Quinine For Malaria Research Articles

What Historical Records Teach Us about the Discovery of Quinine.

The origin of quinine from Peru remains a mystery because of the lack of primary data-in particular, those produced by the Jesuits working in Peru. The discovery of cinchona bark and its use in malaria treatment must have come from the Jesuits, who worked with the native Andeans, the Quichuan people, and learned how the bark of the cinchona tree could be used for chills. Unknown is whether the Andean people used it for fever that may have been the result of malaria. We explored the literature of the 1600s, 1700s, and later to trace the history of quinine that is available. All these secondary sources lack the primary data of the Jesuits in their work with native Andeans, nor is there information on how the discovery of its use for malaria-like fevers came about. One clue comes from the Jesuits who talked with the Andean people and learned about quinine. But was it used for fever? Why did the Jesuits test it against (tertian or quartan) fevers that could have been the result of malaria? The gap in our knowledge can only be resolved with the discovery of written documents by the Jesuits about quinine for malaria.

On the treatment of acute articular rheumatism with pyramidon

Both quinine in malaria and salicylic sodium in acute articular rheumatism (o.s. r.) Are still considered specific agents. At the same time, we know from experience that salicylic soda often has a far unreliable, unstable and slow flow of about. with. R. action in large doses (and sal. sodium is valid, only in large doses), often associated with a number of more or less severe side effects: dizziness, headache, nausea, tinnitus, hearing loss and even deafness, drowsiness, stupefaction consciousness, delirium with various gelucinations and shortness of breath. Recently, salicylic sodium in the treatment of Fr. with. r., a very strong competitor appears - the pyramidon.

Healthcare Professional Preferences for Prescribing Artemisinins and Quinine for Malaria in Burundi

Background:Malaria is a significant cause of morbidity and mortality throughout the world and particularly sub-Saharan Africa. The World Health Organization and many national bodies, including Burundi, recommend artemisinin-based therapy as first-line treatment for uncomplicated and severe malaria. Implementing this recommendation requires healthcare professionals' acceptance of this treatment as the optimal choice.Methods:A survey was conducted among Burundian healthcare professionals from June to September 2017 to assess prescribing preferences regarding artemisinins versus quinine for treating malaria. Healthcare professionals were surveyed from 32 health facilities in 10 provinces. Respondents included both physicians and nurses who provided responses about their antimalarial treatment preferences for a variety of clinical scenarios. Comparisons among healthcare professionals, their level of training, work setting, and length of work experience were examined using a series of stratified analyses, where the Pearson Chi-square statistic and odds ratios with 95% confidence intervals were calculated.Results:Respondents included 101 doctors and 196 nurses. Seventy-nine percent of respondents worked in hospitals, while 58% had more than 5 years of work experience. Although 94% of respondents correctly identified artemisinin-based treatment as first-line therapy according to the national protocol, 24-40% of respondents preferred the use of quinine in various hypothetical clinical scenarios. Overall, nurses were at greater odds of preferring quinine versus artemisinins compared with physicians. Availability of artemisinins was associated positively with artemisinin preference. These results did not vary by duration of work experience.Conclusions:Though knowledge of artemisinin-based therapy was recognised by the majority of respondents as the recommended antimalarial treatment, a high proportion of Burundian healthcare professionals, especially nurses, prefer using oral and IV quinine in a number of clinical scenarios. These findings identify a significant barrier to the satisfactory implementation of a life-saving treatment in accordance with national and international recommendations.

HEALTH CARE IN THE BLACK SEA REGION IN LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA AND IN WORLD WAR I

There is a prevailing myth that before the revolutions of 1917 and the advent of Soviet power, Imperial Russia did not produce factory-prepared medicines, requiring most or all such medicines to be imported. This article refutes that misconception, documenting from printed and archival sources that some 300 chemical, factories and some 100 pharmaceutical factories operated in Russia in 1913 and that some zemstvos used only domestic medicines. It is emphasized that before the 20th century the vast majority of medicines were based on botanicals. This was true even after the discovery of sulfa drugs and antibiotics because some botanically based medicines were (and are now) superior to synthetics. Such was the case with quinine for malaria, endemic and epidemic throughout Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union. The article explains the reasons why Russia imported the new chemically synthesized medicines, the so-called “magic bullets,” despite having prerequisites for production such as outstanding chemists and a large petroleum industry. It is underlined that the Russian pharmaceutical industry grew more robust during World War I because of synergy from many quarters and because the fetters on the industry were removed. The importance of the Black Sea Region is highlighted in the development of the Russian pharmaceutical industry before and during World War I.

Imported Malaria Cases: A Source of Moving Backward From Elimination to the Preelimination Phase in Malaria Control

TO THE EDITOR—TheWorld Health Organization (WHO) Eastern Mediterranean Region has a total population of 513 million, nearly half of which resides in areas at risk for malaria. Among the countries with low malaria burden limited to certain areas and with effective malaria programs, Iran has experienced a gradual decline in malaria over the past decade, now approaching the ultimate goal of disease elimination. The first WHO report from Iran on the disease status in 1924 indicated malaria as the most prevalent disease with high morbidity and mortality [1]. Almost a decade later, the first malaria study unit was established in Iran providing free quinine for malaria patients. Throughout the next 20 years, numerous measures were taken to tackle the malaria burden including drug prophylaxis and treatment, antimosquito spraying with DDT, and a few antilarval control measures such as Gambusia fish release. However, it was not until 1956 that the Malaria Eradication Program (MEP) was launched in Iran with the collaboration of WHO and UNICEF,

Rifampicin reduces efficacy of quinine in malaria

Rifampicin reduces efficacy of quinine in malaria

Rifampicin reduces efficacy of quinine in malaria

Rifampicin reduces efficacy of quinine in malaria

A study of the factors affecting the metabolic clearance of quinine in malaria

To assess the factors that contribute to impaired quinine clearance in acute falciparum malaria. Sixteen adult Thai patients with severe or moderately severe falciparum malaria were studied, and 12 were re-studied during convalescence. The clearance of quinine, dihydroquinine (an impurity comprising up to 10% of commercial quinine formulations), antipyrine (a measure of hepatic mixed-function oxidase activity), indocyanine green (ICG) (a measure of liver blood flow), and iothalamate (a measure of glomerular filtration rate) were measured simultaneously, and the relationship of these values to the biotransformation of quinine to the active metabolite 3-hydroxyquinine was assessed. During acute malaria infection, the systemic clearance of quinine, antipyrine and ICG and the biotransformation of quinine to 3-hydroxyquinine were all reduced significantly when compared with values during convalescence. Iothalamate clearance was not affected significantly and did not correlate with the clearance of any of the other compounds. The clearance of total and free quinine correlated significantly with antipyrine clearance (rs = 0.70, P = 0.005 and rs = 0.67, P = 0.013, respectively), but not with ICG clearance (rs = 0.39 and 0.43 respectively, P > 0.15). In a multiple regression model, antipyrine clearance and plasma protein binding accounted for 71% of the variance in total quinine clearance in acute malaria. The pharmacokinetic properties of dihydroquinine were generally similar to those of quinine, although dihydroquinine clearance was less affected by acute malaria. The mean ratio of quinine to 3-hydroxyquinine area under the plasma concentration-time curve (AUC) values in acute malaria was 12.03 compared with 6.92 during convalescence P = 0.01. The mean plasma protein binding of 3-hydroxyquinine was 46%, which was significantly lower than that of quinine (90.5%) or dihydroquinine (90.5%). The reduction in quinine clearance in acute malaria results predominantly from a disease-induced dysfunction in hepatic mixed-function oxidase activity (principally CYP 3A) which impairs the conversion of quinine to its major metabolite, 3-hydroxyquinine. The metabolite contributes approximately 5% of the antimalarial activity of the parent compound in malaria, but up to 10% during convalescence.

Arteether an alternative to quinine in malaria

Arteether an alternative to quinine in malaria

Florence Nightingale Museum

Florence Nightingale Museum. Established and maintained by the Florence Nightingale Museum Trust. Located at St. Thomas' Hospital, London, United Kingdom. Permanent exhibition, opened 12 May 2010. Museum Director: Natasha McEnroe. Designer: Kossmanm.Dejong. http://www.florence-nightingale.co.uk Florence Nightingale Trust, created in 1982 to preserve, protect, and make Nightingale's artifacts, letters, and publications accessible to the public and scholars, established the Florence Nightingale Museum, designed by Robin Wade Design Associates and formally opened in February 1989 by Her Royal Highness Princess Alexandra of Kent. To mark the centenary of Nightingale's death, the museum recently underwent modernization through a £1.4 million redevelopment fund and reopened, once again, by Princess Alexandra on May 12, 2010, to coincide with Nightingale's 190th birthday. redesigned museum features interactive and touch screen exhibits, films, and a creative program with various activities for children, including a word game that Nightingale invented. Although a hard copy of Nightingale's register of 222 nurses is in a glass cabinet, visitors can turn the pages electronically with the life-size digital register. museum contains many of Nightingale's artifacts and paraphernalia, illustrations, portraits, and narrative placards. aim of the refurbished museum is to deepen visitors' understanding of Nightingale's achievements by moving beyond the sentimental Victorian image of the ministering angel and to show the relevance of her ideas today. Three pavilions provide a historically balanced account of Nightingale's life and work. first, entitled The Gilded Cage, discusses her privileged childhood and struggles against the stifling social constraints of Victorian England. second pavilion, The Calling, focuses on how Nightingale and her team coped with the chaotic and disease-ridden military hospitals in the Crimea. Her work on the health of the Indian army following the 1857 Indian Mutiny was also displayed in this pavilion. last pavilion, Reform and Inspire, addresses the public health, nursing, and army reforms that Nightingale undertook after her return to London from the Crimean War. Featured also in the museum is a Jamaican nurse, Mary Jane Seacole, whose display includes a narrative and video about her role during the Crimean War, a photograph of her, and a medicine box containing some of the herbs she used, such as ginger, cinnamon, lemon grass, sage, vanilla, and licorice. With so many of Nightingale's iconic objects on display, the museum has resolutely succeeded in bringing Nightingale to life. Highlights include one of her inimitable black dresses with white lace around the neck and cuffs; the lifelike expression of her pet owl Athena (stuffed after the owl's death); Alexis Soyer's specially constructed stove for use in the army; William White's 1836 portrait of Florence and her sister Parthenope, painted to show them as desirable brides for a gentleman; and a 19th-century Turkish lantern or famoos (artists have often mistakenly shown Nightingale holding a Greek or genie lamp instead). Many more items that belonged to Nightingale are presented, including her childhood lunch box, a pen and inkwell, a writing case, jewelry, and the medicine chest she took to the Crimean War, containing medicine for upset stomach and diarrhea, quinine for malaria, and ipecacuanha to treat dysentery. These objects are an embodiment of her life and work that should permit visitors to gain a sense of Nightingale as an indomitable and courageous woman who reformed and modernized nursing. only historiographical reference is a comment about Lytton Strachey's short biography of Nightingale in 1918, seen by many historians as an attempt to destroy the Nightingale myth. …

The popularity of injections in the Third World: origins and consequences for poliomyelitis.

Paralysis from poliomyelitis may follow injections yet injections are extremely popular in the Third World. Some injections are given by hospital doctors and nurses but the majority are given by traditional healers, pharmacists and paramedical workers who have acquired syringes. Many injections may be given to a sick child. I suggest that the early use of vaccines did not persuade people of the mystic of injections and that the mystic predated the use of penicillin. The earliest mystical result would have been the injection of quinine for malaria and antrypal for sleeping sickness. The words brilliant, spectacular and dramatic were first used to describe the mass campaigns against yaws and kala-azar in the 1920s and 1930s. A single injection healed the ugly lesions in a week: cause and effect were visible. In the 1950s penicillin was used in mass eradication campaigns. The countries where injections are so popular correspond roughly with the areas of mass eradication programmes. Many or perhaps most of the injections are not sterile and present a great risk of attendant paralysis. Proof that injections are causal may be impossible. Meanwhile we need to know why injections are so popular and how they can be less so.

Error in Principles and Practice of Infectious Diseases

Excerpt To the editor: There is a potentially serious typographical error inPrinciples and Practice of Infectious Diseases(1). Table 4, p. 2107, should state that intravenous quinine for malaria is...

MATERIA MEDICA OF THE AYMARA

SUMMARY The Aymara Indians, of the Lake Titicaca plateau in Bolivia, have perhaps the largest materia medica ever reported from any native tribe. Their doctors or «Collawayus» from Charazani (Muñecas Province) are famous all over South America, even as far as Ecuador and Argentina; and even middleclass townspeople commonly consult them for cures. The botanical specimens here reported were collected by the ethnologist Professor Dr. Weston LA BARRE (now of Duke University) as Sterling Fellow of Yale University, and identified by the botanist Dr. Richard E. SCIIULTES, Curator of the Botanical Museum of Harvard University. Admittedly, empirical medicines are probably not all effective scientifically; and yet this list of plants must be expected to yield a higher percentage of valid drugs than a random sample of the flora of the country. For these people discovered and used quinine for malaria in pre-Colombian times; seaweed, for the cure of goitre; a mercury-pomade in llama-fat, for syphilis; ipecacuana as an emetic and purgative; Cactaeeae alkaloids for heart diseases; and many other plants of genuine medical value. The great usefulness in psychiatry of the Rauwolfia drugs as tranquilizers and Lophophora derivatives (e.g. mescaline) as psychotomimetic drugs—both of native tribal origins in their first uses—has alerted scholars once again to the untested possibilities contained in native pharmacopoeias.

Quinine in Malaria

Quinine in Malaria

The Direct Plasmodicidal Effect of Quinine, Atabrine and Plasmochin on Plasmodium Lophurae

Journal Article The Direct Plasmodicidal Effect of Quinine, Atabrine and Plasmochin on Plasmodium Lophurae Get access R. I. Hewitt, R. I. Hewitt From the Health and Safety Department, Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Departments of Preventive Medicine and Pharmacology, University of Tennessee College of Medicine, Memphis Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar A. P. Richardson A. P. Richardson From the Health and Safety Department, Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Departments of Preventive Medicine and Pharmacology, University of Tennessee College of Medicine, Memphis Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar The Journal of Infectious Diseases, Volume 73, Issue 1, July 1943, Pages 1–11, https://doi.org/10.1093/infdis/73.1.1 Published: 01 July 1943 Article history Received: 28 December 1942 Published: 01 July 1943

Sulfa Drugs May Substitute for Quinine for Malaria

Sulfa Drugs May Substitute for Quinine for Malaria

What Should Be Done About Cancer?

THOSE who desire to accomplish most for humanity in the field of cancer must survey several lines of effort for the possibilities of producing results. 1. Laboratory research to determine the cause of cancer. 2. Search for a specific cure. 3. Improvement and standardization of known methods of treatment. 4. Making such methods available to cancer sufferers. 5. Education of physicians and public. 1. Search for cause.—This has been going on for two generations, with the expenditure of millions of dollars, and, so far, we are but little nearer the answer. It can well be left to the few centers already engaged and experienced in the work. 2. Search for cure.—Man has looked for panaceas from the beginning of time; in the Middle Ages, for the fabulous philosopher's stone that would cure every ill—in more recent times for a specific remedy for a specific disease. Some success has rewarded such search, for example, quinine in malaria, antitoxin for diphtheria, serum for epidemic meningitis. Man is still seeking such a specific for cancer, the scourge that cuts him off in the most productive period of life. Whether such a cure shall consist of an amulet hung around the neck, a “radio-active” drinking water, or a marvelous substance to be injected into the body, depends on the relative ignorance of the searchers. For reasons that are only too painfully obvious to the intelligent student of cancer, it is extremely unlikely that any specific cure for cancer will ever be found, as cancer is not a single disease but the name of a whole group of diseases with certain common characteristics. Research which holds so little hope of success seems questionable judgment. But this does not apply to the development by clinical and laboratory research of successful methods of treatment when intelligently and skillfully applied, alone or in combination with other methods, even in the absence of a specific cure. The best example of the result of such research is insulin, a successful treatment but not a cure for diabetes. It is believed that any effort toward relieving or attacking the cancer situation as a whole will go much farther in saving life and relieving suffering than if devoted to clinical or laboratory research alone. Clinical and laboratory research can not accomplish much without adequate facilities for caring for and treating cancer patients. If only a certain sum of money is available, it must be divided between furnishing these facilities and the laboratories. If it is spent entirely on what one might call “pure research” in the laboratory, much of the work will necessarily be abortive. To be told that one has cancer does not necessarily mean a death sentence. The percentage of actual cures among the commoner forms of cancer is being increased every year as physicians become more and more skilled in the use of established and proven methods, and improvements in these methods are developed or discovered.

QUININE IN MALARIA

Medical Journal of AustraliaVolume 2, Issue 5 p. 99-99 In Memoriam QUININE IN MALARIA First published: 01 August 1918 https://doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1918.tb32613.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume2, Issue5August 1918Pages 99-99 RelatedInformation

THE DOSAGE OF QUININE FOR MALARIA

Medical Journal of AustraliaVolume 1, Issue 19 p. 401-401 Correspondence THE DOSAGE OF QUININE FOR MALARIA First published: 01 May 1918 https://doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1918.tb32262.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume1, Issue19May 1918Pages 401-401 RelatedInformation

Quinine in malaria: Its limitations and possibilities

Quinine in malaria: Its limitations and possibilities Get access John D. Thomson, A.M., M.B., C.M. John D. Thomson, A.M., M.B., C.M. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar Transactions of The Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, Volume 11, Issue 5-6, March-April 1918, Pages 226–231, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0035-9203(18)90010-6 Published: 01 March 1918