Protest Groups Research Articles

Power, Powerlessness and Radical Protest in Contemporary Cameroonian Popular Music

The fraught relationship between popular music and the various kinds of power in Africa has stimulated intensive scholarship and encouraged heated discussions on the topic. Of special interest seems to be the multifaceted character of that interrelationship. It is generally agreed that artistic expression is influenced by political power and that the two mutually inform and shape each other. This article examines the themes of power, powerlessness and protest as they affect political governance in Cameroon, Central Africa, and as they are reflected in Cameroonian popular music. It further shows how popular songs are used to examine fundamental issues of national concern and to criticise the political leadership. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate how popular music can open a window of understanding into the current political process in Cameroon with a view to drawing implications for positive change. Written against the background of new historicism and postcolonial theories, the article is built on the assumption that popular music is a vibrant and dynamic form of oral literature which is shaped by social, economic and political forces in present-day Cameroon. As a result, popular music has the potential to play a role in influencing a society's perception and sense of direction. The article concludes by recommending that if the issues of power and marginality in Cameroon are to be addressed more successfully, and if the politically fraught conditions are to be ameliorated, then Cameroonians must be prepared to undergo a radical change of mentality.

Cultural Results of the Youth Revolution

The review of the book “The Long ‘68: Radical Protest and its Enemies” by R. Vainen analyzes the contribution made by the author to the study of the problems of social disturbances in the West in 1968 and their further consequences. R. Vainen rightly points out that what happened can be likened to a world revolution — similarly to the revolution of 1848 in Europe. The author also does not hide his sympathies and dislikes, taking a very clear political position, although some of his assessments and emphasis (in particular, the arbitrary exclusion of Italy and Japan from the analysis) may cause objections. In addition, the author was well aware that the youth of “68” believed that the West was to blame for the troubles of the third world countries. This meant that developing countries should, first, “be left alone” with complete freedom of choice, and, secondly, they should be given means for economic development. Of course, the reader may not share the concept presented in the study of the English professor, but in any case it is of interest. Also, Vainen’s analysis of the prospects of the “long” 1968 might be corrected: it seems that these prospects can be extended to the position and indoctrination of the “new right” both in the United States and in other countries. But in general, Richard Vainen is right regarding 1968 as the touchstone of the most acute ideological struggle, which provided the world with new role models and inspiration.

Iconoclasm in New York: Revolution to Reenactment by Wendy Bellion

Reviewed by: Iconoclasm in New York: Revolution to Reenactment by Wendy Bellion Michelle Sizemore (bio) Iconoclasm in New York: Revolution to Reenactment wendy bellion Penn State University Press, 2019 272 pp. On July 9, 1776, a crowd toppled the equestrian statue of King George III in Lower Manhattan after a public reading of the Declaration of Independence. They beheaded the leaden king, smashed him to bits, and shipped off his remains to be melted into bullets for Washington's army. This much is well-known. Wendy Bellion's new book completes the story, offering a fascinating chronicle of the statue from its creation, installation, and display to its destruction and afterlife. The book's expansive investigation [End Page 955] of the battered statue focuses an account of early British American iconoclasm as a national "creation story" (3). Indeed, a great strength of the study is its dilation from fine details such as choice of the statue's material and its orientation in Bowling Green park to the broader sweep of transatlantic protest. In Bellion's words, "Iconoclasm in New York asks why Americans destroyed the statue of George III in 1776—and why they keep bringing it back." The answers are rewarding. Iconoclasm in New York argues that this legendary mock execution of the king dramatizes a fundamental tension in early American identity formation, for it was an act that at once figuratively severed political ties and secured cultural ties with Great Britain. By enlarging her survey of the event, Bellion builds on histories that view the symbolic regicide exclusively as a sign of American independence. The transatlantic scope and extensive timeframe of the project elucidate the continuities between radical protest in Revolutionary-era New York and British folk and Reformation practices. Further, this research adds to art history's burgeoning study of destruction, of which iconoclasm forms a crucial subset. The book is divided into two parts, each containing two chapters. Part I, "Iconoclasm: The Eighteenth Century," explores American iconoclasm in the eighteenth century within a longer British history and larger Atlantic network of people and objects. Part II, "Afterlife: The Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries," traces the material remains of the statue and subsequent representations of its demolition. This structure makes manifest "how iconoclasm has continually shaped American identities since the very formation of the United States" (13). To set the stage for a discussion of the king's statue, chapter 1, "Idols in America: Liberty Poles," examines its immediate antecedent: the cycle of creation and destruction of five liberty poles in Manhattan between 1766 and 1776. Converted from pine masts, the liberty poles were powerful symbolic structures paraded from East River shipyards to the Commons (now City Hall Park), along the northern border of the city. The rituals of raising and felling invested the poles with meaning and agency. Both the American patriots who celebrated the poles and the British soldiers who demolished them transformed wooden posts into animate forces, joined in a reiterative process of creation, destruction, and recreation. For this reader, a wonderful highlight of the chapter is the prehistory of the masts, when they were trees in northern New England. Considered "princes of [End Page 956] the American forest" (24), the extraordinarily tall and perfectly straight white pines were valued for their sublime natural beauty and for shipbuilding, especially for masts; in addition, the jurisdiction over cutting white pines had long been under dispute between colonists and royal authority, making the trees one of the most contested resources in the British Empire. As Bellion explains, the liberty pole preserved these economic, political, and natural associations in its charged symbolism. This example is representative of the thorough attention given to every facet of icon-making and-breaking throughout the book. This chapter establishes the book's emphasis on the "thing power" of political icons in eighteenth-century America and beyond. Following the work of Jane Bennett, Bellion conceives of these objects as vital matter and proposes that we approach iconoclasm not simply as the human destruction of things but as a phenomenon in which things act on people and participate in the rituals of destruction. Importantly, these objects signified differently among New York's diverse population...

Psychological aspects of political participation and protest readiness of the youth of Primorsky Krai

Changes that take place in the Russian society generate conflicts that are often implemented in  form of a protest. Youth is the peculiar actor of protest behavior. The subject of this research is the psychological, namely emotional aspect of the attitude towards politics and its engagement into political interest and political behavior (including protest behavior) of youth of the Far East. The research involved 254 students from several universities of Primorsky Krai. Questionnaire that included a number of blocks aimed at studying emotions, interest in politics, political participation, and protest behavior was used for collecting the information. Application of the categorical method of key components, the author determined the two forms of potential protest behavior: “radical” and “moderate”. “Radical protest” reveals correlation with an entire range of negative emotions, while “moderate protest” has relatively few emotional correlates and is more typical among female respondents. “Radical” protest indicates high political activity: its supporters actively participate in politics in one or another way; “moderate” protest does not indicate such correlates. Therefore, politically active youth is more likely to have radical protest moods. The analysis of emotional attitude towards government can be considered as a marker of protest potential and its vector towards “softer” or “aggressive” forms of protest. The acquired results are valuable for government authorities, political parties, and educational institutions.

More Divided than United: Israeli Social Protest during Covid-19 Pandemic of 2020

The Covid-19 epidemic that struck Israel in March 2020 found Israel in the midst of an ongoing political crisis. The connection between a health crisis and a shaky political system (mainly because of indictments against the prime minister) has created three protest movements against corruption, dysfunction of the central government and severe feelings of discrimination in the population. Each protest sought to achieve different goals. The “Black Flags” protested over government corruption demanding the resignation of the prime minister; ultra-Orthodox Jews demonstrated against the hardline policy that the police adopted against them, including restrictions on religious rituals and on Biblical and Talmudic study; and the self-employed protesters demanded financial compensation from the state − once they received it, their protest dissipated. There were no common goals or coordination among the three protest groups. By analyzing through a combination of three approaches − contingency, functionalism, and relative deprivation, the 2020 protests in Israel were more divided than united. Without an agreed-upon leader, it failed to achieve any social-political goals.

Online Engagement Between Opposing Political Protest Groups via Social Media is Linked to Physical Violence of Offline Encounters

The rise of the Internet and social media has allowed individuals with different backgrounds, experiences, and opinions to communicate with one another in an open and largely unstructured way. One important question is whether the nature of online engagements between groups relates to the nature of encounters between these groups in the real world. We analyzed online conversations that occurred between members of protest groups from opposite sides of the political spectrum, obtained from Facebook event pages used to organize upcoming political protests and rallies in the United States and the United Kingdom and the occurrence of violence during these protests and rallies. Using natural language processing and text analysis, we show that increased engagement between groups online is associated with increased violence when these groups met in the real world. The level of engagement between groups taking place online is substantial, and can be characterized as negative, brief, and low in integrative complexity. These findings suggest that opposing groups may use unstructured online environments to engage with one another in hostile ways. This may reflect a worsening of relationships, in turn explaining the observed increases in physical violence offline. These findings raise questions as to whether unstructured online communication is compatible with positive intergroup contact, and highlights the role that the Internet might play in wider issues of extremism and radicalization.

Early American Rebels: Pursuing Democracy from Maryland to Carolina, 1640–1700 by Noeleen McIlvenna

Reviewed by: Early American Rebels: Pursuing Democracy from Maryland to Carolina, 1640–1700 by Noeleen McIlvenna Owen Stanwood Early American Rebels: Pursuing Democracy from Maryland to Carolina, 1640–1700. By Noeleen McIlvenna. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2020. Pp. xiv, 168. Paper, $24.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-5606-9; cloth, $90.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-5605-2.) The seventeenth-century Chesapeake abounded with rebels. From Ingle's Rebellion in 1640s Maryland to the intercolonial uprisings in 1689 following [End Page 515] the Glorious Revolution, political strife hit the colonies with some regularity, even bringing down Maryland's proprietary government and threatening to do the same in Virginia and North Carolina. Aside from Bacon's Rebellion, usually considered a key event in early American political development, most of these uprisings have received little attention from historians. In her new book, Noeleen McIlvenna seeks to fill this gap by offering a linked history of political unrest across the later half of the seventeenth century. In her telling, these rebellions were nothing short of attempted revolutions, attempts by "small farmers" to establish "a republic of equals" in the early American South (p. 4). The American story started as an outgrowth of England's own mid-seventeenth-century revolution. In particular, the rise of Oliver Cromwell's New Model Army introduced new, egalitarian impulses into English life, often linked with the liberating theologies of an ascendant radical Protestantism. While previous scholars have paid more attention to connections between revolutionary England and New England, McIlvenna finds radical traces in the Chesapeake as well. In particular, she pays close attention to the Gerard clan, a Maryland family that was active in Maryland politics and soon spread its tentacles around the region, mainly through a series of strategic marriages. McIlvenna uses this family story to underscore the role of women in political movements. While it was the Gerard daughters' husbands who often took the lead in the rebellions, McIlvenna makes the fascinating suggestion, based on a few tantalizing bits of evidence, that many of the most radical ideas came from women rather than men. These rebels had their work cut out for them. On the other side, the royalist Virginia governor William Berkeley and Maryland's proprietors, the Calverts, sought to build a hierarchical society more in line with Stuart England. The struggle between these two visions could become violent, whether in Maryland's battle of the Severn of 1655 or Nathaniel Bacon's burning of Jamestown, Virginia, a decade later. All of these rebellions, obviously, were multifaceted and complex, but McIlvenna contends that they were fundamentally about democracy. Both Virginia and Maryland were notably democratic in their early years—neither had property requirements for voting—and it was rebels like the Gerards who kept this egalitarian vision alive. It was only somewhat later, with the clear move toward chattel slavery, that the dream of a democratic South was more permanently deferred. There is much to admire about this book. McIlvenna deftly links English and American events, and her attention to genealogical detail clarifies the importance of family ties in seventeenth-century American politics. Still, it is hard to accept that the rebels in this story acted in the name of democracy. After all, most were middling (or upper-middling) farmers themselves, and the greatest evidence for their radicalism came from their royalist opponents, who considered leveler and Oliverian to be biting insults. In their own manifestos, moreover, the rebels tended to portray themselves in much more moderate terms, as critics of corruption by "unworthy Favourites and juggling Parasites" (p. 83). More than that, they usually presented their struggle not so much against the king and aristocracy as against diabolical outsiders, almost always Native people and Catholics. In short, one sees not so much an origin story for American democracy as for American populism—the effort by [End Page 516] ambitious politicians to build a movement by exploiting fears of ethnic and religious others. Owen Stanwood Boston College Copyright © 2021 Southern Historical Association

“Populus Means the People, Ladies and Gentlemen.” A Visual Archive of Peasant Protests during the Post-Socialist Transition

The article is devoted to peasant protests organized in the period of the post-socialist transition in Poland. The mainstream public sphere is reluctant to bring up the memory of these protests, suppressed as it is by the story of the transition as a period of reveling in capitalism and building a civil society. The author views the radical protest movement as the first mass and serious opposition against the new neoliberal politics of the state. Using Charles Tilly's category of "repertoires of contention," she analyzes the tools used by farmers: road blockades, occupations of government buildings, performances of food wasting and examples of peasant visual activism. The article is accompanied by Michał Januszaniec's visual essay, which uses a diverse range of visual materials from the period.

John F. Kennedy and the Politics of Faith by Patrick Lacroix

Reviewed by: John F. Kennedy and the Politics of Faith by Patrick Lacroix Mark Massa S.J. John F. Kennedy and the Politics of Faith. By Patrick Lacroix. [Studies in US Religion, Politics, and Law] (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2021. Pp. 272. Hardback $34.95. ISBN 978-0-7006-3049-3.) Patrick Lacroix has written an important work of revisionist scholarship. Indeed, he argues—for the most part quite convincingly—that scholars of American religion (and of U.S. Catholicism in particular) have largely gotten the "secular sixties" completely wrong. As Lacroix argues the case, most previous scholars studying the contours of twentieth century American religious history have taken it as axiomatic that the famous "religious revival" of the 1950s ended with Dwight Eisenhower, and that the election of JFK in 1960 ushered in both the end of anti-Catholicism as a mainstream American pastime and the beginning of the era of waning religiosity during the 1960s and 1970s. But according to Lacroix, there was no "secular sixties." And Lacroix points to the person Kennedy himself and his presidency for understanding the quite important intersection of religion and politics at the beginning of the 1960s. He argues that scholars studying American [End Page 636] religion have tended to echo (far too uncritically) the Christian right's own assertion that the "secular sixties" were a decade of waning religiosity in which faith-based groups largely eschewed political engagement. In this quite mistaken periodization, the naked public square that Kennedy's presidency ostensibly ushered in itself helped the forces of conservative religion to build up steam to emerge in the 1980s as the "New Religious Right." But from Lacroix's vantage, "the Kennedy years represent an important moment in the arc of U.S. religious history, connecting the religious revival of the 1950s to the conservative religious activism of the last quarter of the twentieth century" (2). As Lacroix shapes the story, both Kennedy himself and his presidency were key factors in a decade when "progressive religion"—far from staging a retreat—played a key role in politics and the public square. Indeed, the author constructs a narrative that seeks to displace most previous histories of U.S. religion that have largely ignored Kennedy's impact on faith-based activism. The creation of the Peace Corps, as well as his growing appreciation for the social vision of Pope John XXIII (documented in papal encyclicals like Pacem in terris) illustrate Kennedy's growing commitment to utilizing inter-denominational faith-based groups in realizing his social vision in civil rights and economic aid initiatives, both in the United States and abroad. And the author is at pains to document how Kennedy's own commitment to the causes of civil rights and the work of young people in the Global South were rooted in his own "progressive" Catholic values and moral sense, values seemingly given official church approbation by the "other John." Lacroix argues that religion was "repurposed" during the Kennedy presidency: religion certainly had been instrumentalized at the beginning of the Cold War in the late 940s in the U.S. battle against "godless communism." But both the tone and location of that marshaled faith was relocated after 1960: the religious faith of the American mainstream was utilized under JFK to promote liberal reform both domestically and abroad, specifically around the issues of racial justice, arms control, and U.S. contributions to developing countries in organizations like the Peace Corps. And the author argues that it was Kennedy himself who functioned as the center of gravity for this new ("progressive") religious activism, all the while espousing a firm commitment to a high wall of separation between church and state, the latter rising more from Kennedy's own deeply-held understanding of constitutional principles and from his "realist" recognition of anti-Catholic impulses on the Protestant right, rather than from his ostensibly secular values. [End Page 637] Lacroix's study is rife with historical ironies, not the least of which was that it was the Catholic candidate in 1960 who played a key role in uncovering and deepening the rift between the "Seven Sister" mainstream Protestant groups affiliated with the National Council of...

Modern color revolutions: from Belarus to Venezuela

This article is devoted to the evolution of modern technologies of color revolutions and the peculiarities of their hybridization (on the example of Venezuela and Belarus). The authors note that modern color revolutions are a combined (hybrid) technology that combines the classic Maidan, worked out during the fi rst and second color revolutions in Ukraine (in 2004–05 and 2013–14); the latest technologies of confl ict mobilization (for an initially non-political agenda), developed during several “electromayans” in Armenia; technologies of communication and coordination of the activity of protest groups, taken from the organizers of mass protests in Hong Kong (2019–20); and technologies of organizing a coup d'état that almost put an end to the existence of the Chavist regime in Venezuela in 2019.

Belarusian Protest: Regimes of Engagement and Coordination

The Belarusian protest movement that started in August 2020 has been discussed from the point of view of strategy and objectives, and as the cradle of a new subjectivity. This essay goes beyond those two perspectives by looking at the regimes of engagement, developing in interaction with the material and technological environment, that have given the protests their distinctive style. The first part looks at coordination and representation at protest events and in producing protest symbols such as flags. The second part discusses the role of Telegram and the emergence of local protest groups. Even though the movement did not grow organically out of everyday concerns, there are some signs that it has begun to reassemble local communities from above. Yet there are also indications that politics continues to be seen as distinct from everyday life, making it uncertain that the movement will lead to a deeper transformation of society.

Abrahamic Religions and Climate Change: Tradition and Political (In)action

This article examines the theological worldview of the white Evangelical Protestant demographic group in terms of its political expression in the United States of America. Specifically, the politics over granting asylum to climate refugees is examined together with a critical overview of Abrahamic history on the care of strangers and the treatment of refugees. Also examined are related questions on the epistemological reality of climate change within the academic community. This research is brought together to assess the impact and influence of white Evangelical Protestants on these controversies, and what can be done to counter the current political impasse that is blocking effective and meaningful climate change mitigation legislation and for granting asylum to climate refugees.

Mainstream Protest Reporting in the Contemporary Media Environment: Exploring (In)Stability and Adherence to Protest Paradigm From 1998 to 2017

This study uses content analysis of protest coverage and sourcing practices by five major U.S. daily newspapers over the past two decades (1998–2017) to examine the prevalence and evolution of a set of devices of representation present in news coverage of protest groups. They have been traditionally ascribed to a pattern of mainstream coverage deemed marginalizing of protest groups, the “protest paradigm.” The study concludes that the prevalence of marginalizing devices is stable over time, and that the degree of adherence to the paradigm in news stories systematically varies across protest type and geography. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Systematic racism in the USA and the problem of polarisation of society

The article analyzes the essence of the radical protests of the African American population of the USA, which exacerbated the crisis of the state social system and have a negative impact on social equilibrium in the countries of the Pan-Atlantic Community. There was made an attempt to trace the negative impact of uncontrollable spontaneous radical protests on global processes. Over the course of two decades of the 21st century, it has become obvious that the USA does not have enough internal resources for the implementation of world-governing tasks, which turned out to be unbearable for the systems of political power based on the ideology of liberalism. There is not enough economic, social and even moral resources to solve the urgent problems facing the world. Political polarization and economic crisis have become a serious threat to the very functioning and existence of the American state. Colossal dysfunctions of democratic procedures, the growing ideological intransigence of party programs, the growing number of unemployed, the ruin of small and medium-sized businesses give social protest the form of political confrontation. There is talk of a second civil war in the USA. Moreover, it is difficult to say whether the ideology of black racism will be less radical than the ideology of white. African American Democrats, who encouraged spontaneous riots in many cities, accuse Republicans of initiating social protests. Democrats blame the Republicans for failing to create an effective governance system that would prevent such social explosions and growing discontent. Radical African American protest is becoming a structural component of USA public life. It was introduced into the system of public relations at all levels, paralyzing the activities of state institutions, systems of legal support for everyday existence, destroying the established value systems and the very practice of rule of law, which constituted the basis of American statehood. What is happening in America is having a negative impact on the entire Transatlantic community.

Afterword: They say the Centre cannot hold: Austerity, crisis, and the rise of anti-politics

This afterword engages in a dialogue with the theoretical prospects opened by this Special Issue. First, it discusses how these articles show that conceptualizations such as anti-politics that aimed to organize a reading on the growing mistrust and disenchantment towards the institutional apparatus of contemporary democracies must not be equated to political voidance – I argue that these articles rather point to a profound legitimization crisis of the political-spatial consensus of neoliberal governance that, as this SI sustains, must be analyzed through the social and geographical configurations of the austerity cycle of the last decade and the situated conflict confronting it. In that sense, anti-politics redefines traditional conflict in liberal democracies, although through contradictory forms: commoning; radical protest; or ethno-nationalist extremism. And secondly, I discuss a most relevant argument that runs through the SI: analysis of anti-politics must engage with everyday spatial practices and geographical imaginaries that point where conflict arises, but also how it is being recrafted. I discuss this proposal of a spatial turn on anti-politics by interpreting it as emerging from the collapse of the aspirational narrative of neoliberalism– its promise of a global post-class conflict order succumbed as post-2008 austerity punitively targeted specific geographies, spaces and social classes, leading to a cycle of politicization organized through spatial or geographical dichotomies: North/South Europe; urban versus periurban/rural; streets versus institutions. After decades of neoliberal depoliticization of class conflict, attempts to relaunch anti-systemic political conflict seem to rely (again) on everyday spatial practices and geographical categories.

Activist Mothers in Need of Public Housing and the Welfare Services: Negotiating Othering, Mothering and Resistance

AbstractRecent decades have witnessed an increasing trend towards the development of critical approaches to the study of poverty, which call upon social workers to perceive people living in poverty as active agents who resist their condition. Relatively few studies, however, have examined how women living in poverty, who embody collective-political agency, experience the encounter with the welfare services, and how their manner of organisation is shaped by this encounter. This study examines this issue based on fifteen semi-structured interviews with mothers in need of public housing in Israel who are activists in protest groups against the public housing policy. The findings reveal that the encounter with welfare services generated feelings of othering due to the meanings attributed to their homelessness and to the nature of their mothering. Conversely, activism was perceived as a practice for challenging, redesigning and reducing power relations with the welfare agencies. The findings also show that the encounter shaped the participants’ manners of activist mobilisation. The study contributes to the research literature on social work with women who live in poverty, by highlighting the important role of women’s activism within the encounter.

Student civil activism: Risk of destructive manifestations in the Volga Region

The article presents the results of the regional sociological study of the student youth civil activism and predicts the development of its destructive manifestations in the Volga Region. Civil activity is an integral component of renewal and social development, which is based on the multi-format and multi-vector activity of young people who strive for social transformations here and now. For some young people, activism became a kind of employment in offline and online formats. In some cases, destructive (even delinquent) civil activism of the youth is a response to an unfair, unlawful action or attitude, primarily of the authorities. Based on the theoretical ideas of structural functionalism, conflictological and interpretive approaches, the article reveals peculiarities of the youth activism in the Volga Region and presents their interpretation. The expert survey allowed to identify relationships between social injustice and civil activity. The authors also identified active dissemination of radical ideas at the grassroots level of everyday life, within everyday forms of interaction and under the decrease in public civil activity, which determines latent conflicts between the population and the government. The risk of an increase in social destructiveness is determined by the crisis of expectations of changes, unsolved social-economic problems, renaissance of socialist ideas that become popular among the youth, and an increase in the number of nonresident and especially foreign students. The student civil activity in the Volga Region focuses on the most pressing challenges at the federal and local levels. Sanctions against students participating in rallies and protest groups in social networks only stimulate the youths interest in protest activities. The region needs a youth policy responsive to the needs and demands of the youth and capable of creating a multi-format space for positive youth activism.

Возрождение и развитие протестантизма и католицизма на Дальнем Востоке России в 1990-е годы

Несмотря на проявление определенного интереса к религии в перестроечные годы российский Дальний Восток к началу 1990-х годов продолжал оставаться самым секулярным регионом страны, значительная часть его населения не имела опыта «жизни в Боге». Принятие ФЗ «О свободе вероисповеданий» (1990) и подписание Президентом РСФСР Б.Н. Ельциным 20 сентября 1991 Указа № 123 «Об открытии г. Владивостока для посещения иностранными гражданами» привели к тому, что российский Дальний Восток в 1990-е годы становится одним из излюбленных мест работы иностранных миссионеров, прибывающих в регион из США, Республики Корея, Японии, Австралии, Новой Зеландии, Канады, КНР и других стран. Значительная часть миссионеров, работающих на Дальнем Востоке России, были представителями протестантских и католических религиозных организаций. Материальная и моральная помощь иностранных миссионеров и миссионерских организаций местным протестантским общинам (баптистов, евангельских христиан, христиан веры евангельской (пятидесятников) и адвентистов седьмого дня) способствовала тому, что дальневосточные протестанты смогли в 1990-е годы не только начать массовую евангелизацию населения Дальнего Востока, но и добиться в этом значительных успехов, обогнав по количеству религиозных общин Русскую православную церковь. Миссионерское служение на территории российского Дальнего Востока представителей различных христианских конфессий из сопредельных стран способствовало, с одной стороны, росту протестантских и католических общин и групп, помогало дальневосточным верующим в организации благотворительной и милосердной деятельности; с другой – иногда приводило к конфликтным ситуациям. Позиции баптизма, евангельского христианства, пятидесятничества и адвентизма на Дальнем Востоке России были прочны и в советское время, в постсоветской России они должны восприниматься как традиционные религии, в дополнение к более традиционным, исторически признанным.

Análisis de las redes sociales en el consumo de alcohol

El consumo de alcohol se ha convertido en un problema grave de salud, en la actualidad, entre los jóvenes de 14 y 30 años. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue analizar la comunicación en redes sociales en relación al consumo de alcohol. Durante el periodo de tiempo descrito se recopilaron un total de 2063 comentarios de Twitter. Los resultados muestran las diferentes opiniones que tienen los usuarios, los medios divulgativos, así como la policía o los grupos de protesta sobre la ingesta de alcohol. De modo, que la mayoría de jóvenes apoyan el consumo de alcohol como forma de divertirse, mientras que la policía, los grupos de protesta y los medios de divulgación muestran a la sociedad y concretamente a los jóvenes las consecuencias que tiene el consumo. Como conclusión, cabe destacar como las redes sociales se han convertido en la nueva forma de comunicarse entre los jóvenes, lo que facilita el intercambio de opiniones, ideas e información a nivel mundial. Así, han posibilitado observar como las redes sociales influyen en el consumo y la prevención del alcohol, por tanto, las redes pueden ser utilizadas como herramientas para realizar campañas y programas de prevención del consumo de alcohol en los jóvenes, reduciendo la ingesta del mismo.

Urban space-making through protests

In the last decade, the world has seen a surge of protests and social movements. Also in Turkey, a group of protesters occupied the Gezi Park in 2013 against the government’s plans to transform it into a commercial complex. This paper explores the protests to advance knowledge on the relationship between urban space and protests. The paper argues that first; Gezi Park reflects variegated ‘rights of, in and to the city’ created through ‘commoning’. Second, the Park becomes a ‘socio-spatial-virtual bricolage,’ which contains past and present, traditional and contemporary and global and local subjects, elements and activities and different realms such as the physical and the virtual. Finally, the paper argues that the Park reflects a new political urban space and subjectivity.