ЧАС ГЕНУЕЗЬКОЇ КОНФЕРЕНЦІЇ (1922 Р.)

The article analyses the Poland’s policies with regard to the Russin Socialist Federation Soviet Republic and the Ukrainian SSR during the preparation and holding the Genoa Conference (April 10 – May 19, 1922). At present, researches on the hybrid warfare practices are of vital importance, and such practices had already been developed since the beginning of the twentieth century. Of particular importance are the practices when the states have diplomatic relations with each other and do not carry out warfare activities de jure, however, they create a permanent state of military threat to one another and formally deny their own responsibility for creating such a state. Within the context of international politics in Europe, this problematics has not yet been elaborated. This research chronologically covers the period from January 1922 to the end of May of the same year. Additionally, the analysis subject includes the Romania’s policy with regard to the Soviet Republics during the same period, because its policy was conditioned by coordinated actions with Poland. The study is based on the analysis of the operations reports of the Counter-Banditry Division of the All-Ukrainian Extraordinary Commission for the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevics) of Ukraine regarding the cross-border situation between the Ukrainian SSR and the territories of Poland and Romania (in particular, Eastern Galicia – occupied by Poland, and Bessarabia – occupied by Romania). A peculiarity of the research approach is a retrospective review of these operations reports in the context of the diplomatic struggle during the 1922 Genoa Conference. In parallel with the analysis of Poland’s policies regarding the territories with the Soviet social order, an analysis of the actions of the Soviet delegation during the international conference in Geneva was carried out, including consequences of the Treaty of Rapallo, which was concluded between the RSFSR and Germany. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the international political situation of Poland, the RSFSR, and the Ukrainian SSR on the eve of the Genoa Conference and its transformation as a result of the conclusion of the Rapallo Treaty on April 16, 1922. In the same context, an analysis of the transformation of Poland’s policy on the Soviet cross-border territories was carried out. The problematics of the use of Ukrainian People’s Republic military forces and the White Guards by coordinated efforts of Poland and Romania in creating a permanent military threat to the Soviet territories was singled out. The study established that the states tried to avoid the long-term war, given the negative track record of World War I, amidst the global capitalist economy of 1920s. Therefore, they tried to concentrate their major efforts on changing their international political position by means of diplomatic actions, which were reinforced by methods of economic pressure and permanent military threat as a conclusive argument. Poland’s policy of creating a permanent military threat to the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR was unsuccessful because of Poland’s complicated political situation and the aggressive actions of the RSFSR to exploit systemic contradictions in the international politics of Europe after the First World War.

A struggle with the West and a desire for „new greatness“. Soviet-German Relations from the Treaty of Rapallo to the German „October“ of 1923. Debates in the German Historiography

A struggle with the West and a desire for „new greatness“. Soviet-German Relations from the Treaty of Rapallo to the German „October“ of 1923. Debates in the German Historiography

FORTIFICATIONS OF THE RAPALLO BORDER AND THEIR ROLE AS CO-CREATORS OF SPACE / RAPALLO SIENOS ĮTVIRTINIMAI IR JŲ VAIDMUO KURIANT ERDVĘ

In the period between the two world wars, the latent tensions between the European nations resulted in the construction of defensive positions on the borderlines of major European countries. Under the same conditions, the Italian Kingdom built an extensive fortification line, i.e. the Alpine Wall. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (SHS) replied to it with the Rupnik Line. On the base of the Treaty of Rapallo, a 289-km long demarcation line was built with an exceptional defence infrastructure, which interfered with vast natural areas of exceptional quality that are protected by various nature conservation regimes today. The research presented in this paper is focused on a specific land expropriation. The goal is to understand the historical perspectives and assess the current significance of this fortification system with its impact on the natural environment. The system of spatial assessment of the architectural, urban, regional and spatial planning aspects and landscape interpretation has been developed with the use of spatial planning mapping and other methods. It was tested on the case study of the Žiri Municipality to establish a possible systemic base on which the entirety of the Rapallo border with its defence infrastructures could be mapped and their contemporary role assessed.

Политика большевистского руководства по отношению к Германии (1918—1919 гг.)

The Bolshevik toward Germany, the relationship between the Communist Party of Soviet Russia and the German Social Democracy, which came to power as a result of the First World War is analyzed in the article. The issue of the geopolitical interests and ideological orientations of the Bolshevik leadership and the German socialists is considered, and disagreements between various currents in Marxism on internal and foreign issues are examined. The problem of the dualism of the of the CPSU (b) in the first years of power, the contradiction between the theoretical attitudes to the revolution and the practical need of the Soviet state for carrying out a policy of peaceful coexistence is raised, and the strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks are analyzed at a time when their government turned out the emerging Versailles system of international relations. The activity of the Communist International on the expansion of political influence in the world and the search for allies for Soviet Russia are traced. The topicality of the problem under investigation is conditioned by the need to develop long-standing historical ties between the Russian and German states, to study the mechanisms for establishing good-neighborly relations and the desirability of improving them at the present stage. The author concludes that, despite theoretical differences, the national interests of Germany and Russia forced both Marxist parties to converge, which ultimately contributed to the conclusion of the Rapallo Treaty and the transition to political and economic cooperation between the two countries.

Yevgeniy Pashukanis, His Law and Marxism: A General Theory, and the 1922 Treaty of Rapallo between Soviet Russia and Germany

The subject matter of this article is the moment at which Soviet Russia made its first and unexpected step into international legal relations. My focus is the role played, as a legal adviser, by Yevgeniy Pashukanis. I trace the tragic trajectory of Pashukanis up to his murder by Stalin’s regime, and conclude with an evaluation of the significance of the Treaty. It is my contention that the General Theory is not at all representative of Pashukanis’ work as whole. With the exception of this text, Pashukanis was an orthodox Soviet legal scholar, adapting successfully to changes in the prevailing theoretical and ideological direction of the ussr. The Treaty between two defeated and to different extents pariah powers was of immense significance, not only for the immediate survival of Soviet Russia, and its gradual integration into the international legal order, but also for the subsequent trajectories of both countries.