Racial Structure Research Articles

The Evolution of Ethnic Identity From Adolescence to Middle Adulthood: The Case of the Immigrant Second Generation

Through an analysis of qualitative interview and survey data, this study examines ethnic identity development from mid-adolescence to middle adulthood among a representative sample of immigrants’ children from Mexico, the Philippines, and other countries, who were followed for more than twenty years. Findings reveal that ethnic self-identity labels are more stable in adulthood than adolescence or the transition to adulthood, but the importance of ethnic identity diminishes, especially among those born abroad. Most prefer ethnic identity labels referencing their origin country, reflecting family ties and cultural attachments. However, some, mostly foreign-born, shift to ethnic self-identity labels exclusively related to their American experience, including panethnic labels in response to U.S. racialization. Only a few actively resist such labeling and claim non-hyphenated American identities. Overall, the findings reveal how diverse ethnic identity development patterns over the life course are shaped both by ancestral attachments and the imposition of existing U.S. racial structures.

SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF VOTES IN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ACCORDING TO SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS - AN EXAMPLE OF US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

Electoral Geography as part of political geography has not been significantly represented as a subject of research in Croatia and neighboring countries, and there is, in particular, a shortage of papers that deal with the in depth analysis of the spatial components of elections. Therefore, the subject of this paper is an analysis of certain demographic indicators or factors and their impact on the spatial distribution of votes in US presidential elections, in the period from 2004 until the last elections in 2016. The selected include racial structure, emphasized in this paper, age-gender structure and urban-rural differences. Analysis has shown that some of the mentioned factors have a greater impact on spatial distribution of votes, having in mind that the racial structure is the starting point for observing spatial distribution of votes and is hierarchically superior to the other observed factors. People of the same racial origin generally have similar voting preferences, and the other factors mostly depend on that factor.

Moving with and away from Reconciliation

Moving with and away from Reconciliation Laura J. Beard I want to get rid of the Indian problem […] Our objective is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada that has not been absorbed into the body politic and there is no Indian Question and no Indian Department. -Duncan Campbell Scott, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 1920 Reconciliation to me is about not having to say sorry a second time. -Cindy Blackstock, First Nations Child and Family Caring Society, 2015 Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) held hearings across Canada, providing opportunities for Indian residential school survivors, their families, and others to share their stories of the Indian Residential School System and its impacts on their lives. For many, the TRC began in 2008 with a great sense of purpose, and importance was placed throughout on allowing people a space to tell their stories and to have those stories heard and received in dignity. For the TRC, "reconciliation is about establishing and maintaining a mutually respectful relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples in this country" (Final Report 6). It is not the reestablishment of a previous positive relationship, as might be thought of in other contexts. The testimonies at the TRC hearings were intended to create, in a sense, a set of shared memories to draw from in that relationship. But will the stories that bear witness to the residential school experience be enough to move non-Indigenous people in Canada beyond the racist structures of 150-plus years of colonization to a new future? Can shared stories do that? If the memories on one side are of generations of lived, residential school experiences in one's family while the memory on the other side is that of an afternoon spent listening [End Page 653] to other people telling stories at a TRC gathering,1 are those really the collective memories that create communities? In the same way, for life narrative scholars, does an afternoon reading a life narrative from another culture change our sense of community? Does reading a life narrative change us? Does it change our communities and our nations? In the end, are we moved to action by life narratives? The TRC process has clearly been a complex one, with the terms themselves particularly charged. For example, Dakota scholar Kim TallBear rejects the concept of reconciliation, noting that reconciliation implies equal complicity in colonization. In a talk at the 2016 Indigenous Feminism Workshop at the University of Alberta, she paraphrased from Dakota scholar Elizabeth Cook Lynn, stating: "I don't want reconciliation. I want restitution of land." Like Cook Lynn and TallBear, Mohawk scholar Taiaiake Alfred is also critical of what he refers to as the "pacifying discourse of reconciliation": Without massive restitution made to Indigenous peoples, collectively and as individuals, including land, transfers of federal and provincial funds, and other forms of compensation for past harms and continuing injustices committed against the land and Indigenous peoples, reconciliation will permanently absolve colonial injustices and is itself a further injustice. (182) Reconciliation is thus not a term that moves everyone to embrace the TRC project, as they see it as a "virtual minefield of assimilative dangers" that appeals to "a settler-colonial state hoping to put its genocidal past behind it" (Robinson and Martin 6). Gitxan scholar Cindy Blackstock has taken up the term reconciliation, but uses it to turn attention to the ongoing issues with First Nations children in Canada that still need addressing. In February 2007, "as Executive Director of the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society (FNCARES), [Blackstock] brought a landmark discrimination case to the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal to challenge the federal government's chronic underfunding of children's services on First Nations reserves and for First Nations children in the Yukon" ("Reconciliation"). In powerful speeches and interviews about the situation of First Nations children in Canada today, she urges the Canadian government to address current conditions, and points out, "Reconciliation to me is about not having to say sorry a second time" ("Reconciliation"). Yet others think through the TRC process differently. In the same panel at the 2016 Indigenous Feminism Workshop, Cree-Métis scholar Shalene Jobin...

The Origins of Identity Politics

The Origins of Identity Politics

Southern assumptions: normalizing racialized structures at a university in the Deep South

Informed by critical race theory (CRT), we examine how African-American and white college students, at a predominantly white, structurally diverse, Southern US university, understand their cross-racial experiences. Black–white interactions are understood within the context of the so-called ‘post-racial’ environment, against the backdrop of high-profile cases of racial injustice, and within the added context of the historical legacy of slavery and Jim Crow segregation in the rural Southern United States. Our study suggests that many students, regardless of race, recognized the persistence of racial segregation, especially in nightlife and campus Greek letter organizations (GLOs). African-American students were the most vocal and troubled by this division. Unexpectedly, however, students appeared to take for granted that in the American South, racism is persistent and indestructible. Building on Bell’s (1991) notion of racial realism and Bonilla-Silva’s (2013) notion of naturalization, we expand the view that racism is inherent or related to individual preference, to place and time, with a construct we term southern assumptions. Southern assumptions are the mechanisms in which participants connect collective historical racism in the south to the race problems of today.

Moving beyond (and back to) the black–white binary: a study of black and white Muslims’ racial positioning in the United States

ABSTRACTMuslim racialization literature argues that a new racialized group emerged after 9/11, but does not examine how this group is positioned relative to US black–white binary racial logic. In fact, many argue that to understand Muslims, we must move our analysis “beyond black and white”. Literature on the black–white binary, on the other hand, offers valuable theory for analysis of racial structures, but does not often examine the role religion plays in these structures. My project employs and fills gaps in these two literatures by examining how black and white Muslims are positioned relative to US black–white racial logic. Analysing ethnographic data, I find that black and white Muslims are positioned as either black/white or as Muslim. This suggests that Muslimness, and religion more generally, shapes the construction and attribution of blackness and whiteness.

Mimicry of Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin and the Formation of Resistant Slave Narrative in Ishmael Reed’s Flight to Canada

Postmodernism has as its major tenet the eradication of master-narratives in favor of marginalized voices. In so doing, it puts forward various strategies which, though different in methodology, are all critical of the dominant exclusionary discourses. Parodic mimicry is one of these subversive strategies which allows the anti-establishment artist to employ the discriminatory discursive practices and skillfully turn them on their heads. African American novelist Ishmael Reed adopts the postmodern technique of mimicry to severely criticize and disrupt the racist structure of the United States. In his “resistant” slave narrative Flight to Canada (1976), he takes to task the traditional historiography, showing how a so-called anti-slavery novel like Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin employs racial essentialism to reinforce the stereotypical representations of blacks and distort history to the benefit of white dominators. Through a parody of Stowe’s canonical work, Reed’s novel provides a space for the black consciousness to serve as an agentic subject and re-narrate the history of slavery, abolitionism and the Civil War. This paper aims to depict how Reed manages to rewrite the history of slavery in Flight to Canada by mimicking Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin .

The Racial Structure of Inequality: Consequences for Welfare Policy in the United States*

ObjectiveThis article explores the effect of the racial structure of inequality on redistributive policy in the states.MethodsApplying measures developed in Hero and Levy (2016), we use fixed effects regressions to assess the impact of between‐race inequality on multiple measures of state welfare effort and generosity.ResultsWe find a strong negative association between racial inequality and all measures of welfare policy. The total level of inequality and the racial composition of the population, by contrast, are not associated with the welfare policy measures. The impact of racial inequality emerges after, but does not appear before, the 1996 national welfare reform that increased states’ discretion over welfare policy.ConclusionThese findings illustrate that the influence of income inequality on public policy is strongly conditioned by racial “structure.”

Including exclusion: the enduring problematic gap between the race and ethnicity paradigms

ABSTRACTIn the article, “U.S. Racial and Ethnic Relations in the Twenty-first Century”, Zulema Valdez and Tanya Golash-Boza present a compelling argument, suggesting the existence of a gap in race theoretical paradigms and ethnicity theoretical paradigms. They suggest that these two theoretical frames focus on both different social processes and levels of analysis, and argue for a merging of the central tenets of these paradigms in order to facilitate more complete theoretical analyses of racial and ethnic processes in the U.S. While we see great value in this project, we suggest that the authors miss an enduring and problematic gap between these theoretical frames because they do not fully explicate how race/racism theory articulates the fundamentally interconnected relationships between the racial social structure, group-level processes, and individual-level racial dynamics in a manner that ethnicity theory fails to capture.

Reclaiming Filipino America through Performance and Film

Filipino Americans are the fourth largest migrant group in America and the second largest Asian population in the United States. Migration from the Philippines is constant and has increased dramatically in the last sixty years. Filipino Americans participate as the ‘Asian American’ identity/race but the specificity of Philippine-U.S. relations and migration pathways make this inclusion a misfit. As a former territory and with complex shifting migration policies, Filipinos have been considered by the U.S. government an ambiguous population, falling just out of reach of national visibility. As the population has continued to grow, Filipino Americans have shared narratives and begun conversation to address the constant cultural negotiation and struggles within the social and racial structures of America. Since the 1980s, a Filipino American cultural and artistic movement or ‘moment’, has emerged with artists, dancers, performers, and filmmakers. These artists make critical interventions that disavow the American empire. The works make comment upon the ramifications of being an unrecognized Asian colony and the systemic challenges of immigration assimilation. An example of a work from this cultural moment is Jose Antonio Vargas’ autobiographical documentary Documented (2013). The film, intended as an up close and personal account of an undocumented migrant in the United States, also serves as an example of current Filipino American cultural productivity and visibilization. By studying this artistic movement, one can approach deeper understandings of citizenship and national belonging(s) in the current transnational climate and the border crossings that circumscribe the Filipino American diaspora.

Reclaiming Filipino America through Performance and Film

Filipino Americans are the fourth largest migrant group in America and the second largest Asian population in the United States. Migration from the Philippines is constant and has increased dramatically in the last sixty years. Filipino Americans participate as the ‘Asian American’ identity/race but the specificity of Philippine-U.S. relations and migration pathways make this inclusion a misfit. As a former territory and with complex shifting migration policies, Filipinos have been considered by the US government an ambiguous population, falling just out of reach of national visibility. As the population has continued to grow, Filipino Americans have shared narratives and begun conversation to address the constant cultural negotiation and struggles within the social and racial structures of America. Since the 1980s, a Filipino American cultural and artistic movement or ‘moment’, has emerged with artists, dancers, performers, and filmmakers. These artists make critical interventions that disavow the American empire. The works make comment upon the ramifications of being an unrecognized Asian colony and the systemic challenges of immigration assimilation. The works make comment upon the ramifications of being an unrecognized Asian colony and the systemic challenges of immigration assimilation. An example of a work from this cultural moment is Jose Antonio Vargas autobiographical documentary Documented (2013). The film, intended as an up close and personal account of an undocumented migrant in the United States, also serves as an example of current Filipino American cultural productivity and visibilization. By studying this artistic movement, one can approach deeper understandings of citizenship and national belonging(s) in the current transnational climate and the border crossings that circumscribe the Filipino American diaspora.

Born of Conviction: White Methodists and Mississippi's Closed Society and One Mississippi, Two Mississippi: Methodists, Murder, and the Struggle for Racial Justice in Neshoba County

Born of Conviction: White Methodists and Mississippi's Closed Society and One Mississippi, Two Mississippi: Methodists, Murder, and the Struggle for Racial Justice in Neshoba County

Translation Section

Translation Section

“The Woman You Want to Be”: The Changing Face of Fairlady Magazine, 1985–2005

ABSTRACTFeminine identity has always been complicated by race and class in South Africa. The history of beauty pageants, like sporting contests, demonstrates the extent to which culture and contemporary politics intertwine. Examining the cover model choices of women’s magazines offers a fruitful means of tracking the complex interplay between beauty, power and politics. This paper explores cultural endorsements of femininity as they are represented on the covers of one of South Africa’s oldest women’s magazines. Using a content analysis of the covers of Fairlady from 1985 to 2005 the paper asks questions about how Fairlady mediated ideas about beauty, race, gender and nationhood in recent history. The paper reveals the essential role of the popular media in communicating the values of Nelson Mandela’s Rainbow Nation. It finds that this role is highly contradictory, however, and the representation of women is shaped by socio-political and cultural shifts and racialised discourses of beauty, often linked to other cultural industries. The paper argues that this ambiguous relationship to the political transition is partly a result of the inherently racist structures of globalised consumer culture, which have an ever-greater influence on the choice of cover model in the post-apartheid period.

The Collective Memory of the Black Dancing Body: The 2016 Revival of Cabin in the Sky

The 2016 revival of the 1940 “Negro musical” Cabin in the Sky promised to recapture the artistic brilliance of the original production while stripping the show of its racist structures. The success of the revival was due largely to the choreography of Camille A. Brown, who, without a score to follow, was free to reinvent the movement vocabulary. Did this creative freedom contribute to the erasure of Katherine Dunham’s choreographic contributions to the original Cabin in the Sky? Or in the act of reinvention, did Dunham’s work somehow survive?

Colonial criminology: A survey of what it means and why it is important

AbstractAs the United States is experiencing unprecedented high rates of incarceration, especially of minorities and marginalized communities, racialized punishment has been addressed by many scholars (Alexander 2010; Wacquant 2001; Cole 1999, Tonry 2011; Stevenson 2014). Studies have shown the connection between racialized structures of inequality, punishment, and colonization (Agozino 2000, 2003; Irwin and Umemoto 2016; Bosworth and Flavin 2007). However, scholars have recognized a void in the discussion of colonial theory in the field of criminology (Agozino 2003; Cunneen and Tauri 2016; Bosworth and Flavin 2007). In this paper, I identify several ways in which criminology is closely tied to colonialism. I argue that a colonial criminology perspective assists in identifying power distinctions that construct notions of difference, thus providing a more nuanced understanding of crime, violence, and criminalization as a response to oppression and alienation. I focus primarily on colonialism in Hawai'i because of its fairly recent colonization and continuing indigenous struggle for Hawaiian sovereignty. Furthermore, Hawai'i is representative of racial and ethnic inequality and disparity within the United States criminal justice system, as the majority of both the adult and juvenile incarcerated populations in Hawai'i are of Native Hawaiian and/or Pacific Islander decent.

Neighborhood and school ethnic structuring and cultural adaptations among Mexican-origin adolescents.

The ethnic and racial structuring of U.S. neighborhoods may have important implications for developmental competencies during adolescence, including the development of heritage and mainstream cultural orientations. In particular, living in highly concentrated Latino neighborhoods during early adolescence-which channels adolescents into related school environments-may promote retention of the ethnic or heritage culture, but it also may constrain adaptation to the mainstream U.S. culture. We tested these hypotheses longitudinally in a sample of 246 Mexican origin adolescents (50.8% girls) and their parents. Data were collected 4 times over 8 years, with adolescents averaging 12.5 (SD = .58) to 19.6 (SD = .66) years of age across the period of the study. Latino ethnic concentration in early adolescents' neighborhoods promoted the retention of Mexican cultural orientations; Latino ethnic concentration in middle schools undermined the development of mainstream U.S cultural orientations. Findings are discussed in terms of integrating cultural-developmental theory with mainstream neighborhood theory to improve understandings of neighborhood and school ethnic concentration effects on adolescent development. (PsycINFO Database Record

Corazón de Dixie: Mexicanos in the U.S. South since 1910 by Julie M. Weise

Reviewed by: Corazón de Dixie: Mexicanos in the U.S. South since 1910 by Julie M. Weise James P. Chaney Corazón de Dixie: Mexicanos in the U.S. South since 1910. Julie M. Weise. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. 358pp. Halftones, maps, tables, appendices, notes, bibliography, index. $32.50 paper (ISBN 978-1-4696-2496-9), $29.99 e-book (ISBN 978-1-4696-2497-6). Since the late 1980s, the United States has witnessed an unprecedented shift in the geographic dispersal and settlement of Latinos within its borders. Bypassing traditional destinations and gateway cities, particularly in the southwest, Latino migrants, most notably of Mexican descent, have sought out economic opportunities in new locations. This trend is perhaps most conspicuously evident in communities throughout the U.S. South. Both rural and urban areas in states such as North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee have experienced a surge in Latino migration. This demographic phenomenon has spawned a burgeoning body of scholarly research on the societal impact and acceptance of a seemingly new ethnic group. However, few studies give significant attention to the earlier history of Latinos in the region. For that reason, Corazón de Dixie, an exemplary book by Julie W. Weise that explores the history of Mexican and Mexican American labor migration in southern states, is a welcome addition to migration scholarship. Weise employs a mixed methodology that includes oral histories and archival research (U.S. Census data, Mexican consular records, family photographs, school records, and newspapers) to provide a detailed account of the migratory motivations, struggles, and strategies of “Mexicanos” (Mexicans and Mexican Americans) in the U.S. South since [End Page 169] the beginning of the twentieth century. This approach successfully weaves together five case studies, each of which investigates the historical processes of Mexicano labor migration, settlement, and adaptation in different locations during different time periods. The result is a well-constructed narrative that systematically and chronologically demonstrates that Mexican migration to southern states is anything but a recent occurrence. Yet, Corazón de Dixie does more than spatially and temporally map out the movement and settlement of Mexicanos throughout the South. Rather, it meticulously illustrates the complex political and racial landscapes these newcomers encountered in their new communities. In doing so, Weise uncovers the tactics Mexicanos utilized to navigate the black/white dichotomy that historically defined race and ethnicity in the Jim Crow-era South. These tactics varied tremendously over the course of the century as migrants and Mexican consular officials continuously revised and updated their stratagems to ensure Mexicans were not negatively categorized in the U.S. racial system. In other words, Mexicans, they asserted, were distinct from blacks and should not be subject to the same racial classification. These schemes ranged from simple reliance on social activism and/or alliances with members of status in local communities (e.g., white employers and protestant churches) to more complex, formal assistance from Mexican consuls in New Orleans and Memphis. Indeed, Weise’s attention to the Mexican consulates’ advocacy of Mexican citizens vis-à-vis the specter of Jim Crow politics provides a transnational context to political discussions about racial structures and early voluntary migrant labor in the rural South. Corazón de Dixie begins in cosmopolitan New Orleans during the first decades of last century. The story of Mexicans in the Crescent City deviates significantly from the images and experiences of Mexicanos in the U.S. Southwest, where individuals of Mexican descent struggled against blatant labor exploitation and anti-Mexican violence. Rather, Mexicans in New Orleans, Weise asserts, were able to integrate with relative ease into white society with the help of the Mexican consul by presenting Mexico as a culturally Europeanized nation. Thus, Mexican nationalism was the vehicle that enabled Mexican residents to transcend the established color line in interwar New Orleans. This strategic portrayal of nationalism and identity coupled with the lucrative economic ties that bound the city’s port to coastal Mexico certainly played a role in affording Mexicans the societal privileges of a middle-class white racial status. Nevertheless, readers familiar with the Spanish colonial and Latino history of New Orleans may find this assertion somewhat circumscribed, if...

CULTURA E MITOLOGIA YORUBÁ EM SALA DE AULA

The aim of this work is, as an introduction, to emphasise how the knowledge of yoruba culture and mythology may introduce alternative epistemological paths to the state of violence perpetrated against people of African descent who have been living under the systemic structure of racism. Based on literature concerning African traditional thought and also the discussions carried out in class during a course entitled “Introduction to Yoruba Mythology and Culture”, we propose to highlight some cultural, cosmological, philosophical and social aspects in the Yoruba culture and mythology. This article also intends to reflect on how a socially racialized structure privileges epistemicide as a device of control and racial hierarchisation. For this reason, this text aims to single out the transgressive and insurgent potential of black-African knowledge [found within white’s cultural epistemological standards], once this would be a place of humanity restitution, and consequently of black self-valuation. Thus, this reflection emphasises the need to know oneself and to appropriate civilizing cultural values in an effective struggle against racism.

On the Antebellum Fringe: Lumbee Indians, Slavery, and Removal

On the Antebellum FringeLumbee Indians, Slavery, and Removal Malinda Maynor Lowery (bio) In 1801 authorities in Robeson County, North Carolina arrested a Lumbee man named Aaron Cumbo for stealing sixpence worth of property from a white man named William Townsend. A few nights after a jury found Cumbo guilty someone shot and killed Townsend's horse, an animal that was undoubtedly worth more than sixpence. Townsend blamed Aaron's brother Elisha Cumbo, declaring they were both "infamous character[s]" and "notorious villains." He admitted that he possessed "no positive proof" that Elisha had killed the horse, but he nevertheless judged Aaron's brother guilty because they had "for a long time carried on an illicit trade." Their illegal network had two headquarters, Townsend avowed. One was in Robeson County; the other was in "a remote part of South Carolina, [which] enables them to do a great deal of mischief with little prospect of detection." The fact that the Cumbos allegedly participated in illegal activity, Townsend proclaimed, was evidence enough to prove that Elisha had gunned down the horse.1 Townsend and seven men retaliated by violently apprehending Elisha, who in turn responded by suing his attackers. The white men, who later described themselves as "industrious, honest, and submissive to the law," defended their actions as permissible albeit outside of the normal "process of law." At the same time, they dismissed Cumbo's right to bring suit as a "defiance of the law." The court disagreed and fined the men fifteen pounds for rioting. When they appealed, a committee of state legislators upheld the court's decision. In essence, a group of landowning whites were informed that they, not a Lumbee Indian man, had acted outside the law in Robeson County. What had started as a sixpence [End Page 40] theft ultimately cost Townsend more than one hundred pounds in fines.2 The 1801 conflict between William Townsend and Elisha Cumbo reveals a long forgotten South—one where citizenship and civic responsibilities did not necessarily adhere to a binary racial divide.3 Arbitrary racial structures may have divided free white citizens from enslaved and non-white residents in later decades, but it was not always the norm. The North Carolina court and legislature of 1801 treated whites and people of color/Indians equally. They did not unilaterally support the extra-legal behavior of white men who punished people of color for perceived transgressions. Whites in Robeson County may have perceived that Indian families were prospering unjustly, but local courts nevertheless were willing to uphold the latter's rights to personal safety and property. The outcome of the Cumbo case stemmed from the fact that in 1801 "citizenship" was deemed a Tenth Amendment issue: one left to the states because nothing in the US Constitution specifically conferred upon the central government the power to define citizenship.4 Each state had a different constellation of laws indicating who could participate in the political process. In North Carolina, the 1778 Constitution allowed Indians and other free men of color to vote as long as they maintained additional markers of legitimacy: they had fought against the British Empire, paid taxes, and owned sufficient property. They made Elisha Cumbo as much a citizen of the state as William Townsend. Throughout North Carolina, free people of color consistently exercised their right to vote. One Robeson County resident even remembered that Indians possessed more political rights than white Loyalists after the Revolution.5 By the eve of the Civil War, however, North Carolina had stripped the Lumbee of their citizenship. Whereas in 1801 the Cumbos could both play a role in political affairs and participate in illegal activities, fifty years later the white community rested easier knowing that the state had turned Lumbees into degenerate lawbreakers outside the body politic. In essence, the assumptions about Indians that had shaped William Townsend's assault on Cumbo became the dominant narrative in North Carolina. Their presumed widespread participation in criminal activity—particularly making and selling liquor, trading with slaves, carrying weapons, and larceny—became a kind of venal litany that justified disfranchisement and marginalization from southern society.6 And yet physically the Lumbee remained, deeply rooted within their [End...