Radical Abolitionist Research Articles

Slavery as a State of War: New York Abolitionists, the Laws of War, and the Right of Self-Emancipation

Slavery as a State of WarNew York Abolitionists, the Laws of War, and the Right of Self-Emancipation Deborah A. Rosen (bio) New York State played a leading role in the antebellum abolitionist movement and made particularly notable contributions to legal thought and rhetoric. This article examines an important element of New Yorkers' legal rhetoric in support of abolition: their use of ideas grounded in the laws of war. The study analyzes how New York abolitionists used the rules governing warfare between 1830 and 1860 both to attack the legality of slavery and to justify slaves' enduring right to rebel and escape. They asserted not only that enslavement was unlawful under the laws of war but also that slavery illegitimately created a continuous state of war that justified self-emancipation by individuals. Although scholars have not studied war-related abolitionist rhetoric in any depth, excellent existing scholarship provides a strong context for this article by examining two pertinent historiographical subjects: the role of New Yorkers in the abolitionist movement and the justifications asserted for forceful, violent resistance to slavery. Book-length studies of African Americans in New York State by Milton C. Sernett, Leslie M. Alexander, and Leslie M. Harris, along with Manisha Sinha's essay on Black abolitionism in New York and other works focusing on specific aspects of the state's abolitionist movement, provide solid historical context. It is evident that New York State's role in the fight against slavery was enhanced by its relatively high number of free African American residents, its strategic geographic position between the South and Canada, and its highly developed literary and associational culture. There were two main centers of activism in the state, the populous cities of New York City and Brooklyn on the southern tip and the frontier region of central and western New York. During the antebellum period, New York and Brooklyn were vibrant centers of African American life and activism. A number of leading abolitionists lived in the two cities, and they enjoyed considerable support from the thousands of Black residents as well as from many white city dwellers. This southeastern region of the state served as the headquarters of several eminent abolitionist organizations, [End Page 307] hosted important antislavery conventions, and was the place of publication for influential antislavery and African American periodicals. Likewise, in western and central New York, cities such as Rochester, Syracuse, and Utica were home to antislavery activists, societies, conventions, and newspapers. Notably, this region was also a fount and center of political abolitionism: the Liberty Party was founded here, as was its successor fifteen years later, the Radical Abolitionist Party. Abolitionists in the two regions interacted with each other at conventions, read each other's publications, and heard each other give sermons and speeches. The two regions were also linked through the networks of the Underground Railroad, especially through the New York State Vigilance Committee, which connected New York City with local vigilance committees in central and western New York.1 In addition to New York's importance to the abolitionist movement, the state was also home to a sizeable percentage of the nation's lawyers. According to the 1850 Census, there were 4,263 lawyers in New York State, which constituted 18 percent of all American lawyers.2 The ample supply of lawyers made it possible for New Yorkers to bring freedom suits [End Page 308] that contested clients' alleged enslaved status in court and also initiate litigation asserting individual African American clients' rights to nonsegregated schools, equal treatment in public transportation, and due process in court proceedings. Moreover, the significant presence of lawyers also allowed New Yorkers to make a broader case for nationwide emancipation and racial equality based on fundamental legal principles. The conjunction in New York State of a vigorous and politically oriented abolitionist movement, a heavy concentration of lawyers, and an inclination to support resistance to slavery helps explain New York abolitionists' distinctive approach. With regard to its emphases, strategies, and rhetoric, New York was notably different from New England. In particular, political abolitionists—a number of whom were also antislavery constitutionalists—were especially active in New York. Historian Manisha Sinha notes that "in New York...

Quakers Living in the Lion's Mouth: The Society of Friends in Northern Virginia, 1730-1865

Quakers Living in the Lion's Mouth: The Society of Friends in Northern Virginia, 1730-1865

Forgotten Island of the Liberator: Haiti's Influences on Victor Schœlcher's Abolitionism, 1833-1848

What fashioned Victor Schœlcher's radical abolitionism? Does his 1848 demand for the immediate abolition of slavery and full citizenship for the formerly enslaved testify loyalty to universal values of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution? Incorporating transatlantic perspectives, this article excavates an unacknowledged element in the making of Schœlcher's abolitionism by reassessing his ties with Haiti. As he was a passionate defender of the Haitian Revolution and also a very severe critic of the Republic of Haiti, the crucial components of his abolitionism were derived from his wrestling with these contradictions. Although his interaction with Haiti ultimately contributed to "Silencing the Haitian Revolution," we also find an invisible but significant dialogue between the first emancipation and the second one in 1848, and also between metropolitan abolitionists and the enslaved in the colonies.

Forgotten Island of the Liberator: Haiti’s Influences on Victor Schœlcher’s Abolitionism, 1833-1848

What fashioned Victor Schœlcher’s radical abolitionism? Does his 1848 demand for the immediate abolition of slavery and full citizenship for the formerly enslaved testify loyalty to universal values of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution? Incorporating transatlantic perspectives, this article excavates an unacknowledged element in the making of Schœlcher’s abolitionism by reassessing his ties with Haiti. As he was a passionate defender of the Haitian Revolution and also a very severe critic of the Republic of Haiti, the crucial components of his abolitionism were derived from his wrestling with these contradictions. Although his interaction with Haiti ultimately contributed to “Silencing the Haitian Revolution,” we also find an invisible but significant dialogue between the first emancipation and the second one in 1848, and also between metropolitan abolitionists and the enslaved in the colonies.

New Perspectives on the Union War ed. by Gary W. Gallagher and Elizabeth R. Varon

Reviewed by: New Perspectives on the Union War ed. by Gary W. Gallagher and Elizabeth R. Varon Matthew Mason (bio) New Perspectives on the Union War. Edited by Gary W. Gallagher and Elizabeth R. Varon. (New York: Fordham University Press, 2019. Pp. 256. Cloth, $125.00; paper, $35.00.) This is an unusually cohesive edited collection, speaking to one over-arching theme: the many faces of the Union cause in the American Civil War. The editors’ own previous pathbreaking work on this theme and the contributors’ tight connections to the John L. Nau III Center for Civil War History at the University of Virginia make the thematic unity unsurprising. But less guaranteed was the high quality of the essays across the board, and the wide variety of viewpoints on the Union cause that they represent. The collective and individual excellence of the essays takes two important forms. First, although they range widely in subject matter, they all make key contributions to the volume. Even essays that seem like the answer to the question, Which one of these things is not like the other?— like Tamika Y. Nunley’s exploration of the Civil War career of free black Washington, D.C., fixture Elizabeth Keckly or Michael T. Caires’s essay on Salmon P. Chase’s pursuit of a national banking system—add key elements to the book’s whole picture. Second, they all make important interventions in other historiographies. For instance, Frank J. Cirillo’s discussion of Abby Kelley Foster’s and Stephen Foster’s wartime careers seeks to qualify the idea, associated most strongly with James Oakes, that the war was antislavery for Republicans from the beginning. Jack Furniss’s close attention to Horatio Seymour’s political appeal seeks to focus wartime northern political history less on voters’ reactions against the Republicans than on their positive support for Democrats. D. H. Dilbeck applies the much-studied Francis Lieber’s [End Page 414] ideas to questioning the “dark turn” in Civil War historiography. Even Peter C. Luebke’s essay, which at its outset seems like the least significant historiographical foray because he examines the regimental histories that Gallagher uses to such effect in his Union War (2011), ends up speaking effectively to the massive literature on postwar memory. The volume shines unprecedented light on the wide range of political viewpoints housed in the big tent that was the Union war. The editors begin their laudably brief and insightful introduction with William Tecumseh Sherman’s statement that “the National Feeling . . . assumes various shapes, but always comes back to that of Union” (1). The shapes represented here include the views of radical abolitionists, free African Americans, Democrats both Protestant and Catholic, Republicans of all factions, and veterans of various political stripes. And the issues with which they were concerned also ran a full gamut; as Caires phrases it, “concern for Union” included but “extended far beyond the political sphere or the battlefield” (160). These essays display the depths of division over fundamental questions within that broad Unionist persuasion. So, for instance, we see Furniss’s Seymour and Jesse George-Nichol’s Edward Bates asserting that a conservative approach to the war dictated a limited, cautious strategy, while Dilbeck’s Lieber insisted that “the more vigorously wars are pursued, the better it is for humanity. Sharp wars are brief ” (144). And all but the most conservative of these Unionists embraced the idea of emancipation in the abstract, but as Furniss puts it well, “questions of timing and method were critical” for all of them (79). Another major point of variance was the degree to which these characters thought of the war to preserve the Union as an end in itself or as a means to some other end. The Fosters, for example, “cast their patriotism as support not for the Union as it was but for the Union as it should be,” entirely free of the stain of slavery (10). Salmon P. Chase and his supporters wielded Unionism to tar opponents of the national banking system with the brush of “South Carolina treason” (177). Likewise, Keckly and her collaborators sought to leverage the war to advance the rights of African Americans both free and...

“Greater Still in Death”: Race, Martyrology, and the Reanimation of Juan Placido

AbstractThis article details how John Greenleaf Whittier accidentally assumed two different Cuban poets of color (Juan Francisco Manzano and Plácido) were one and the same person, resulting in an unwittingly combinatory sketch of “Juan Placido.” The resulting syncretic personage in Whittier’s “The Black Man” (1845) became a cause célèbre for abolitionists. I argue that to effectively persuade his white Northern audience, Whittier rewrote his source texts into the sentimental registers of moral suasion and culturally decontextualized Juan Placido, transforming the “Cuban martyr poet” into a transnational race man. In the essay’s second half, I demonstrate how Martin R. Delany’s Blake (1859, 1861–62) readapted Whittier’s account to appeal to black radical abolitionists. By literarily resurrecting Juan Placido as an active revolutionary in the serial novel’s plot, Delany articulated not only a sophisticated theory of diasporic collaboration but also meditated on the stakes of fighting for black liberation by repeatedly employing accounts of black martyrdom.

Two Forms of Abolitionism and the Political Rights of Animals: A Case Study

Abstract Political theorists advocating the abolition of instrumental uses of groups of animals are divided with respect to how they evaluate welfare reforms. Radical abolitionists maintain that welfare reforms are only dubiously described as moral improvements while pragmatic abolitionists maintain that welfare reforms are moral improvements, even if the conditions they permit are unjust. This article examines Wyckoff’s interest model against the case of a Cincinnati coalition’s efforts to reform the local food chain. This article argues that the coalition’s program of choice is a welfare reform and that the interest model must evaluate the program as a moral improvement. This article concludes that if the interest model is the most appropriate political theory of animal rights, pragmatic abolitionism is philosophically more appropriate than radical abolitionism.

Microhistories of Slavery and Racism in Antebellum America

Microhistories of Slavery and Racism in Antebellum America Stephanie J. Richmond (bio) Amber D. Moulton. The Fight for Interracial Marriage Rights in Antebellum Massachusetts. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015. 280 pp. Images, notes, bibliography, and index. $46.50. Ted Maris-Wolf. Family Bonds: Free Blacks and Re-enslavement Law in Antebellum Virginia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. 324 pp. Images, notes, bibliography, and index. $39.95. Recent histories of slavery and race continue to complicate our understanding of the institution of slavery in early America. Amber Moulton's The Fight for Interracial Marriage Rights in Antebellum Massachusetts and Ted Maris-Wolf's Family Bonds: Free Blacks and Re-enslavement Law in Antebellum Virginia examine the historical narrative of slavery and antiracism in ways that reveal new areas of study for historians of the antebellum era. Moulton's book examines the fight against and support for the interracial marriage ban in Massachusetts from 1705 to its repeal in 1843 and the impact of the repeal on antiracism efforts through the Civil War. Maris-Wolf explores the experiences of a small group of antebellum Virginians who chose to re-enslave themselves rather than leave the state after the passage of a law in 1806 requiring newly freed African Americans to leave the state within a year of gaining freedom. Although these books are both case studies of issues that are in some ways unique to the individual state, their findings reveal new avenues for research in other regions. Both books feel quite timely, giving historical perspective to issues facing American society today, particularly discussion of racial equality and immigration. These tightly focused studies provide significant insight for specialists, but will attract little wider attention as they require a detailed knowledge of the institution of slavery and efforts toward antislavery to fully appreciate their contributions. Amber Moulton's The Fight for Interracial Marriage Rights in Antebellum Massachusetts is a short volume which covers a little-studied branch of the antislavery movement: the campaign to overturn the 1786 ban on interracial marriage in Massachusetts. Moulton builds on a substantial historiography of [End Page 385] antislavery efforts and the fear of amalgamation in the northeast to study the variety of efforts to both oppose and defend the law, which prohibited interracial couples from marrying and declared all mixed-race children illegitimate. Black and white abolitionists participated in the marriage rights debate and martialed antebellum Americans' growing evangelicalism to their advantage when they succeeded in convincing the state legislature to overturn the law in 1843. Although reformers saw their victory as a blow for antiracism, they were only successful, Moulton argues, when they cast the law as detrimental to the commonwealth on the grounds that it encouraged licentiousness and "collusion with the Southern Slave Power" (pp. 2–3). Moulton's study reveals new divisions within the antislavery movement, as many of the most influential abolitionists did not support the campaign to overturn the ban, demonstrating their lack of personal commitment to equal rights. She also is able to draw connections between the efforts of black abolitionists such as Charles Lenox Remond to advocate for antiracism and their declining popularity as public speakers. The movement's success in 1843 did not end the debate over interracial marriage in Massachusetts or in the country as a whole, and anti-amalgamation sentiment reared its head repeatedly in the 1850s and 1860s as racial tensions escalated. Moulton's book provides new insight into antislavery efforts for scholars familiar with Massachusetts activists. Although she gives a thorough overview of attitudes towards interracialism and anti-amalgamation sentiment in American popular culture, a more general audience may feel lost. The text is deeply rooted in antislavery activity in and around Boston and many of the individuals named in the text are well known to scholars of antislavery but not introduced in great detail. Despite her coverage of well-known historical figures, Moulton uncovers new angles on their activism that expand our understanding of the racial divide in the antislavery movement and she recasts the split between political and radical abolitionists as a clear divide between those who opposed slavery and those who supported equal rights. She also asserts the importance...

The Black American Jacobins: Revolution, Radical Abolition, and the Transnational Turn

While scholars of African American political thought have done a remarkable job centering focus on black thinkers, they still largely frame their endeavor in reference to the geo-political boundaries of the U.S. nation-state, thereby ignoring the transnational and diasporic dynamics of black politics. The consequence is that alternative traditions of thought in the Americas—e.g., Caribbean traditions—are cast as irrelevant to questions of racial exclusion in U.S. political thinking. I seek to correct nation-centric perspectives on U.S. political thought and development by demonstrating the utility of the “transnational turn.” Drawing on the framework developed in C.L.R. James’sThe Black Jacobins,I trace how an influential cohort of abolitionists in the antebellum United States looked to the Haitian Revolution as a model for the overthrow of slavery. Engaging the writings and speeches of David Walker, James Theodore Holly, and Frederick Douglass, I then argue that radical abolitionists operated in the same ideological problem-space as Haitian revolutionaries and adopted a specific model of revolution as much indebted to Haitian political thought as Anglo-American models of anti-colonial revolt. By implication, racially egalitarian movements and moments in U.S. political development cannot be adequately understood with exclusive reference to national traditions of thought.

Let Them Get Their Voices Out: The Death Row 10, Radical Abolitionists, and the Anti–Death Penalty Movement in Illinois (1996–2011)

Let Them Get Their Voices Out: The Death Row 10, Radical Abolitionists, and the Anti–Death Penalty Movement in Illinois (1996–2011)

Working on the Dock of the Bay: Labor and Enterprise in an Antebellum Southern Port by Michael D. Thompson

<i>Working on the Dock of the Bay: Labor and Enterprise in an Antebellum Southern Port</i> by Michael D. Thompson

Aberrations in the Body and in the Body Politic: The Eighteenth-Century Life of Benjamin Lay, Disabled Abolitionist

This article re-evaluates traditional interpretations and presentations of the (in)-famous eighteenth century Quaker abolitionist, Benjamin Lay, by arguing that his physical disability provided the foundation for his advocacy to eliminate slaveholding amongst his fellow Friends. The article will first establish the historical context Benjamin Lay's life and transatlantic travels to explain the roots of his abolitionist advocacy. Then, this article will analyze Lay's radical abolitionism both within the context of eighteenth-century Quaker antislavery and through the lens of disability history. This methodological approach will reveal that Lay displayed a clear awareness of his non-conforming body and the ways that its marginalizing effects empowered him to radically challenge the Quaker slaveholding establishment. The article will then analyze Lay's All Slave-Keepers, Apostates and argue that Lay rhetorically constructed his own disability in this text through both a religious lens and through the emerging Enlightenment concept of human aberrance and hierarchy. Finally, the article will conclude by analyzing some of the earliest visual representations of Lay's strange body and contend that the context in which they were commissioned and circulated forged a positive connection between Lay's disability and his abolitionist accomplishments.

War, religion and anti-slavery ideology: Isaac Nelson's radical abolitionist examination of the American civil war

Isaac Nelson's response to the civil war represented the fruit of twenty years’ reflection on the issues of slavery and emancipation. Perhaps surprisingly, he did not support the Federal government's efforts to restore the Union, even after the Emancipation Proclamation was issued. Nelson's analysis of the struggle helpfully illuminates the complexity of radical abolitionist responses to the civil war, while it also serves to correct hasty generalizations concerning British and Irish evangelical support for the Federal government. Thus, by means of a biographical case study of Ulster Presbyterianism's most zealous abolitionist, a wide number of thematic issues can be freshly examined.

“Those people must have loved her very dearly”: Interracial Adoption and Radical Love in Antislavery Children’s Literature

This essay reads a little-studied, probably white-authored abolitionist children’s novel in which white parents adopt a black child and love her as much as they would a white child. Harriet and Ellen; or, The Orphan Girls by “Lois” (1856), depicts interracial kinship predicated on familial love and backed by radical abolitionist and antiracist politics. The novel is a test case against which to evaluate both proslavery and mainstream abolitionist representations of interracial kinship. While pro-slavery literature dubiously likened the system of plantation paternalism to kinship, white mainstream abolitionist literature perpetuated a similar model of white supremacist stewardship. Interracial kinship through adoption is therefore foreclosed in most white-authored abolitionist literature. In Harriet and Ellen, one white and one black child are adopted into white families who love them without distinction of biological parenthood or race. This essay reads the novel’s representation of interracial adoption as a model of radical love, in which black and white parents do not simply love their children similarly, but white parents love their black, adopted child. In Harriet and Ellen’s representation of adoption, interracial kinship more closely resembles African American depictions of valuing nonbio-logical black children, challenging the prioritization of biological kinship for familial love.

“Deaf &amp; Dumb, Blind, Insane, or Idiotic”: The Census, Slaves, and Disability in the Late Antebellum South

IN A DIARY SHE KEPT DURING A STAY ON HER HUSBAND'S COASTAL Georgia slaveholdings in the winter of 1838-1839, British actress Frances Anne Fanny Kemble famously expressed contempt for the institution of slavery. Her condemnation of slaves' appalling living conditions and the treatment they endured are well known. But she also commented on several disabled slaves she encountered, including an enslaved woman lying on the floor in a fit of epilepsy; a second poor half-witted creature, a female idiot; and a third bondwoman, named Patty, young but apparently too idiotic ... to move, whose tortured facial expressions elicited a combination of sympathy and revulsion. [A] more hideous and loathsome object I never beheld, Kemble remarked. These passages from Kemble's diary afford glimpses of slaves in the Old South stricken by various physical or mental impairments. (1) In contrast to Kemble's antislavery proclivities, proslavery writers harnessed the emotive power of disabled bondpeople to much different ends in antebellum discourse. Before the Civil War, masters' care of disabled slaves served as a strategic counterpoint to northerners' claims of free labor's superiority. protect the weak, explained southern intellectual and Caroline County, Virginia, slaveholder George Fitzhugh, we must first enslave The irony Fitzhugh pinpointed was grounded in the moral and ethical differences he identified as intrinsic to the economies of the North and the South. Whereas wage laborers in the North toiled under a ruthless economic system that callously discarded workers at the first sign of weakness, southern bondpeople benefited from a social safety net that emerged organically from the institution of slavery. To be sure, Fitzhugh conceded, masters shall be entitled to [slaves'] labor, but in exchange, owners were to provide for them, including the idiots and lunatics among them. More than any other scholar, Eugene D. Genovese popularized Fitzhugh's description of a web of mutual responsibilities and reciprocal obligations between master and slave. But physical or mental disabilities rendered some bondpeople unable to fulfill their end of the paternalistic bargain. Those whose conditions substantially reduced their profitability to their owners subjected slaveholder paternalism to some of its greatest strains. Disabled slaves tested the strength of the invisible chords of sympathy--so lauded by Fitzhugh--that bound master and slave. Despite slaveholders' self-congratulatory rhetoric about maintaining disabled slaves, market forces many times exposed the limits of masters' benevolence. (2) Remarkably little work has been done on bondpeople with disabilities. One reason is that disability studies is a relatively new, emerging field with ample opportunities for additional research. The existing scholarship rarely ventures further back in time than the twentieth century, and intersections between race and disability are only beginning to be explored. (3) Second, slavery as an institution was predicated upon slaves' soundness. Masters expected their chattel to be physically and mentally equipped to endure the rigors of plantation or other labor. With the exception of a small number of cultural studies of the domestic slave trade, the enslaved body, and slave health, practically all the historical scholarship on slavery presumes that bondpeople were sound. (4) Only two recent dissertations by Dea H. Boster and Jenifer L. Barclay, of which the former's has been published, have been devoted exclusively to the study of slaves with disabilities. Using disability as a distinct category of analysis, these works have shed light on the lives of slaves with a range of physical and mental impairments and explored the ways that race and disability entered antebellum discourses of law, medicine, abolitionism, and proslavery thought. (5) By the late 1830s, proslavery intellectuals had begun to embrace paternalism as an ideological antidote to radical abolitionists' condemnations of slavery's horrors. …

The Tie That Bound Us: The Women of John Brown's Family and the Legacy of Radical Abolitionism

The Tie That Bound Us: The Women of John Brown's Family and the Legacy of Radical Abolitionism

Art, Nature, Ethics: Nonhuman Queerings

The anthropocene has seen the human not only manipulate nonhuman forces but territorialise all forces so they may be understood or valued only via anthropocentric formal logic. This article explores the ethical urgency of the need to open up new spaces, primarily via the deformalised (or at least non-anthropomorphic) flesh where can be explored the concept of the nonhuman. In the context of the article the nonhuman does not only refer to nonhuman animals, but also the human's necessary becoming-nonhuman in order to liberate the Earth from the violent tendencies of anthropocentric ideology and/and as action. The article does address our human relations with nonhuman animals as part of the need to become-nonhuman without fetishizing other life forms or human minoritarians. This is suggested via three trajectories – nonhuman becomings via art, via nature and via radical abolitionist ethics. All three offer ways in which the subject can find escape routes and philosophical fissures through which new pathways may emerge to alter interactions between humans, humans and nonhuman animals and the world itself as a system of relation rather than human occupation.

To Plead Our Own Cause: African Americans in Massachusetts and the Making of the Antislavery Movement

The antislavery movement entered an important new phase when William Lloyd Garrison began publishing the Liberator in 1831—a phase marked by massive petition campaigns, the extraordinary mobilization of female activists, and the creation of organizations such as the American Anti-Slavery Society. While the period from 1831 to 1865 is known as the heyday of radical abolitionism, the work of Garrison’s predecessors in Massachusetts was critical in laying the foundation for antebellum abolitionism. To Plead Our Own Cause explores the significant contributions of African Americans in the Bay State to both local and nationwide antislavery activity before 1831 and demonstrates that their efforts represent nothing less than the beginning of organized abolitionist activity in America. Fleshing out the important links between Reformed theology, the institution of slavery, and the rise of the antislavery movement, author Christopher Cameron argues that African Americans in Massachusetts initiated organized abolitionism in America and that their antislavery ideology had its origins in Puritan thought and the particular system of slavery that this religious ideology shaped in Massachusetts. The political activity of black abolitionists was central in effecting the abolition of slavery and the slave trade within the Bay State, and it was likewise key in building a national antislavery movement in the years of the early republic. Even while abolitionist strategies were evolving, much of the rhetoric and tactics that well-known abolitionists such as William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass employed in the mid-nineteenth century had their origins among blacks in Massachusetts during the eighteenth century.

Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz. The Tie That Bound Us: The Women of John Brown's Family and the Legacy of Radical Abolitionism.

Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz. The Tie That Bound Us: The Women of John Brown's Family and the Legacy of Radical Abolitionism.

The Tie That Bound Us: The Women of John Brown’s Family and the Legacy of Radical Abolitionism by Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz (review)

The Tie That Bound Us: The Women of John Brown’s Family and the Legacy of Radical Abolitionism by Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz (review)