Radical Conservatism Research Articles

The view from MARS: US paleoconservatism and ideological challenges to the liberal world order

Challenges to the liberal international order have tended to focus on the politics of populism most often traced to reactions against economic dislocation and mass migration. Parts of this portrait are undoubtedly true, but it also risks being deeply misleading. To fully understand the nature and depth of contemporary far-right movements, we need to examine more closely the distinctive ideological movements that inform and animate them. This article explores one specific articulation of these movements: US paleoconservatism. Although relatively unknown in the mainstream media, this anti-establishment strain of radical conservatism has provided intellectual ammunition to a wide range of agents and ideological forces challenging the prevailing liberal order nationally and internationally, including important parts of the anti-liberal politics of foreign policy under President Donald Trump.

From Human Rights Aspirations to Enforceable Obligations by Non-State Actors in the Digital Age: The Example of Internet Governance and ICANN

As the global policy-making capacity and influence of non-state actors in the digital age is rapidly increasing, the protection of fundamental human rights by private actors becomes one of the most pressing issues in Global Governance. This article combines business and human rights and digital constitutionalism discourses and uses the changing institutional context of Internet Governance and Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (‘ICANN’) as an example to argue that economic incentives act against the voluntary protection of human rights by informal actors and regulatory structures in the digital era. It further contends that the global policy-making role and increasing regulatory power of informal actors such as ICANN necessitates reframing of their legal duties by subjecting them to directly binding human rights obligations in international law. The article argues that such reframing is particularly important in the information age for three reasons. Firstly, it is needed to rectify an imbalance between hard legal commercial obligations and human rights soft law. This imbalance is well reflected in ICANNs policies. Secondly, binding obligations would ensure that individuals whose human rights have been affected can access an effective remedy. This is not envisaged under the new ICANN Bylaw on human rights precisely because of the fuzziness around the nature of ICANN’s obligations to respect internationally recognized human rights in its policies. Finally, the article suggests that because private actors such as ICANN are themselves engaging in the balancing exercise around such rights, an explicit recognition of their human rights obligations is crucial for the future development of access to justice in the digital age.

Examining the Intersection of Extreme Poverty and Human Rights in South Florida and Beyond

I write on behalf of several community-based organizations in South Florida and the students in my International Human Rights Law and Advocacy class at the University of Miami School of Law to present you with several reports on the intersection of extreme poverty and human rights in South Florida and beyond, in anticipation of your official visit to the United States in December. These reports reflect partnerships between my students, working in collaboration with the Miami Law Human Rights Clinic, and leading regional public interest/social justice organizations, to address pressing matters of poverty in our community. The Miami Law Human Rights Clinic (HRC) works for the promotion of social and economic justice globally and in the U.S. The Clinic uses international human rights laws and norms, domestic law and policy, and multidimensional strategies, such as community organizing, political activism, and global networking, to draw attention to human rights violations, develop practical solutions to those problems, and promote accountability on the part of state and non-state actors.

Radical Conservatism and International Nationalism: The Peasant Arts Movement and Its Search for the Country Heart of England

ABSTRACTThe Peasant Arts Movement (fl. 1890s–1930s) was dedicated to reviving traditional country life in England. This article analyses its key educational tools, its magazine and museum, to explore its underlying ideologies. Sometimes seen as eccentric, it was nonetheless connected, practically and intellectually, with the broader Arts and Crafts and folk revival movements in England and Europe. It shared with these a largely radical spirit but was nonetheless essentially conservative in its views on class and gender. However, it demonstrated an internationalist spirit in its concern for peasantry worldwide and in its use of European models to re-invigorate English culture.

Radical conservatism and global order: international theory and the new right

The rise of the radical ‘New Right’ (NR) across much of the global political landscape is one of the most striking political developments of recent years. This article seeks to foster international theory’s critical engagement with the NR by providing an overview of its thinking about world politics and the challenges it presents. We argue that in many ways international theory is in fact uniquely positioned to provide such an engagement, and that it is essential that international theory comes to terms more fully with its political vision and theoretical claims if it is to engage effectively with this increasingly potent and often deeply troubling intellectual and political movement.

Globalizing the political: German radical conservatives on the structural transformation of the global order

ABSTRACTThis article addresses the international political theory of German radical conservatism in its transformations from Weimar nationalism to post-WW2 adoption of a global perspective. Analyzing the work of Carl Schmitt, Ernst Jünger, and Hans Freyer – three prominent figures of the scene – I identify a paradox in their attempt to expand the nationalistic-particularistic ‘political’ to the global level. I focus on several shared themes that reflected and co-constituted the problem: the plurality of the political world, a ‘planetary’ perspective, the universalizing effects of technology and (civil) war, the philosophy of history, and the world-state. While the parallels between the three theorists are substantial, each reacted dissimilarly to the rupture of 1945. Schmitt historicized his theory of multipolarity and provided quasi-theological groundings for political particularity. In a parallel fashion, Freyer cast world history as an empirical sum of states’ political actions, causing cultural universality, yet denied the political unity of the world. Jünger, by contrast, advocated a post-historical and post-political world-state to solve global problems. The solutions testify to the impossibility of truly globalizing the ‘political’ conceived nationalistically – a dilemma arguably still plaguing contemporary discussions on globalization, multipolarity, and universalism which partly recycle the notions of German radical conservatism.

Contact Interruptions (2003)

Contact Interruptions (2003)

Nihilism and the Crisis of Tradition: Arendt and Contemporary Radical Conservatism

The present paper is a preliminary approach to the question of the applicability of Hannah Arendt’s ideas on tradition and nihilism to the analysis of contemporary radical conservatism. For this purpose, I examine Arendt’s essays of the 1940s and 1950s which shed light on the origins of the European conservatism crisis, and the difference between traditionalist and anti-traditionalist thinking. These arguments on the nihilistic aspects of radical conservatism, which legitimizes itself by appealing to a crisis of tradition, illustrate the shortcomings of Karl Mannheim’s analysis of conservatism and traditionalism. In order to complement Arendt’s rather fragmentary concept of conservatism, I use the definitions of adjectival and nominal conservatism to define the key differences between genuine conservatism and radical conservatism (pseudo-conservatism). Based on the analysis of the past, I address the question of why Arendt is important to the understanding of contemporary pseudo-conservatism, including its historical origins, self-description, and key instruments. Lastly, I explain why, together with Arendt, we should choose a broader perspective by focusing on analyzing the crisis of judgement in the public sphere and the resulting distortion of the ideas of tradition and dialogue, rather than simply describing contemporary radical conservatism as the spiritual successor to National Socialism.

Legacies of Punk Rock in Socialist Hungary

With a slight shrug of the shoulders, a middle-aged, middle-class man describes his teenage years as a member of the Hungarian punk scene: ‘we were right-wing punks. Because this was full communism’. This sentiment is echoed throughout Lucile Chaufour's documentary stroll down communist memory lane. We were angry teenagers, her interview partners tell the camera; we were unhappy, we hated communism, we hated the Soviet Union, but we loved Hungary, and anti-government sentiment in a left-wing regime turns a hard right.

The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational Historyof British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s

The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational History of British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s This article analyses the British Neo-Tories of the 1930s as part of a pan-European counter-movement against political modernity. This network of right-wing intellectuals and allied Conservative politicians saw democracy, liberalism and capitalism in a state of degeneration and aimed at the establishment of a corporate state in Great Britain through a «revolution from above». The article concentrates on the importance on the transnational implications of this discourse and in particular of the exchange with their German intellectual counterparts. It emphasises how this exchange of ideas was affected by National Socialism on the British side and explores what the possibilities and limits of right-wing exchange between Germany and England were after Hitler's rise to power. The article argues that for the Neo-Tories, the European exchange of ideas was a source of inspiration, reassurance and hope; however, it also eventually meant their downfall, as the beginning of the Second World War marked the end of British participation in transnational radical conservatism.

To See Them Run: Great Plains Coyote Coursing by Eric A. Eliason

Reviewed by: To See Them Run: Great Plains Coyote Coursing by Eric A. Eliason Stephen M. Vantassel To See Them Run: Great Plains Coyote Coursing. By Eric A. Eliason. Photographs by Scott Squire. Foreword by Stephen Bodio. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2016. 112 pp. Photographs, bibliography, index. $40.00 cloth. This publication is a cross between a conversation-evoking coffee-table book and a cultural portrait of a sparsely known subculture of hunters in the Great Plains. The book is self-identified as an ethnobiography that describes hunters who use dogs to hunt coyotes (coyote coursing). Coursing refers to using dogs that hunt primarily through sight rather than scent. Hare coursing has a long history in the United Kingdom, though the practice has recently been banned. Despite living in Nebraska for over 10 years, I had never heard any mention of coyote coursing, even though I participated in the subcultures of trapping and wildlife damage management. I commend Eliason for his work to introduce outsiders to this small, and likely soon to be eliminated, subculture of the hunting community. Eliason introduces readers to this secretive world of coyote coursing by relating comments obtained through interviews and overheard conversation. He then periodically reflects on those comments using insights from evolutionary and cultural anthropology perspectives. His description and analysis of coursing is objective and somewhat dispassionate. He neither condemns nor praises the activity, except to write of it in a respectful and thoughtful way. Nevertheless, readers should prepare themselves for an emotional, if not visceral, reaction to reading this book. I was surprised at my own reaction. Though a supporter of fur trapping and animal use, I found myself in the strange position of questioning the morality of this activity as well as questioning why I was questioning it. I would encourage readers to reflect deeply regarding their own reactions and inquire whether it is based on a legitimate moral concern or whether the umbrage flows from a cultural bias or bigotry. The text does have a few weaknesses. First, the author and photographer should have put more effort into protecting their subjects from potential harassment from animal rights extremists. While the author and photographer are not responsible for potential political repercussions, they could have ensured that license plates were blurred to reduce the likelihood that individuals would be harassed. Second, Eliason's attempt to connect coursing with evolution was confusing because he did not distinguish between cultural and biological evolution or micro- and macro-evolution. Third, his analysis neglected the religio-spiritual aspects of coursing among the practitioners. While these criticisms are valid, they should not dissuade readers from the book. The book is very short and one should assume that much content never made it in the final draft. Squire's photographs illustrate the passion, landscape, and excitement surrounding coyote coursing. By themselves, they make the book a worthy purchase. In sum, readers should see the book as a quick, not a complete, glimpse of another culture of the Great Plains. Stephen M. Vantassel Wildlife Control Consultant, LLC Lewistown, Montana Copyright © 2017 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Outcome of Fertility after Radical Conservative Surgery in Grade III-IV Endometriosis Lesions: A Retrospective Analysis

Purpose: Researching reproductive outcome after laparoscopic radical resection of grade III and IV endometrial lesions. Methods and Materials: A retrospective analysis of 54 women was carried out. The patients underwent laparoscopic radical resection in the Gynecology Department of a secondary health care center between January 2009 and December 2013. Diagnostic investigation, with histological confirmation of moderate to severe endometriosis, preceded surgical intervention in a multidisciplinary setting. Thirty seven of the 54 patients had an active desire for pregnancy. The outcome measure was the number of pregnancies in the subgroup of 37 women with an active desire for pregnancy. Results: Within the subgroup of 37 patients, 28 women became pregnant within the study period. Twelve patients became pregnant spontaneously and 16 had medically assisted pregnancies. Within the medically assisted group, 4 patients conceived after Intra-Uterine Insemination (IUI) and 12 after In- Vitro Fertilization (IVF). The pregnancy rate was 76%, a result similar to findings of earlier studies. Conclusion: The results of this retrospective analysis suggest that extensive laparoscopic surgery for moderate to severe endometriosis has a beneficial effect on fertility in both spontaneous and medically assisted pregnancies.

Response to the Book Review Symposium: Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature

They say that ideology is like breath: you never smell your own.1 And so I was not surprised to see my book The Better Angels of Our Nature: A History of Violence and Humanity described as ‘ideological’ by reviewers who strike me as black pots in glass houses casting the first stone. By the same token, it is not easy for an author to defend himself against such an accusation: ‘I am not ideological’ is bound to sound as convincing as ‘I am not a crook’ and ‘I did not have sex with that woman.’ But I will take my chances. The arguments in The Better Angels of Our Nature are in fact not ideological. They are empirical, though the facts on which those arguments are based are bound to gore some oxen of the hard left, critical theory, and various forms of post-X-ism (together with certain livestock of the hard right, libertarianism, and anarchism). As I note in the preface, and as the paper and internet trails of my writing confirm, Better Angels was inspired by my coming across diverse datasets showing historical declines in violence. The existence of these declines (such as homicide since the Middle Ages, corporal and capital punishment since the 18th century, great-power wars since 1945, and autocracies since the 1980s) are well accepted by the scholarly communities who study them, but they surprised me at the time, continue to surprise most readers, and are adamantly denied by those who are unfamiliar with the relevant literatures.

The Kimberly Process and Zimbabwe

The Kimberly Process and Zimbabwe By Rebecca Schonauer This paper focuses on the Kimberley Process and its faults. In doing this, I am drawing evidence from the country of Zimbabwe and its president Robert Mugabe, and demonstrating how corruption, mismanagement, and smuggling has led to the loss of millions of US dollars for the country. I am also delving into the atrocities committed by Zimbabwe’s leaders, specifically that in the Marange diamond fields. Here, extreme human rights abuses have been committed, and are still being committed by the military that now controls the area. Because of these atrocities, I pose the question of “why is Zimbabwe still a Kimberley Certified country, even when the same men in power who commanded these acts are still in power?” I will also address the serious problems within the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme itself, and use Zimbabwe and similar countries in Africa to prove its faults. Some of these include: an insufficiency of regulation, ease of smuggling across borders, a lack of infrastructure within participating countries, and the deficiency of transparency. However, there is also a lack of willpower amongst diamond companies to halt these atrocities, and the power of these companies can be documented within the process. Because of these faults, I argue that the Kimberley Process has failed to regulate and stem the flow of blood diamonds from the market, and has allowed human rights abuses to go unchecked and unpunished.

Laying a Foundation for the Criminological Examination of Right-Wing, Left-Wing, and Al Qaeda-Inspired Extremism in the United States

Despite several overlaps between crime and terrorism, criminological examinations of terrorism to date have been limited. To fill this gap in the research, we examine several individual and contextual socio-demographic characteristics of a diverse sample of extremists operating in the United States who have committed violent crimes. In addition, we provide a comparative analysis to explain and understand differences between extremists who have committed violent crimes while active in either far-Right, far-Left (including environmental and animal rights extremists), or Al Qaeda and affiliated movements. To assess the impact of external factors on the nature of domestic extremist violence, we also comparatively examine these three types of domestic extremists before and after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. We find several similarities across domestic extremists but many important suspect- and county-level differences as well. We end the paper with suggestions for future research that could extend the criminological study of terrorism.

Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights. Mission to Mozambique

The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights conducted an official visit to Guinea-Bissau from 23 February to 1 March 2014. In the present report, the Special Rapporteur outlines the challenges that Guinea-Bissau is facing in implementing measures to address poverty and in ensuring the rights of those living in poverty.Guinea-Bissau ranks as one of the poorest countries in the world, with a consistent decline of investment in essential social services such as health care and education. The Special Rapporteur is particularly concerned about the disproportionate vulnerability of certain groups, especially women, as well as obstacles to poverty reduction such as political instability, corruption and impunity.This Special Rapporteur provides recommendations to ensure that relevant policies and programmes are implemented to enable those living in extreme poverty to enjoy their human rights on an equal basis with the rest of the population.

Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights. Mission to Mongolia

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights conducted an official visit to Mongolia from 3 to 7 December 2012, during which she collected first-hand information on the situation of people living in extreme poverty and on the impact of key policies relating to poverty alleviation and development in the country.In the present report, the Special Rapporteur outlines the general challenges facing Mongolia in implementing measures to tackle poverty and ensuring the rights of those living in poverty in the country. The Special Rapporteur highlights the particular difficulties encountered by the most vulnerable groups affected by extreme poverty along with the challenges preventing them their full enjoyment of rights. Particular attention is given to the right to social protection, to access adequate housing and to access justice. The Special Rapporteur is concerned that despite the impressive growth rate in recent years economic prosperity has not been inclusive. There is a high level of inequality at a time when the country is experiencing a major economic boom. The report recognizes the important steps already taken by the new Government to implement poverty reduction measures and highlights a number of recommendations for consideration by all stakeholders.

Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights. Mission to the Republic of Moldova

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights conducted an official visit to the Republic of Moldova from 8 to 14 September 2013. In the present report, the Special Rapporteur outlines the challenges facing the Republic of Moldova in implementing measures to tackle poverty and in ensuring the rights of those living in poverty in the country.The Republic of Moldova ranks as one of the poorest countries in Europe at a time when the cost of essential goods and services is steadily on the rise. The Special Rapporteur was concerned at the widening gap between urban and rural areas, the disproportionate vulnerability of certain groups as well as obstacles to poverty reduction, such as corruption and gaps in policy implementation.The report contains recommendations aimed at ensuring that relevant policies and programmes are implemented so as to enable those living in extreme poverty to enjoy their human rights on an equal basis with the rest of the population.

Addendum to Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights. Summary of Activities 2008-2014

This report presents an overview of the activities of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Magdalena Sepulveda Carmona, during the term of her mandate 2008-2014. It summarizes the Special Rapporteur’s country visits to Ecuador, Zambia, Bangladesh, Viet Nam, Ireland, Timor-Leste, Paraguay, Namibia, Mongolia, Mozambique, the Republic of Moldova and Guinea-Bissau (in chronological order). It also highlights the Special Rapporteur’s thematic reports on social protection, welfare reform, penalization of poverty, access to justice, participation, unpaid care work, and the post-2015 development goals as well as her work on advocacy and in concluding the drafting process for the Guiding Principles on extreme poverty and human rights.

Final Draft of the Guiding Principles on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, Submitted by the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights

People living in extreme poverty are often neglected or overlooked by politicians, service providers and policy-makers due to their lack of political voice, financial and social capital and their chronic social exclusion. They are disproportionately affected by many human rights violations. Discrimination against people living in poverty is widespread and widely tolerated.The Guiding Principles on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights are the first global policy parameters focused specifically on the human rights of people living in poverty. They are intended for use by governments to ensure public policies, including poverty eradication efforts, reach the poorest members of society, that they respect and uphold the rights of the poor, and take into account the significant social, cultural, economic and structural obstacles to human rights enjoyment faced by them.The Human Rights Council adopted the “Guiding Principles on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights” by consensus through its resolution 21/11, in September 2012. The process for the development of the Guiding Principles had been initiated by the former Commission on Human Rights in 2001, and their content refined over more than a decade of consultations with States, civil society organisations, United Nations agencies and communities living in poverty. This final draft was written by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Magdalena Sepulveda Carmona, and presented in her report to the Human Rights Council 21st session (A/HRC/21/39).