Muslim Groups Research Articles

RESISTANCE OF NU AND AUMA RELATIONS IN PAMEKASAN REGENCY

Abstract: Looking at the fact that there is a practice of intolerance with violence that occurred in Pamekasan shows that there is polarization of Muslim groups in Pamekasan with the growth of right-wing groups such as AUMA. This research aims to reveal the resistance of AUMA and NU Pamekasan using a qualitative phenomenological approach, data collection was carried out using interviews, observation and documentation. This research utilizes Gilin's relationship theory, namely whether the relationship between NU and AUMA carries out compromise, mediation, conciliation, restraint and court proceedings. The results of this research show that AUMA has a very dominant influence in cases of violence in the name of religion in Pamekasan. This occurs because of AUMA and NU's resistance to several religious thoughts that are not in line, AUMA does not agree with NU regarding Indonesian Islam, women leaders and several issues. other. Cases such as the burning of tourist land and the siege of officials' houses are forms of resistance between the two. The results of this research are also in sharp contrast to Hamdi's research. Where Hamdi found that the relationship between NU and the former FPI in Bangkalan was very good, so that there was a leadership merger between the former FPI and used this good relationship as a force to reduce acts of intolerance. One of the factors that strengthened the AUMA Effect in Pamekasan was the existence of an idea or regional regulation regarding Pintusalam where Islamism in Pamekasan became the embryo of AUMA religious thought.

Government Religious Discrimination, Support of Religion, and Muslim Minority-Related Societal Violence in Western Democracies

Does government-based religious discrimination against religious minorities and government support of majority religion affect religiously motivated societal violence between minorities and majority religious groups in Western democracies? Analyzing Muslim minorities, this study tries to answer the question by looking specifically at the religious violence perpetrated by and against these minorities in the West. Using a novel cross-national time-series data on 25 Western countries disaggregated by victim and perpetrator groups, this paper finds that while discrimination contributes to a country encountering religiously driven societal violence perpetrated by both Muslim and majority religious groups, government support for majority religion seems to pose no security threat. Furthermore, a case study analysis of the UK employing the synthetic control method corroborates the results of the cross-country analysis. The findings have important policy implications for counter-strategies against both Islamic and right-wing violent extremism in the West.

Political Choices of Muhammadiyah Citizens as a Muslim Minority in the 2018 Bali Governor Election in Indonesia

Purpose: the primary aim of this study is to explore how the Muhammadiyah community in Bali, a minority Muslim group, engaged in the 2018 Bali gubernatorial election to assert and navigate their political identity. This research seeks to understand the impact of their political participation within the broader dynamics of identity politics in a predominantly non-Muslim setting. Theoretical Reference: the study is framed within theories of political identity and political communication, which provide insights into how identities are formed, communicated, and leveraged in political contexts. These theories help elucidate the complex interactions between minority groups and the political environment, particularly in areas where identity politics play a significant role. Method: A qualitative descriptive approach was employed to capture the political preferences and behaviors of Muhammadiyah members during the 2018 gubernatorial election. Data was gathered through interviews, focus groups, and analysis of campaign materials and public statements. This method enabled a detailed and nuanced understanding of the Muhammadiyah community's political engagement. Results and Conclusion: the findings indicate that Muhammadiyah members actively participated in the election, using it as a platform to advocate for their political and social interests. Their engagement was shaped by their minority status and the need to assert their identity in a socio-political landscape dominated by different religious and cultural norms. The election outcomes revealed both the challenges and opportunities faced by Muhammadiyah in navigating identity politics in Bali. Implications of Research: this study highlights the critical role of minority religious communities in shaping political landscapes, even in regions where they do not form the majority. Understanding these dynamics is essential for policymakers, political leaders, and civil society organizations that aim to foster inclusive political processes. It also underscores the importance of effective political communication strategies that cater to diverse communities. Originality/Value: this research contributes to the limited literature on the political behavior of Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah in regional politics, particularly within non-Muslim majority regions. It offers a unique insight into how identity politics and minority status influence political engagement and communication, adding depth to the discussions on multiculturalism and political inclusion in Southeast Asia.

The Existence of Non Muslim Minority in Aceh, Indonesia: A Study Civil and Police Institution

The implementation of Islamic law in Aceh had impact for the existence of non-Muslim minority groups. Even though they are guaranteed freedom to worship, harmony and protected, and can live side by side with the Aceh society, on the other hand, they are also feeling the impact of sharia. These implications are experienced by Christian women, not only among civil groups, but also police institutions. This article aims to complement the shortcomings of previous research, by mapping the relationships that existed between Muslim and non-Muslim groups in Aceh during the implementation of Islamic sharia. The research question is, how do these implications occur and why public space is limited for them. This research was conducted in Banda Aceh involving six informants and some were women, civil society groups and several police institutions, namely three Christian policewomen, through in-depth interviews and using several references related to the research subject. The results of the study indicated that, first, there are social spaces that have an impact on non-Muslim groups because they live in areas of Islamic sharia that require them to receive these regulations, such as the obligation to wear the veil for students, teachers and policewomen in police agencies. Then, there are limited facilities for worship, including for policewomen to provide spiritual guidance. Apart from that, there is little access to public space in government, which occurs among non-Muslim minority children who would like to develop their talents, as well as employees and in police agencies who could not develop their careers perfectly. This happens because they cannot have opportunities like the people of Aceh who are the "hosts". In this case, the government must be able to harmonize laws, including for minority groups in Aceh. It is hoped that the results of this research could adding references regarding the importance of increasing awareness and fostering the values of tolerance.

From Politics of Islam to Terrorism: Discovering the Roots of Islamophobia in Indonesia

Islamophobia is an issue that has affected both minority and majority Muslim communities in many countries, including Indonesia. To gain a deeper understanding of Islamophobia in Indonesia, this study focuses on two of eight components of Islamophobia identified by Sabri Ciftci (2012), namely, Islam is perceived as a political ideology and is associated with violence. Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including historical-comparative and survey, the authors explore how the Indonesian government has dealt with Islamophobia since the Old and New Order periods. This research also delves into how Islamophobia has impacted minority Christians and moderate Muslims during the Reform Era, where Islam is often associated with religious intolerance and terrorism. The results indicate that Islamophobia in Indonesia has three primary root causes linked to certain Islamic societal behaviour: political tensions between Islamic fundamentalists and nationalists regarding the state ideology, religious tensions between radical Muslims and Christians resulting in intolerance, and acts of terrorism using Islamic symbols. This research concludes Islamophobia in Indonesia has switched from the government to the community level, requiring the government policy to eliminate Islamophobia in a pluralistic society.

The Othering of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community

Abstract The Ahmadiyya movement is one of the most controversial movements within the South Asian Islam from the late 19th and the 20th century. The movement from the beginning was instrumental in reinvigorating the debate on the Islamic orthodoxy and interpretation and re-interpretation of the Islamic texts among Muslims. These controversies and debates over the period of time have entered into the public consciousness particularly among Muslims of South Asia, which has enabled it to become an accepted feature of the contemporary South Asian Politics. As the movement became more public, the distinct identity of Ahmadi took shape and a notion of Ahmadiyyat as distinct expression of Islam became increasingly politicised. Similarly, the emergence of this Ahmadi identity was influenced by modern South Asian politics as much as South Asian Islam was influenced by the modernists. This influence has widened the dichotomy between Ahmadi Islam and the orthodox Islam. The current study focuses on how South Asian Islam’s narratives grew and developed to build and declare Ahmadis as a non-Muslim minority. It also demonstrates how these narratives were exploited over time by both Muslim groups and famous Muslims to malign and portray the Ahmadiyya community as ‘other’ in the eyes of Muslim and state structures. The study focuses primarily on the narratives of the 20th-century Muslim intellectuals such as Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Abul A’la Maududi, and other groups such as Majlis-i-Ahrar, as well as their role in building and constructing narratives that declared Ahmadis as ‘other’ while also changing their identity and status as Muslims.

Evaluation of the Maqāṣid al-Sharī’ah Liberalization: An Examination of the Notion of ‘Prioritizing Public Interest over Textual Evidence’

The effort to reconstruct Islamic law from liberal Muslim groups has a positive influence and acceptance for some people. However, the majority of Muslims have not been able to accept and prefer to follow the mindset and methodology of previous scholars. The concept of maqāṣid al-sharī’ah of liberal Muslim thinkers is methodologically considered not to have a strong basis because it dares to ignore the legal provisions in the specific daily, which are considered not in line with the purpose of the law and the benefit. Maqasid al-shari'ah should be built on efforts to integrate the texts of particular propositions into the texts of universal propositions (kully) so that the purpose of legal legislation can be understood. This article critically examines the concept of maqāṣid al-sharī’ah developed by liberal Muslim thinkers, especially in Indonesia. This study explicitly emphasizes the importance of Islamic law in realizing the benefits and being a solution to various problems of contemporary life. The benefit to be achieved is the ultimate and universal benefit, namely the benefit obtained through legal formulation efforts by making specific texts as a foothold to understand the purpose of the law. It is not an assumptive benefit (mawhūmah) obtained through legal reconstruction efforts based on the purpose of the law and the benefit but ignores the texts of particular arguments.

The “Funny Line Veil” and the mediated political subjectivity of Muslim women in Indonesia

ABSTRACT The growing use of the internet, especially in urban centres, has made social media the contemporary discursive battleground for Muslims to dispute their cultural and political subjectivities. Muslim womanhood, particularly, has always been a concept under constant scrutiny. Previously, narratives about the ideal Muslim women were dominated by male preachers in mosques and public seminars. Nonetheless, social media has given Muslim women a platform to express what their cultural identity entails, the problems they experience, and their aspirations. This paper analyses the cyberspace activism strategy used by so-called controversial Muslim women group to express their political subjectivity within the Muslims community. This paper focuses on the Instagram account of Cadar Garis Lucu, a self-proclaimed feminist niqabi (face-veiled) community. Content analysis of Cadar Garis Lucu’s Instagram posts and in-depth interviews with its members revealed their three discursive strategies: emphasising authenticity – that their choice of face veiling is their own choice; appealing to moderate Indonesian Muslims’ interpretations of religion as an expression of love and plurality; and utilising collaborations with other similarly moderate religious social media accounts, to further justify face-veiled as a part of moderate Islam in Indonesia.

Islamic Faith as an Ethnic Identity Marker: Overview of Sri Lanka Muslim Identity Formation, Politicization, and Violence

Since the late-19th century, for political expediency, the Sri Lankan Muslims have used Islam as a marker of identity difference which has suffered due to the tensions of religious and ethnic identity markers. Unlike Tamils and Sinhalese ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim elites did not choose language as their primary identity marker but sought to differentiate themselves based on the practices and traditions of Islamic faith. These tensions have manifested in several ways, however, following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, there has been a great strain placed on Muslim representation as questions have been asked as to whether the religious identity has laid the foundations for the radicalization of the Muslims, especially in the wake of global Islamophobia and concerns about security. Therefore, it is important to answer questions related to Islamic identity manifestation in Sri Lanka: What is the role of an Islamic religious identity in radicalizing Sri Lankan Muslims? Why did Sri Lanka become a convenient place for IS’ activities? Did religious identity alone cause the radicalization of some Muslims? This article would attempt to answer these questions by (1) revisiting the Muslim community’s identity formation before the independence, (2) explaining Islamic identity in the post-independence Sri Lanka and the political representation to win votes and mobilize support during the ethnic civil war between Tamils and Sinhalese, and (3) analyzing factors that contributed to the radicalization of Muslims, and Islam. Drawing mostly on secondary sources, the article attempts to situate Sri Lanka Muslims’ identity formation in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict and reconciliation. Using answers from interviews conducted through Zoom, WeChat, and WhatsApp, the article assesses the behavior of Sri Lanka Muslims in the face of the 2019 terrorist attack by some Muslims. The article finds that religious identity alone is not sufficient to trigger violence, as evidence suggests that underlying socio-economic as well as political grievances produce polarization and radical actions. We argue that long-standing arguments tying radical actions solely to religion may require substantial revision and need to be situated within a wider frame of national reconciliation especially if it does not consider existing contexts.

The Circassian question: liberalism and the pursuit of freedom in the mid-nineteenth century

For well over a hundred years, Russian expansion into the Caucasus put it face-to-face with the Circassians. This small group of Muslims successfully waged war against Russia, both militarily and diplomatically. By leveraging the demands of a liberal foreign policy currently in vogue in Britain, as well as the Ottoman Empire’s tenuous hold on power in the region, the Circassians manoeuvred their plight onto the international stage. As the liberal tide in Britain ebbed and flowed and the Crimean War erupted, Circassia’s ability to leverage the political context in which it found itself grew more tenuous. Ultimately, Russophobia and liberalism failed to secure freedom for the Circassians, who were killed or expelled from their lands in 1864. The Circassian diaspora now resides largely in Turkey, Jordan, Syria, and Russia.

Rethinking Islamic Education in Facing the Challenges of the Twenty-first Century (2005)*

The Muslim ummah, as a world community, faces many challenges at the threshold of the new century. The fateful event of 9/11 has revealed yet another facet of the problems plaguing Muslim society: the existence of radical, or what some media have labeled “militant,” Muslim groups. Despite the Muslim world’s condemnation of the 9/11 terrorist attack, the United States considered itself the victim and thus launched its “war against terrorism” against the alleged perpetrators: the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Iraq, which was alleged to be building weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and assisting al-Qaeda, became the second target. Iran would have become the immediate third target if the international community had supported the Bush administration’s unilateral declaration of war against Iraq. But it did not, for the allegations could not be proven. *This article was first published in the American Journal of Islamic Societies 22, no. 4 (2005): 133-145

Religious extremism: Research on the ideology of the Wahhabi Islamic movement

This article is motivated by the existence of the Wahhabi Islamic Movement which has a long and influential history in the Islamic world. However, it is important to remember that the term “Wahhabi” is often used loosely and sometimes refers to various groups that hold conservative or ultra-conservative Islamic views. Apart from that, there are several facts that explain Wahhabism as an ideology which is now clearly emphasized by thinkers on fundamentalism, radicalism and extremism. Wahhabism is an ideology that inspires today's terrorist movements, especially "bridesmaids" who have been brainwashed and are ready to set off "suicide bombs" in several countries. This article tries to analyze the works of Muhammad bin 'Abd al-Wahhab to find out to what extent Wahhabism has inspired contemporary radical Muslim movements and how Wahhabism experienced an ideological journey to Indonesia. To answer this question, researchers used library research with a qualitative descriptive research type. The findings of this article show four things about Wahhabism: First, Wahhabism is an ideology that states monotheism al-uluhiyyah as the foundation of its religious understanding. This understanding was inspired by Ibn Taimiyah. Second, Wahhabism was relatively successful in spreading it, because it was fully supported by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Wahhabism have the same interests, which has caused Wahhabism to have a strong influence, both within Saudi Arabia and internationally. Third, Wahhabism has a doctrine of jihad which is interpreted as war against the enemy. Historically, jihad as understood by Muhammad bin 'Abd al-Wahhab was not used against infidels, but was only used against the Ottoman Dynasty, which was essentially an Islamic dynasty. Fourth, along the way Wahhabism metamorphosed into Neo-Wahhabism which has a Salafi-jihadi ideology, namely an ideology that combines Wahhabism, Salafism and Jihad. The combination of these three ideologies has given birth to "brides" who are ready to commit suicide in a number of countries, both the Western and Islamic worlds. Lastly, Wahhabism as an ideology of hatred can only be overcome with a similar ideology of hatred, not with a militaristic approach.

Being Pious Muslims: Religious Devotion and Radicalism in Indonesia

Objectives: This article aims to know the Muslims’ desire and aspiration reflected in the Indonesian Islamic mobilization of 212 action or demonstration.
 Methods: This article used descriptive qualitative methods. Media news on this mobilization was used to be analyzed. Furthermore, ten participants joining the 212 action were interviewed.
 Results: Indonesian Muslims have not been radical as assumed. They just have a desire to be pious Muslims. During this time there is a misunderstanding among scholars who are involved in Muslim society and Western politicians who tend to be difficult to distinguish between pious and radical Muslims. The tendency that appears on the surface is their high suspicion of Muslims who have the desire to increase the level of piety in practicing their religion.
 Conclusion: The 212 action which consists of several volumes, is not threatening religious tolerance in Indonesia. It has nothing to do with the strengthening of Islamic radicalism or the anti-minority movement. The movement was only an accumulation of public piety symptoms of the Islamic community in Indonesia.

Governance Performance of Muslim and Non-Muslim Countries

Governance refers to the processes and structures implemented by organizations to ensure that they operate effectively, responsibly, and in accordance with legal and ethical standards. It encompasses the systems and practices by which organizations are directed, controlled, and held accountable. Governance is a critical aspect of various sectors, including business, government, non-profit organizations, and other institutions. This paper studied two groups of Muslim and Non-Muslim countries by comparing their governance performances using several indicators of Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) within 2015 to 2019. The objectives are: (1) to evaluate the performance of Muslim world nations compares to the non-Muslim counterparts in terms of governance and related issues; (2) to deduce the implication for policy, in order to improve the performance of economic and governance indicators in countries. In general, the results show that in several indicators, Muslim-based countries have advantages over non-Muslim countries. However, on several other governance indicators, Muslim countries are relatively behind. Therefore, in the future, governance in Muslim-based countries needs to be improved to make it better.

Inter-Religious Dialogue in Nigeria: Problems and Necessities

Inter-religious dialogue has gained prominence in Nigeria against the milieu of cultural and religious plurality as well as several other issues of violence, vandalism, killings and majorly the disruption of peaceful co-existence of the numerous ethnic groups in the country. The complication of diverse faith, beliefs, traditions, culture, language and mainly the threat of religious fundamentalism and extremism, thus brought about many ugly flashpoints and situations in many areas across Nigeria. This study seeks to unearth the significance and need for commitment of the various stakeholders towards addressing the challenges occasioned by this plurality of religious faiths in terms of the efforts required from religious organizations, traditional institutions, government and non-governmental organizations including Christian organizations and Muslim groups. Since religion plays a great role in the politics, social and security of lives of Nigerians as a nation, there can therefore be no sustainable peace among people of this great nation without constant dialogue among them, hence the necessity for this study. This work employed the use of primary and secondary sources in gathering of information. The paper identified a lot of challenges and issues bothering on intolerance, existing conflict of interest, injustice, inequity, superiority of one religious group over the other, while advocating for the removal of entrenched misconceptions and hatred. The paper encouraged for more understanding, mutuality and peaceful co-existence.

Beyond common consciousness: understanding the rise of separate identity consciousness among indigenous Muslims of Assam

ABSTRACT In recent times many indigenous Muslim groups in Assam have asserted their ethnic identities as Deshi, Goriya, Moriya by distancing themselves from the immigrant Miya Muslims. In this regard, they have received much patronage from the current BJP government. These developments have happened in the background of the consolidation of Hindutva in Assam and the consequent otherization of the Muslim community as a whole. This paper has two objectives: First, it tries to understand why a separate identity consciousness among indigenous Muslims have emerged. Secondly, it goes on to explore as to why indigenous Muslims in recent times have offered political support to the BJP.

Revisiting Earnings Differentials across Socio-religious Groups in the Regular Salaried Employment in India

In India, the differences in a range of development indicators, including wages and earnings, along the spatial, caste, religious and ethnicity lines have been a serious concern. This article revisits the wage disparities and discrimination among regular salaried male workers across five categories of socio-religious groups. Using nationally representative Periodic Labour Force Survey (2018–2019) data, we examine the pattern of disparity and the associated endowment and institutional factors leading to unequal labour market outcomes. Our findings suggest that all the groups—Scheduled Tribes (STs), Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Muslims continue to earn significantly lower wages than ‘Others’—the non-ST/SC/OBC/Muslim group. On decomposing the wage gap using the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition method, we observe that the share of unexplained components reflecting discriminatory treatment continues to be significant. While the wage gap is highest for Muslims and SCs, discrimination is high against SCs and OBCs and lowest against Muslims. Higher education and institutional factors explain a significant proportion of the wage gap for these groups. For STs, urban location and higher education explain most of the differences. In addition, quantile regression results indicate a wider gap at the bottom and a narrower gap at the top of the wage distribution, signalling a ‘sticky-floor’ phenomenon for ST, SC and OBC workers. JEL Codes: E24, J71, J49

Stereotypes about Muslims in the Netherlands: An Intersectional Approach

We relied on a content analysis of freely generated stereotypes about Muslims and Muslim-majority immigrant groups from a representative sample of Dutch natives. Building on intersectionality theory and stereotype prototypicality, we hypothesized and found that ethnic-group stereotypes more accurately reflect stereotypes of ethnic-minority men compared with ethnic-minority women and that stereotypes of ethnic-minority women contain more unique elements that do not overlap with either stereotypes about the gender group or stereotypes about the general ethnic group. We also examined the overlap between stereotypes about Muslims and those associated with Turks, Moroccans, Somalis, and Syrians in the Netherlands. The overlap in stereotype content was largest with Turks and Moroccans, the two largest and most long-established Muslim immigrant groups in the Netherlands. Overall, our results demonstrate the importance of an intersectional approach to stereotypes based on gender and ethnicity and of distinguishing between different ethnic groups in research about Muslims.

Is the degree of religiosity related to community belonging and trust in society? A cross-sectional study among Muslims in Norway

IntroductionIt is unclear if the degree of religiosity within Muslim minority groups causes health inequality because of poor community belonging and lack of trust in society. We aimed to investigate the association of the degree of Muslim religiosity with community belonging and trust in society, including general trust and trust in political authorities, political power, media and monarchy. MethodsThis study had a cross-sectional design, including a random sample of 1129 men and women aged 18–85 years, originating from Muslim countries and currently living in Norway. Data were retrieved from the Norwegian Central Population Register. ResultsIn logistic regression analyses, adjusted for confounders, the degree of Muslim religiosity was not associated with general trust (crude odds ratio [OR] = 1.00, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.91–1.10; p = 0.90) or trust in political authorities (OR = 0.96, 95% CI: 0.87–1.06; p = 0.40) and monarchy (OR = 0.92, 95% CI: 0.84–1.00; p = 0.08). However, the degree of Muslim religiosity showed a negative association with trust in political power (OR = 0.91, 95% CI 0.83–1.00; p = 0.04) and media (OR = 0.80, 95% CI: 0.73–0.87; p < 0.01), whereas there was a positive association with community belonging (OR = 1.11, 95% CI: 1.01–1.21; p = 0.03). ConclusionA higher degree of Muslim religiosity, compared with lower, was not a barrier to trust in society or community belonging among Muslims in Norway. Hence, these findings support the use of culturally sensitive health interventions involving Muslim religiosity in reaching out to Muslim communities. Considering the negative association of the degree of Muslim religiosity with trust in political power and media, the involvement of politicians and political symbols or the use of traditional media in public health communication with this minority group should be pursued with caution.

Analisis Pentingnya Peran Moderasi Beragama di Era Digital

This study aims to describe the phenomenon of religious moderation in the digital era. This research uses a qualitative descriptive method with the type of library research or literature study to collect, read, record, process, and analyze the main topics in this research which are sourced from documents, reports, books, research journals, articles, scientific magazines and other data that support this research. This research aims to analyze the role of religious moderation towards conflicts that occur in the community in order to maintain the welfare and peace of the people. The results showed that in this digital era it is necessary to apply the attitude of religious moderation to avoid various conflicts, both inter-religious conflicts and conflicts in society. According to research conducted by Yusuf Al-Qardhawi, many internal conflicts of Muslims today are caused by excessive religious patterns or it can be said that some other groups of Muslims have not been able to place things in their place. From this attitude raises the attitude of fanaticism and blames the understanding that is different from their beliefs. Believing in God by obeying religion and avoiding His prohibitions is indeed an obligation that must be carried out for religious people, but religious patterns that are too extreme to cause a religious conflict are also prohibited, for that religious moderation is needed.