Protest Groups Research Articles

Behind Veterans’ Protests: Passive and Piecemeal Policy-Making in China

Veterans have become one of China’s largest and most vocal protest groups. Studies on the country’s veterans have focused on their grievances and have identified these individuals as “unlucky” victims of economic reforms who suffer because of the state’s inadequate attention and local governments’ poor policy implementation. However, this article argues that the difficulties veterans face are the product of piecemeal policies adopted by central authorities. These policies have been inherited from the Maoist era’s principle of local resettlement of demobilized soldiers. Local governments have tried to reduce the heavy burden this resettlement policy imposes on them. Drawing on a review of a large number of policy documents, as well as interviews with dozens of veterans, this article presents a comprehensive picture of the resettlement system and the way piecemeal reforms have spurred various forms of unrest among veterans. It also shows that the differential treatment of various veteran groups in similar situations, as a result of the fragmented system and accumulated policy changes, has exacerbated veterans’ grievances. Finally, the article explores the conundrum of reforming the resettlement system. While the local resettlement of veterans is guaranteed and remains a cornerstone of civil/party-military relations, it has become impossible for the government to locally resettle all veterans. The resettlement system’s internal fragmentation also allows different authorities to shirk responsibility and eventually puts the burden on the veterans themselves. The elusive reforms proposed by the current leadership are unlikely to resolve these tensions.

The Pniël Land Dispute of the Early 20th Century

In 1834 the slaves of the Groot Drakenstein area were emancipated. They continued to work for farmers in the surrounding area and this resulted in the formation of a community where these farm workers, now able to leave their employer’s land, would return to in the evenings and call home. This land was originally a donation of De Goede Hoop farm, intended mainly for the establishment of a mission station for recently freed slaves. Reverend J.F. Stegman was appointed by the Apostolic Union, a non-denominational Protestant group, as the first reverend of this mission station. At the end of 1834, the Board of Directors of the “Mission Institute Pniël,” a body instituted under the auspices of the Apostolic Union with the initial aim of operating for the benefit of the local people, purchased the Papiere Molen farm. A major portion of the farm was then divided into 99 holdings and applicants from the community, who were accepted as occupiers of these holdings, were known as “erf-holders.” In the following years it became a condition of tenure that they would pay a monthly rental to provide a salary for the Minister, which became the source of contention following the passing of Reverend Stegman. In 1905, local residents of Pniël spoke out regarding their desire to have more input in the operation of the mission station and usage of the land, and they questioned the overall authority of the current board of directors. This led to a court case in which the Board of Directors acted as the defendants. This paper will seek to examine the circumstances for this case as well as those surrounding its outcomes through the lens of a modern reader.

A Second Front: Canon Garland, Chaplain Maitland Woods and Anglo-Catholicism in the Australian Imperial Force during the First World War

This article explores the work and influence of Anglo-Catholicism in the Australian Imperial Force during the Great War, based on reading the wartime correspondence of key AIF Anglo-Catholics, especially that of Canon David Garland and Chaplain William Maitland Woods. Anglo-Catholics were enthusiastic in support of the war, but simultaneously used it to promote Anglo-Catholicism and combat what they perceived to be the errors of non-Anglo-Catholic Anglicanism and the various Protestant groups, opening what might be considered a second front against these religions.

Upravlenie i organizaciya duhovnoj zhizni nemeckih kolonij Zakavkaz'ya (1820-e — 1860-e gg.)

This article is devoted to the complex research of religious life of German Protestants (Lutherans and separatists) in Transcaucasia in 1820s - 1860s. The main attention is paid to revealing general and specific elements in the organization of religious management in the process of settling German colonists. The work analyzes the researchers' views on religious reasons and factors of resettlement of German peasants in Transcaucasia, summarizes new material on the invitation, expulsion and subsequent prohibition of the call of the Basel missionaries. Archival sources are introduced into scientific circulation, allowing to analyze the nature of relations of different Protestant movements and groups with each other, with the government and local authorities. As a result, the authors substantiate the idea that confessional affiliation was one of the determining factors in the formation of national identity of Transcaucasian Germans.

HIV knowledge and associated factors among young Ethiopians: application of multilevel order logistic regression using the 2016 EDHS

BackgroundHuman Immunodeficiency virus continues to be a major global health problem infecting 75 million and killing 32 million people since the beginning of the epidemic. It badly hit Sub Saharan Africa than any country in the world and youths are sharing the greatest burden. The study aims to assess the level of HIV-knowledge and its determinants among Ethiopian youths using the 2016 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey data.MethodsA nationally representative 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey data were used. A total of 10,903 youths comprising 6401 females and 4502 males were included in the study. Descriptive statistics and multilevel order logistic regression were used and confidence interval was used to declare statistical significance in the final model.ResultsThe mean age and SD of youths included in this study was 19.10 (±2.82). Among Ethiopian youths, 20.92% (95% CI: 18.91, 23.09%) had low knowledge of HIV whereas, 48.76% (95% CI: 47.12, 50.41%) and 30.31% (95% CI: 28.51, 32.18%) of them had moderate and comprehensive HIV knowledge respectively. Being male, access to TV and radio, ever tested for HIV/AIDS, owning a mobile telephone, and attending primary school and above compared to non-attendants were associated with having higher HIV knowledge. But, dwelling in rural Ethiopia, being in the Protestant and Muslim religious groups as compared to those of Orthodox followers and being in married groups were associated with having lower HIV knowledge. Approximately, 12% of the variation in knowledge of HIV was due to regions.ConclusionOnly one-third of Ethiopian youths have deep insight into the disease, whereas, nearly one-fifth of them have lower HIV-knowledge. There is a significant disparity in HIV-related knowledge among Ethiopian youths living in different regions. Rural residents, less educated, female, and married youths have less knowledge of HIV as compared to their counterparts. Youths who do not have a mobile phone, who lack health insurance coverage, and who have limited access to media have less knowledge about HIV. Therefore, the due focus should be given to the aforementioned factors to minimize the disparities between regions and to enhance Ethiopian youths’ HIV-knowledge.

Postcolonial Practice of Interfaith With-ness

An attempt to develop the postcolonial practice of interfaith with-ness as a means of radical protest and resistance against the religious fundamentalism and crony capitalism in India has enormous significance today. The postcolonial practice of interfaith with-ness is not only a theoretical postulation but also a radical with-ness (being with) shared with the religious others. The idea proposes a radical politics of recognition, politics of difference, and politics of creative dialogue, rather than an apolitical “practice of tolerance” on which the traditional idea of interreligious dialogue is grounded. As a humble attempt, several Christian expropriations of the idea are being voiced in this essay with a spirit of religious confidentiality. And, the study uses empire criticism and intersectionality as the primary analytical tools.

Social media, protest, & outrage communication in Ethiopia: toward fractured publics or pluralistic polity?

ABSTRACT In 2018, Ethiopia experienced a tectonic political shift following the culmination of years of public outcry against the now defunct ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Protest groups, predominantly organized along ethnic identification, have used social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter to disseminate strategies, recruit members, and galvanize support. Anchored on theories of collective identity and moral outrage, this study investigates the role of social media platforms in mobilizing Ethiopians toward political reform during the protest and post-protest periods demarcated by the ascent of Abiy Ahmed as the new Prime Minister of Ethiopia. Data generated from a mixed method approach consisting of an online survey and interviews indicate social media platforms played a crucial role by drawing Ethiopian youth to participate in political discourse, empowering formerly marginalized groups to influence policy, and fostering ingroup cultural/political cohesion. However, evidence indicates participation opportunities created by social media platforms also brought apprehension including the rise of outrage communication as manifested by inflammatory expressions, hate speech, and political extremism. By proposing outrage communication as a viable construct that captures this phenomenon, I argue, in the context of a polity embodying highly heterogeneous and competing collective identities – ethnic or otherwise – such as Ethiopia, social media platforms are likely to increase ingroup political participation but chronically diminish outgroup engagement.

CONFLICTING DISCOURSES OF ‘DEMOCRACY’ AND ‘EQUALITY’: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE LANGUAGE OF PRO- AND ANTI-LGBTQ+ INCLUSION IN THE RELATIONSHIPS AND SEX EDUCATION GUIDANCE FOR SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND

ABSTRACT New statutory Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) guidance for schools in England was published in 2019. One of the major revisions since the preceding version has been the new inclusion of LGBTQ+ identities and relationships. Some groups in the UK have recently protested against this inclusion of positive teaching about LGBTQ+ identities and relationships, suggesting that, although there is overwhelming support for the new guidance, there are still groups in society who are opposed to democratic teaching about this dimension of equality. Focusing on publicly-available video recordings of the protests, this article firstly critically analyses the key discursive strategies deployed by the anti-LGBTQ+ protest groups to produce discrimination and denial. I then compare the language used by the protest groups against the language used by other UK groups who support and continue to campaign for LGBTQ+ inclusion in RSE. Positive discourse analysis, as a progressive dimension of critical discourse analysis, is used to examine how the language used by these groups functions to resist the discriminatory discourse used by the anti-LGBTQ+ groups analysed in the first part of the article. Analysis of the discourse used by the two sets of groups reveals conflicting discourses around what is perceived to constitute ‘democracy’ and ‘equality’ in the context of LGBTQ+ inclusion and schools, suggesting that these are fragile concepts in the current British political climate.

HOW PROTESTS EVOLVE: HONG KONG’S ANTI-EXTRADITION MOVEMENT AND LESSONS LEARNED FROM THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT*

This article analyzes the Hong Kong’s 2019 anti-extradition movement and how it learned from the unsuccessful lessons of the 2014 umbrella movement. Existing theories, such as protest cycles, spillover, and abeyance provide inadequate explanations of the linkage between these two movements. This article contends that collective learning from the previous setbacks enabled Hong Kong’s protesters to launch a more challenging protest five years later. Such learning was made possible because (1) the occupation zones of the umbrella movement served as an incubator for new and experimental tactics that were later deployed, (2) post-occupy organizations sustained a network of participants scattered across different professions that emerged as the mobilizing infrastructure, and (3) in order to avoid the same mistakes, participants recognized the need for more decentralized decision making and tolerance for radical protests.

The Effect Of Health Education On Princess Adolescent Anniversary In Dealing With Menache

Anxiety is a state of mood marked by negative effects and symptoms of physical tension symptoms in which a person anticipates the possibility of danger or misfortune in the future with feelings of worry, anxiety may involve feelings, behaviors, and physiological responses. The aim is to determine the effect of health education on the level of anxiety of young women in dealing with menarche in Smp Negeri 9 Bulukumba. The method used in this study is to use a pre-experiment approach to post-test control group design. Without using a control group. The study is to use a pre-experimental design with a pro-test post-test control group design approach without using a control group. The result of this study is based on the results of statistical tests with Mc Nemar hypothesis test with a significance level of 95% obtained P-value = 0,000 (p<0,05), So Ha is accepted then it can be stated there is an influence of health education on the level of anxiety of young women in dealing with menarche in Smp Negeri 9 Bulukumba. Conclusions and suggestions there is the influence of health education on the level of anxiety of young women in dealing with menarche in-state junior high school 9 Bulukumba in 2019.

A Europe of struggles: Blockupy as a political moment

ABSTRACT The European Central Bank has been the main target of a protest campaign that developed through mass protests in Frankfurt, converging under the label of Blockupy. In this article, Blockupy is analysed as a political moment in (at least) two meanings of the term. First, it reflects a specific time and space in the evolution of the Great Recession (and of the Great Regression). Second, it emerges from the attempt to trigger a turning point, bringing radical protests and frames ‘at the heart’ of neoliberal Europe. Based upon information from documents and in-depth interviews, the article is structured around the three main concepts of resource mobilisation, protest performances and action framing with particular attention to continuities and innovation vis-à-vis the European Social Forum (ESF). Building upon literature on Europeanization of social movements, it suggests a path of solidarization.

“To Carry the Sins of the World.” The Angelic Brethren and the Strange Case of Mystical Intercession in Radical Protestantism c. 1700

This study explores a revival of intercessory prayer within a network of radical Protestants centred in Amsterdam in the period 1680-1720 known as the “Angelic Brethren” or “Gichtelians.” Ascetic in nature, this group was led by an eccentric former lawyer from Regensburg, Johann Gichtel, and eventually comprised thousands of followers across northern Europe. I show how mystical suffering and intercessory prayer developed within this group as a central feature of their Protestant version of the contemplative life and Imitatio Christi. The Angelic Brethren imagined their chastity, self-denial, and withdrawn lives as a literal imitation of Christ’s own sacrifice for humanity. Their letters describe suffering vicariously for others, interceding and alleviating sins and pains. These intercessions, they argued, also refuted Protestant biases toward the contemplative life as “idle” since such prayers were “useful” work for Christianity. The existence of such a practice calls into question assumptions about early modern Protestant religion, the boundaries of confessional identities, and the thesis argued by Carlos Eire, of a disenchanted Protestant notion of the relationship between living and dead, intercession, and the “economy of salvation.”

Protestant evangelical pilgrimages: hagiography, supernatural influence, and spiritual mapping

ABSTRACT Christian pilgrimage sites can be separated into three broad categories: Biblical sites (e.g. Jerusalem, Ephesus, Patmos, and other locations where significant events happen in the Biblical narratives); older Catholic and Anglican sites whose importance has been established over a long history of many centuries (e.g. the Vatican, Lourdes, Canterbury); and lastly, newer sites associated with more recently established Protestant denominations and groups such as Methodism, Lutheranism, Pentecostalism, and others. With a shorter history and lacking either the Biblical significance or the political or national dimension of Catholicism and Anglicanism, other Protestant sites can be considered “popular” or “excentric” sites. These construct their significance through strategies relying on evangelical and Pentecostal discourses and meanings, particularly the construction of great spiritual figures who wield supernatural and invisible influence over history and society. These constructions propose a Spiritual Mapping that is superimposed onto historical and political events, creating an alternative significance for touristic purposes. This paper examines two sites for Protestant evangelical pilgrimages, centered on the figures of John Wesley and Rees Howells, that demonstrate this touristic construction of protestant hagiography, supernatural influence, and Spiritual Mapping.

A new approach to assess the normalization of differential rates of protest participation

Research that compares those who do and do not participate in protest over time purports that protesters are becoming increasingly similar to the non-protesting population. Using a protest survey that includes the frequency of protest participation, we consider the extent to which those who protest to different degrees are similar to non-protesters. Selection bias in non-probability protest survey data is compensated for by combining the data with random reference samples from the European Social Survey under a quasi-randomisation approach. We test hypotheses on the normalization of protesters and compare two methods for compensating for selection bias: a proportional weighting method and a propensity score adjustment method. The propensity score adjustment method is more effective in mitigating selection bias by balancing on variables that explain the selection and outcome, and enables the comparison of groups of protesters to non-protesters. We find that protesters become increasingly differentiated from non-protesters according to their left-wing self-placement and education as their extent of protest participation increases.

Why and when do citizens support populist right-wing social movements? Development and test of an integrative theoretical model

ABSTRACT What are the microlevel mechanisms that explain citizens’ support of populist social movements? We address this question by focusing on the ‘PEGIDA’ (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident) protest groups in Germany, which became particularly prominent by attracting large numbers of attendees in street protests during the years 2015/16. We develop and test an integrative theoretical model that points to the key roles of anti-immigrant attitudes and political dissatisfaction as mediators linking subjective socioeconomic deprivation with citizens’ support of the ‘Pegida’-movement. Equally important, this model holds that citizens’ political dissatisfaction moderates the nexus between anti-immigrant attitudes and support for ‘Pegida’. The results based on data from seven cross-sectional general population surveys provide clear support for these predictions. Combined, these efforts help to advance scholarly understanding of not only why, but also how and under what conditions non-activist citizens support anti-immigrant collective action as exemplified by the ‘Pegida’ movement.

Child Labour, Parental Neglect, School Boards, and Teacher Quality: School Inspector Reports on the Supply and Demand of Schooling in Mid-nineteenth-century Sweden

By examining the state school inspector reports of 1861–1863, which provide rich insights into the local conditions of schooling in Sweden, this article sheds further light on the wide range of factors that weakened school enrolment and attendance in nineteenth-century Sweden. In terms of parental demand, these included child labour on farms, at manors, and in industries; the transformation of the servant system among rural households; and religious practices, such as the confirmation and the beliefs of Protestant sectarian groups. On the supply side, factors that school inspectors reported included the inability of Swedish teacher seminars to examine enough teachers and the problematic behaviour of local school boards. As a result, this article provides additional input into the debate in educational history regarding the role of the state, religion, rural elites, and parents in the rise of mass schooling, while simultaneously providing further qualitative evidence to a quantitatively oriented research field in economic history on the determinants of schooling.

Child Labour, Parental Neglect, School Boards, and Teacher Quality: School Inspector Reports on the Supply and Demand of Schooling in Mid-nineteenth-century Sweden

By examining the state school inspector reports of 1861–1863, which provide rich insights into the local conditions of schooling in Sweden, this article sheds further light on the wide range of factors that weakened school enrolment and attendance in nineteenth-century Sweden. In terms of parental demand, these included child labour on farms, at manors, and in industries; the transformation of the servant system among rural households; and religious practices, such as the confirmation and the beliefs of Protestant sectarian groups. On the supply side, factors that school inspectors reported included the inability of Swedish teacher seminars to examine enough teachers and the problematic behaviour of local school boards. As a result, this article provides additional input into the debate in educational history regarding the role of the state, religion, rural elites, and parents in the rise of mass schooling, while simultaneously providing further qualitative evidence to a quantitatively oriented research field in economic history on the determinants of schooling.

The South African land question in light of Nelson Mandela’s political thought

ABSTRACT Land redistribution in post-apartheid South Africa is a problem that has caused division and violence in the country. Particularly, the dispossession of land suffered by many Africans in South Africa and the failure of land redistribution programmes has led to a variety of protests. In this article, we analyse whether, in light of Nelson Mandela’s thought, these protests are morally justified. The point is not to contend that Mandela’s thought is correct. Instead, it is to understand what the implications of Mandela’s ideas are for the land question in South Africa today. According to Mandela’s political thought, we maintain that some forms of protest could be morally justified even if they involve property violation and symbolic destruction. However, excessively violent and radical protests would not be considered legitimate. The more violent and radical protests violate Mandela’s principles of a gradual increase of violence and of preserving future-friendly race relations. In contrast, some of the property violation and symbolic destruction protests do not disregard these principles.

Perception of Emergent Epidemic of COVID-2019 / SARS CoV-2 on the Polish Internet

Problem: Due to the spread of SARS CoV-2 virus infection and COVID-19 disease, there is an urgent need to analyze COVID-19 epidemic perception in Poland. This would enable authorities for preparation of specific actions minimizing public health and economic risks. Methods: We study the perception of COVID-19 epidemic in Polish society using quantitative analysis of its digital footprints on the Internet (on Twitter, Google, YouTube, Wikipedia and electronic media represented by Event Registry) from January 2020 to 07.04.2020 (before and after official introduction to Poland on 04.03.2020). To this end we utilize data mining, social network analysis, natural language processing techniques. Each examined internet platform was analyzed for representativeness and composition of the target group. Results: We identified three temporal major cluster of the interest before disease introduction on the topic COVID-19: China- and Italy-related peaks on all platforms, as well as a peak on social media related to the recent special law on combating COVID-19. Besides, there was a peak in interest on the day of officially confirmed introduction as well as an exponential increase of interest when the Polish government “declared war against disease” with a massive mitigation program. From sociolingistic perspective, we found that concepts and issues of threat, fear and prevention prevailed before introduction. After introduction, practical concepts about disease and epidemic dominate. We have found out that Twitter reflected the structural division of the Polish political sphere. We were able to identify clear communities of governing party, mainstream opposition and a protestant group and potential sources of disinformation. We have also detected blurring boundaries between communities after disease introduction. Conclusions: Traditional and social media do not only reflect reality, but also create it. Due to filter “bubbles” observed on Twitter, public information campaigns might have less impact on society than expected. For greater penetration, it might be necessary to diversify information channels to reach as many people as possible which might already be happening. Moreover, it might be necessary to prevent the spread of disinformation, which is now possible in Poland due to the special law on combating COVID-19.

Analisis Pesan Persuasif Kelompok Cyberprotest di Twitter

This study analysed persuasive messages by cyberprotest group on Twitter, especially in the case of Jaringan Masyarakat Peduli Pegunungan Kendeng (JMPPK) Rembang. Persuasive messages on Twitter were identified based on argument type, interaction type, and messages format. This study used elaboration likelihood model and quantitative content analysis method. The result of the study indicated that Twitter could be used as a persuasive communication space for protest groups. Central and peripheral route were facilitated by the features provided by Twitter.