Racist Views Research Articles

Racial mixture, blood and nation in medical publications on sickle cell disease in 1950s Brazil.

This paper investigates continuities and changes in the definition of sickle cell disease in 1950s Brazil, taking into account that diseases have a history and are recognized as such according to the knowledge and perceptions available in a certain historical period and specific location. In the post-war era, new diagnostic tools, inheritance theories and, in particular, discussions on the concepts of race and racial relations, both nationally and internationally, were changing previous racialist and racist views. Nonetheless, the Brazilian medical interpretations of sickle cell disease continued to racialize it and even use deep-rooted racist formulations to explain its symptoms or the existence of the disease. It is argued that the celebration of racial mixture and racial democracy might have concealed racist presumptions biasing the study of sickle cell disease. Although race as a biological concept gradually gave way to other genetic expressions, in Brazilian medical papers on sickle cell disease, race continued to influence the interpretation of the disease, along with the persistence of concepts of heredity through blood mixture.

Introduction

Introduction

The Failure of Judgment: Disgust in Arendt's Theory of Political Judgment

ABSTRACTHannah Arendt, the twentieth century's great theorist of political judgment, was also infamous for her own political judgments. Most notably, her essay “Reflections on Little Rock” sparked massive criticisms, accusing Arendt for holding racist views. Rather than rejecting Arendt's theory of judgment on this basis, this article argues that her theory makes it possible to theorize the immanent possibility of a failure of judgment. By developing the role of disgust on both the sensuous and reflective level of political judgment, we can account for the failure of political judgment along, for example, racial and gendered lines.

Trauma in Toni Morrison’s Novel God Help the Child

Trauma can be experienced in life due to many adverse situations that encounter the modern man. Due to the prevalence of trauma in the lives of individuals and communities, Trauma as a theory and discipline was conceptualized in the 1990s. Traumatic incidents can be recognized in Toni Morrison’s novel God Help the Child which include many types of traumas such as racial trauma including colorism and parental trauma. Characters in the novel are affected by traumas that cause unfavorable consequences. The protagonist Lula Ann, despite going through the harmful effects of trauma, she creates a new identity which is devoid of racist views. This paper aims to present the traumatic situations experienced especially by the protagonist in the novel, its implications and the transformation that the protagonist reaches.

Nazi Propaganda for Europe, 1939-1945

나치의 유럽 프로파간다가 주제인 이 글은 나치정부 유럽구상의 역사적 맥락화 및 그에 대한 평가를 시도할 것이다. 이 글을 통해 나치정부가 어떠한 배경에서 유럽을 도구화했고, 프로파간다로 사용한 유럽구상이 어떠한 내용들을 가졌으며, 유럽구상의 강조점들이 전쟁이 경과하면서 어떻게 변해 갔는가하는 질문들에 대한 답이 제시될 것이다. ‘나치주의 유럽관’이란 제목을 붙인 2장에서는 동시대 유럽통합 운동에 대한 나치주의의 입장 및 나치정부의 인종주의적 유럽관의 내용을 설명할 것이다. ‘나치 전쟁 프로파간다로서의 유럽구상’이란 제목을 가진 3장에서는 전쟁기간 동안 프로파간다로 도구화되었던 나치정부 유럽구상의 다양한 내용들을 분석할 것이다. 마지막으로 결론에서는 유럽통합사의 맥락에서 나치정부의 유럽구상이 가지는 의미를 살펴볼 것이다.The subject of this article is Nazi propaganda for Europe, It will attempt to assess the historical context of the Nazi government s European initiative and its implications. This article will provide answers to questions under which background the Nazi government has used Europe as a instrument, what content the European idea as a propaganda has, and how the emphasis of the European idea of Nazi government has changed as the war has passed. The second chapter will explain Nazi s stance on the contemporary European movement and the Nazi government s racist views on Europe. Chapter 3 will analyze various aspects of the Nazi government s European initiative, which was used as a propaganda during the war. Finally, the conclusion will explain the implications of the Nazi government s European initiative in the context of European integration.

Pranks in Contentious Politics

There is often a division between scholarly publication and activist knowledge—something that Sarah Maddison and Sean Scalmer (2005) suggest may be countered by taking the knowledge produced by activists seriously. In this interview, Simon Hunt reflects on the genesis of Pauline Pantsdown, a drag persona that he developed in the late 1990s in reaction to Australian Conservative politician Pauline Hanson, who generated controversy for her racist and divisive views. The introduction briefly considers the importance of activist accounts and contextualizes Hunt’s practice in relation to arts activism and networked societies. From there, Hunt discusses a range of significant considerations for activism, notably the significance of using persona as a means for activism, the affordances and challenges of using social media, and methods for activating participation in a changing media landscape.

Racism, whiteness, and burnout in antiracism movements: How white racial justice activists elevate burnout in racial justice activists of color in the United States

Social movement scholars have described activist burnout—when the stressors of activism become so overwhelming they debilitate activists’ abilities to remain engaged—as a formidable threat to the sustainability of social movements. However, studies designed to map the causes of burnout have failed to account for ways burnout might operate differently for privileged-identity activists such as white antiracism activists and marginalized-identity activists such as antiracism activists of color. Building on previous studies of activist burnout in racial justice activists and examinations of the roles of white activists in antiracism movements, this study represents one attempt to fill this gap. We analyzed data from interviews with racial justice activists of color in the United States who have experienced burnout to identify the ways they attributed their burnout to the attitudes and behaviors—the racism—of white activists. These included (1) harboring unevolved or racist views, (2) undermining or invalidating the racial justice work of activists of color, (3) being unwilling to step up and take action when needed, (4) exhibiting white fragility, and (5) taking credit for participants’ racial justice work and ideas. Implications for racial justice movements and the participation of white activists are discussed.

“What's in a name?”: The University of Oregon, De-Naming Controversies, and the Ethics of Public Memory

In this essay, Matthew Dennis and Samuel Reis-Dennis explore the significance of honorific building naming on college campuses. According to Dennis and Reis-Denis, “questions about honorific naming opportunities…are not just academic — they are edifying. In 2015, African American students at the University of Oregon presented university president Michael Schill with a list of demands to address racism on campus, including removing the names of Matthew Deady and Frederic Dunn from campus buildings. Deady, a prominent lawyer, judge, and president of the 1857 Constitutional Convention, held pro-slavery views and advocated for black exclusion but also protected Chinese who faced discrimination and violence. Dunn, a classics professor at the university from 1898 to 1937, helped lead Eugene's chapter of the KKK as its Exalted Cyclops. Ultimately, Schill decided to rename the Dunn building but not Deady Hall, a move the authors suggest “excused the inexcusable,” and elevated Deady's efforts on behalf of Chinese inhabitants over his racist views.

Resisting “Law and Order” in California: Howard Moore Jr., Angela Davis, and the Politics of Prison Radicalism

Resisting “Law and Order” in California: Howard Moore Jr., Angela Davis, and the Politics of Prison Radicalism

Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War by Kristopher A. Teters

Reviewed by: Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War by Kristopher A. Teters Peter C. Luebke (bio) Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War. By Kristopher A. Teters. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. Pp. 225. Cloth, $32.95.) With Practical Liberators, Kristopher A. Teters has provided a much-needed and bracing look at how Union officers approached emancipation [End Page 483] in the West during the Civil War. Drawing on diaries, letters, and official documents, Teters charts how soldiers came to embrace emancipation. As the title of his work suggests, he finds that Union soldiers supported emancipation as a war measure and that their wartime experience rarely shifted their deeply held racist views of African American people. Teters selects the area west of the Appalachians for his analysis because “the Lower South was the area where the Union army would free the most slaves and smash the heart of the South’s slave-based economy” (6). The broad geographic range and variations in economy meant that Union soldiers had a wider opportunity to encounter the institution and those held in bondage. The comparatively larger number of Union troops spread across the theater also allows Teters to survey a variety of soldiers. For his study, Teters relies primarily on the testimony of 410 Union officers. He provides a thorough description of his data set and points out that “this study’s conclusions are thus drawn from a balanced and illustrative source base” (165). He supplements these personal accounts with official documents from the Official Records, finding a wealth of information on the implementation of policy during the war. Teters duly acknowledges the presence of abolitionists within the armies, but he also finds that they and their views represented only a narrow sliver of the western armies. Teters finds that Union officers’ approach to emancipation mirrored legislation emanating from Washington, D.C. Officers began the war as conservatives, and as the conflict wore on they became more radical in their views about the end of slavery. As Congress clarified its policy toward the Confederacy with the First and Second Confiscation Acts, the army adjusted its behavior. In the first chapter of the book, Teters demonstrates how the loose stipulations of the First Confiscation Act—that soldiers could not return enslaved people to their masters—permitted local variations in enforcement. Union officers, confronted with escaping slaves, sought their own local and ad hoc expedients, leading to friction between the layers of the army hierarchy as conflicting policies in different locations led to inconsistencies. These inconsistencies in turn led to frustrations, particularly when dealing with local white civilians. In the absence of guidance from higher authorities, however, the army could not set its own effective policy. In his second chapter, Teters shows how the strengthened Second Confiscation Act provided clearer guidance to the military, resulting in a consistent policy across the western theater. While officers could vary their own policies, the latitude for local innovation decreased. Soldiers paid attention to policy and sought to act within its boundaries. Moreover, [End Page 484] with legal sanction they fully embraced emancipation as a way to weaken the Confederacy and punish secessionists. As Teters observes, the crucial shift with emancipation on the part of western armies occurred not with President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation but with congressional enactment of laws. Teters clearly and convincingly shows how officers translated policy made in Washington into action in the field. The Confiscation Acts and emancipation enjoyed support from officers, because they saw that attacking slavery gave them a potent weapon to use against the Confederacy. Ulysses S. Grant, for instance, reflected in a letter to his sister that “I dont know what is to become of [slaves] in the end but it [is] weakning the enemy to take them from them” (46). Ample testimony from others echoes Grant’s sentiments; officers embraced emancipation as a pragmatic measure to hurt the Confederacy. Considerations as to what would happen to the enslaved people after the war, or even during it, often took a secondary place to the knowledge that hurting slavery would hurt the Confederacy. Subsequent chapters examine...

Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War by Kristopher A. Teters

Reviewed by: Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War by Kristopher A. Teters Jonathan Engel Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War. By Kristopher A. Teters. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2018. Pp. 240. Notes, bibliography, index.) In Practical Liberators, Kristopher Teters contends that the Union officer corps in the American Civil War’s western theater supported emancipation primarily for military considerations rather than moral objections to slavery. He further argues that this pragmatic approach guided how these officers implemented emancipation in the field, clarifies why their racial prejudices changed little during the war, and explains part of why northerners lost the will to persist in Reconstruction: they cared about emancipation only insofar as it helped them crush the rebellion, not because of any commitment to the well-being of black people. This study presents a broad spectrum of views on slavery and emancipation, with company and regimental officers tending to be more avidly emancipationist than their generals. Teters’s thesis rests on a sample of 410 Union officers from across the western theater. Teters himself notes that generals are over-represented in his sources, a reality apparent in his study’s content, but he still provides strong representation for the perspectives of more junior officers. Union officers fought to save the Union, and their embrace of emancipation hinged on becoming convinced it was a military necessity. The Second Confiscation Act (which stated the Union Army could take property from persons in rebellion against the United States), the Emancipation Proclamation, and firsthand experience did much to solidify the western officer corps’ support for freeing slaves. Western officers prioritized the liberation of able-bodied men who could perform useful labor for the army and showed little interest in women, children, and the aged. The book’s final chapter presents William T. Sherman as an exemplar of Teters’s previous claims about western officers, a man who began the war unopposed to slavery, held racist views throughout the conflict, opposed the use of black soldiers, and yet became a powerful force for liberation simply because the war rendered it logical. Teters’s work fits into several ongoing historiographical conversations. In the scholarly debate over Union soldiers’ concern with emancipation, Teters aligns himself with the utilitarian perspective toward emancipation shown in Gary Gallagher’s The Union War (Harvard University Press, 2011) and diverges from the more idealistic view of studies such as Chandra Manning’s What This Cruel War Was Over (Knopf, 2007). Teters [End Page 466] rightly emphasizes that, however much modern readers might find fault with officers’ intentions, the Union’s western armies nonetheless brought liberty to countless slaves and effectively destroyed slavery as an institution throughout most of the Confederacy. Practical Liberators also pushes back against texts that so heavily emphasize slaves’ agency in liberating themselves that they seriously understate how indispensable the Union armies were to the process of emancipation. Finally, this study is a welcome addition to the paucity of scholarly work on the Civil War officer corps. Teters effectively highlights the common thread of military necessity that ran through western officers’ comments regarding slavery, emancipation, race, and black soldiers, while also acknowledging the range of views found among Union officers. Indeed, the number of dissenting examples he supplies may leave one wondering if he downplays too much the place of moral factors in officers’ support for antislavery measures. Teters’s articulate and clean writing should be accessible to scholarly and non-scholarly readers alike who are interested in the attitudes of Union soldiers toward slavery and race, in Civil War officers collectively, or in the practical mechanics of emancipation. Jonathan Engel Tampa, Florida Copyright © 2019 The Texas State Historical Association

Letters

349 Letters LETTERS To the Editor: Matthew Dennis and Samuel Reis-Dennis have presented a culturally sensitive and thoughtful exploration of the complexities involved in public memorials in “‘What’s in a name?’ The University of Oregon, De-Naming Controversies, and the Ethics of Public Memory,” published in the Summer 2019 issue. By the criteria outlined by the authors and the university, which include whether a historical figure embodied the qualities of free inquiry and tolerance that higher education seeks to uphold, the case for the recent removal of Classics professor Frederic S. Dunn’s name from a campus building is certainly strong. Yet Dunn’s liabilities lay not so much in intolerance of people of color, as his leadership of the Eugene chapter of the early 1920s Ku Klux Klan might imply at first glance, but in virulent anti-Catholicism. Responding to the postwar Klan’s near-exclusive focus on Roman Catholics and Jews as “alien” influences on American life, the Eugene KKK turned to conspiracy-mongering in a futile effort to restrict the campus activities of the University of Oregon Newman Club, the newly established religious center for Catholic students, and to ban allegedly controversial speakers from campus. Meanwhile, Dunn’s Klan engineered the dismissal of several Catholic teachers from local public schools and turned to the ballot to oust Catholic officeholders and school board members. As the team of scholars who advised university president Michael H. Schill on the controversy noted, Dunn’s main connection to racial matters lay in the national Klan’s listing of white supremacy as one of several prerequisites for membership. In this regard, the fivemillion Klansmen of the 1920s, as distinguished from their post–Civil War and post–World War II terrorist counterparts, shared racial views with contemporaries in the American Legion, the American Federation of Labor, the Scottish-Rite Masons, most white Protestant churches, and even the University of Oregon, which prohibited women students of color from rooming with white counterparts in university housing. To use a broad stroke to associate public figures with racial violence without tangible evidence is to make denials and refutations too easy and denude the threat of the most dangerous forms of racism. David A. Horowitz Portland State University To the Editor: We appreciate Professor Horowitz’s elaboration of the particular threats that the Klan posed in Oregon in the 1920s. While its antisemitism and anti-Catholicism were particularly prominent in its revival during the 1920s, the Klan continued to persecute, terrorize, and lynch African Americans nationwide. An estimated 4,700 persons were lynched in the United States between the 1880s and the Second World War, with over 3,200 fatalities. Per capita lynching rates in the West nearly equaled those in the South. The KKK perpetrated many of these lynchings; as far as we know the other organizations Professor Horowitz mentions did not lynch anyone. In our essay we do not associate Frederic Dunn with racial violence idly or anachronistically; through his own membership and leadership position in Oregon, Exalted Cyclops Dunn associated himself with racial violence. Matthew Dennis University of Oregon Samuel Reis-Dennis Albany Medical College ...

The Modern Girl and the Lady: Negotiating Modern Womanhood in a South African Magazine, 1910–1920

The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of how the definition of the ideal ‘modern’ woman changed in South Africa for white middle- and upper-class women. Many of the changes in the definition of the ideal woman were appropriated from Britain, but the definition also differed. In general, these differences have been overlooked by academia as there is a prevailing assumption that South African women’s views on gender either reflected British trends or differed only in terms of the suffrage movement and racial views. I argue that studying popular magazines and literature at the time will provide a clearer indication of how women negotiated their roles as these are polyphonic texts that do not merely reflect one author’s view. Using an intertextual approach this study looks at a popular magazine from the time, the South African Lady’s Pictorial and Home Journal, as well as several of the South African novels reviewed in the magazine to trace the conversation over the period in question. Through discourse analysis, major trends and changes in those trends have been identified to show how white English-speaking women defined womanhood at a time when there were great changes and challenges to gender norms.

Proximity and the principle-policy gap in white racial attitudes: Insight from views of student assignment policies in Wake County, North Carolina

We use a survey of residents of Wake County, North Carolina to test a proximity explanation for what scholars call the “principle-policy gap” in whites' views of government action on race. The derived hypothesis is confirmed when underlying broad views of race are represented by ideology. We show that whereas liberals are materially more supportive of racial diversity in student bodies than are moderates and conservatives, this difference is reduced to statistical insignificance as respondents’ personal situations are more directly affected by the policy—a condition denoted by having a child of school age. Liberals with school-aged children are particularly wary of racial integration when they are asked to support the diversification of classrooms as opposed to schools. Having a school-aged child has no material conditioning effect on views of diversity when attitudes are represented by a more explicit measure of racial views.

Christian America in Black and White: Racial Identity, Religious-National Group Boundaries, and Explanations for Racial Inequality

AbstractRecent research suggests that, for white Americans, conflating national and religious group identities is strongly associated with racism, xenophobia, and Islamophobia, prompting some to argue that claims about Christianity being central to American identity are essentially about reinforcing white supremacy. Prior work has not considered, however, whether such beliefs may influence the racial views of nonwhite Americans differently from white Americans. Drawing on a representative sample of black and white Americans from the 2014 General Social Survey, and focusing on explanations for racial inequality as the outcome, we show that, contrary to white Americans, black Americans who view being a Christian as essential to being an American are actually more likely to attribute black–white inequality to structural issues and less to blacks’ individual shortcomings. Our findings suggest that, for black Americans, connecting being American to being Christian does not necessarily bolster white supremacy, but may instead evoke and sustain ideals of racial justice.

Racism and the Colonial Project of Creating Generational Disabilities

Antenor Firmin wrote a critique of racist views of humanity in 1885. Firmin, a Haitian, had been living in France and was exposed to the racist views of non-human peoples that were popular at the time. These ideas defended colonialism and relegated non-Europeans to an inferior status, if not to a separate race or species. Firmin's book demolished the assumptions and arguments of respected biologists like Broca in a step by step analysis. His book reads as if it were written today as a clear refutation of the Supremist position, yet his book was ignored until the present. But Firmin, like Ashley Monatgu after him, takes on the physical anthropological problems as well as the medical ones, especially the canard of miscegenation resulting in monsters or sterility. He also attacks concepts of intelligence and of degeneration. His knowledge of history outshines the ignorance of his opponents, yet Firmin’s concerns were universal regarding ability and not affected by the nationalism of the time. He does review the history of African civilization and archaeology, coming to the conclusion as does Diop (1974) and J. Desmond Clark (1970), nearly 100 years later that ancient Egyptian civilization was a product of Africans. Herskovits was perhaps aware of the Firmin’s work when he engaged in his ethnographic work in Haiti and collaborated with Jean Price-Mars, but there is no evidence he ever saw or read Firmin’s book (Fluehr- Lobban, 2000). Strangely Barzun (1937) praises Firmin as among the “imposing group of intellectuals” “distinguished in some profession” who have undertaken to write on race, but appears to criticize Firmin for not understanding French ideas and producing a work that mainly “vindicates the Negro race to which the author belongs.” One is left with the impression that Barzun read Firmin but felt his book was mainly political. Since my copy of Barzun comes from Cora du Bois’ library and she supported the Herkovits’ work in Haiti one might expect she had some contact with Firmin’s writing, yet there is no evidence of it. Firmin describes the association of racism and discrimination, but his argument can be seen also as a central outline of the role of colonialism in creating generational disabilities in its victims, especially in reducing their original cultures and making ruins of their civilizations erasing abilities to claim rights to equality.

Castro’s Negra/os

ABSTRACTAny exploration of Fidel Castro racist views toward negro/as, or lack thereof, remains problematic if Cuban history is ignored; specifically, how negra/o identity was constructed differently than U.S. Black identity. As long as we keep the focus on the individual Fidel, we ignore the continuous structural racism faced by Cuban negra/os. Fidel, like most White Cubans, was influenced and shaped by how negro/as been historically seen, and by how bodies with darker hues continue to be constructed by the Revolution. Fidel, along with White Cubans, are part of a habitus which has taught us how to see, how to gaze upon negro/as. The question with which we should wrestle is how aware we Cubans who possess light-skin pigmentation are about our complicity with racist structures in Cuba? How has Cuban history and the construction of negro/a identity continued to manifest itself during the Fidel years.

Highlighted & Underlined

State education agencies are coping with new responsibilities under ESSA. A new survey reveals differences in how members of different racial groups view U.S. schools. A consortium of high schools is developing a mastery-based transcript. A summer institute will help educators create more racially, ethnically, and socio-economically integrated schools. An online tool helps families understand the actual cost of elite colleges.

‘In the Human Heart’

A premodern philosophy of race and racism in Thomas Aquinas resolves some seeming oppositions between the three most current theories of race. Thomas’s generational account of race is primary. It affirms the racial naturalist view that there are biological differences between people, and some of which stem from a characteristic genotype and geography. Thomas’s individual account of race is secondary but nevertheless a necessary clarification of the generational account. It affirms the racial skeptic view that these racial characteristic properties are individual properties, not essential or specific properties, and as such cannot lead to a definite, essential being that is a ‘race.’ Thomas’s intersubjective account of race is tertiary, insofar as it presumes the generational and individual accounts, and yet crucially explains a peculiar social reality. It affirms the racial constructionist view that the intention by which we understand the notion of race is a socially constituted object, a mind-dependent reality informed by experience.

Catholic Borderlands: Mapping Catholicism onto American Empire, 1905–1935 by Anne M. Martínez

Reviewed by: Catholic Borderlands: Mapping Catholicism onto American Empire, 1905–1935 by Anne M. Martínez Ana Martinez-Catsam Catholic Borderlands: Mapping Catholicism onto American Empire, 1905–1935. By Anne M. Martínez. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 2014. Pp. xviii, 293. $70.00. ISBN 978-0-8032-4877-9.) In Catholic Borderlands: Mapping Catholicism onto American Empire, 1905–1935, Anne M. Martínez examines the reasons why the Reverend Francis Clement Kelley and the Catholic Church Extension Society embraced the Spanish Catholic legacy of North America and the impact of their activities in the former Spanish territories. Feeling alienated as anti-Catholic sentiment increased in the United States, Kelley sought to formulate and incorporate Catholic identity into the Protestant-dominated American historical narrative. Martínez's work illustrates how Kelley intended to restrict the growing Protestant influence in historically Catholic regions by embracing the Spanish Catholic heritage. Furthermore, Martínez demonstrates how Kelley's work had both international and political components reflective of religious imperialism as he sought to bring Mexico under American religious influence as well as safeguard Catholicism in the recently acquired Philippines and Puerto Rico. Martínez weaves a narrative that begins with Kelley's campaign in the American southwest and the ceded territories before transitioning to American Catholic diplomacy in Mexico. The Catholic culture of the southwest provided Kelley with a historical account that would justify activities in the west aimed at revitalizing Catholicism, particularly among the Mexican/Mexican-American communities. Through Extension Magazine, the Extension Society's publication, Kelley called on American Catholics to protect landmarks, such as Spanish missions, and to support Catholic schools in the face of Protestant inroads in these communities. Martínez examines Kelley's actions within the premise of two conflicting national narratives: [End Page 558] one of American Manifest Destiny rooted in Protestantism in which Spain's influence was almost inconsequential, and another in which Spain's religious mission provided American Catholics with a claim to the religious history of the North American continent. For Kelley and the Extension Society, the Catholic borderlands extended beyond the southwest. The imperialism of the period provided them with a new vision of protecting and expanding Catholicism outside the continental mainland. Once again faced with the Protestant threat, this time in Puerto Rico and the Philippines, Kelley designed a mission that not only emphasized protecting the Catholic legacy but also uplifting the conquered populations. While Catholic rhetoric and actions in Puerto Rico and the Philippines resembled those used in reference to the southwest, Martínez sets this section apart by delving deeper into racial views. Kelley, like the vast majority who justified imperialism as a humanitarian duty, generally considered the colonized populations inferior. Although Martínez does discuss race issues in her coverage of the southwest, she provides a richer exploration of racial perceptions in this section her work. While Martínez's exploration of American Catholic activity in the southwest, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines is instructive, her examination of Kelley's activities as related to Mexico is what makes Catholic Borderlands invaluable. The turmoil of the Mexican Revolution and the anticlericalism/anti-Catholicism that threatened the Catholic Church in Mexico prompted action from Kelley and the Extension Society. Kelley's call for the American government's intervention in Mexico thrusted him into the political realm and in tangible ways politicized the Church and fostered an American Catholic agenda with an international scope. As Martínez notes, Kelley promoted discussion of U.S. involvement in Mexico and at times negotiated American endeavors in Mexico. Embracing an imperialist stance, Kelley and the Extension Society sought to rescue Mexico (i.e., a Catholic Mexico) from the chaos and effects of the revolution. Utilizing the concept of political and religious imperialism, Martinez places Kelley within a transnational historical interpretation. Catholic Borderlands is an excellent book in which each chapter further develops subjects introduced in the previous chapter. Although the work revolves primarily around Kelley, Martínez does an extraordinary job of positioning his activities and rhetoric in broader historical themes. Ana Martinez-Catsam The University of Texas of the Permian Basin Copyright © 2018 The Catholic University of America Press