Quest For Freedom Research Articles

Elitist Leadership and Congregational Participation Among Early Plymouth Brethren

When identifying the ‘catalyst for disaffection’ and the ‘trigger for individual secessions’ from the Establishment in the early nineteenth century, Grayson Carter recently concluded that ‘theological “extremism” was probably a more significant irritant than pastoral exasperation’. It is nevertheless evident that episcopal restraints on any ecclesiastical ‘irregularities’ and the dubious spiritual credentials of some of those controlling the appointment of both higher and lower clergy were also significant factors in the discontent of many who seceded in the 1830s. A quest for freedom from such constraints therefore often accompanied the special doctrinal emphases of those who would sooner or later quit the establishment. This was particularly true of the seceders known as the Plymouth Brethren whose congregations proliferated in the 1830s and ‘40s. With clerical ordination abandoned as unscriptural, their meetings came to be noted for spontaneous prayer and exhortation by any member of the congregation, but such an ‘institutionalizing’ of unprogrammed participation was liable to attract ‘free spirits’ whose orthodoxy and ‘manners’ could be questionable. This paper considers the way in which the precise doctrinal convictions and conservative social assumptions of such seceders could come into conflict with, and sometimes, at least for a while, keep at bay some of the elements unleashed by their professed desire for ecclesiastical freedom. Of particular interest is the interplay of social and doctrinal motivation.

Appointment With Destiny

Apart from Mukovan Djilas, Mihajlo Mihajlov is considered as the most famous dissident in the Balkans--a former prisoner-of-conscience in Tito's Yugoslavia. This brief but comprehensive, autobiographical retrospective recounts some major hilights in Mihajlov's odyssey ushered in by his intellectual travelogue, Moscow Sunmer 1964, first published in full in The New Leader. Mihajlov became an embarrassment not only to Josip Broz Tito and the Soviet leaders, but also to those in die West who landed Tito's "independent path to socialism." Yet others correctly perceived Mihajlov's quest for freedom of thought, speech, press, association, religious, philosophical and political persuasion as a classic benchmark of basic human rights and freedoms characterizing open, pluralistic, democratic polities. Indeed, the Westem press contributed to the pressure of world public opinion, which helped free Mihajlov, and, as he claims, even kept him alive. In a region divided by inter-ethnic conflict and civil war, Mihajlov's struggle for the rule of law and human dignity epitomizes hopes for a better future.

Postmodernist Diversions in African American Thought

This article critically examines the postmodern Blackness phenomenon that seeks primacy in African American thought. Using an Afrocentric analytical approach centered on the axis of culture and history of African Americans, I argue that the postmodern Blackness phenomenon is an unfortunate and precarious turn away from relevance. In its disapproving attitude and stance on cultural identity and consciousness, the quintessential issues in political belonging and politics, postmodern Blackness behaves as an impediment in the African American quest for freedom. Among the political hazards wrought by postmodern Blackness are (a) incessant disunity among African descended peoples and (b) dependency on political actors external to the African American community who are well organized and purposeful in pursuit of their own interests. This analysis also explains that at its core, postmodernism is yet another way of expressing the individualistic ethos of the European worldview.

Representing the West in the Arabic Language: The Slave Narrative of Omar Ibn Said

In From Behind the Veil, a seminal text in African-American literary studies, Robert Stepto posits that for African-America, the ‘pregeneric myth’—a shared myth both predating the literary form and influencing the texts composing a culture’s literary canon—is ‘the quest for freedom and literacy’. His study takes as its starting point four slave narratives that represent the earliest period in the history of the African-American narrative as literary form. Introducing key phases in the slave narrative, Stepto charts the increasing independence of the slave’s voice. He notes the plethora of voices, represented by appended documents, which serve to authenticate the narrative, and he subsequently analyses slaves’ strategies of gaining authorial control over their texts. The work, a critical study of the slave narrative, could not have anticipated the 1995 rediscovery of a particularly significant text in the history of the African-American narrative, which would trouble this declared pregeneric myth: the 1831 slave narrative of Omar ibn Said. Commissioned to write in the Arabic language, Omar wrote the earliest piece of extant Arabic writing on American soil, and the only existing autobiography of an American slave in Arabic, thereby complicating Stepto’s statement regarding African-American literature. Omar’s narrative, written in the language of a slave already literate before coming to America, thus sets aside the driving myth of the quest for literacy. Furthermore, his having written in Arabic seems to dispense with the standard requirement for authenticating documents—endorsed

Kant on Hobbes, peace, and obedience

Kant's essay ‘On the common saying: “This may be true in theory, but it does not apply in practice”’ contains a chapter ‘On the relationship of theory to practice in political right’ to which he added, in brackets, ‘(Against Hobbes)’. The problem is that Kant leaves his Hobbes-criticism implicit. The main point seems to be the Hobbes's citizens are without any rights. We explore the differences and similarities between Kant's and Hobbes's political views and evaluate the effectiveness of Kant's criticism. We pay attention to Nominalism and Platonism, the idea of happiness in social life, the use and role of the Golden Rule (Categorical Imperative) in political thought, the quest for freedom, and the principle of political non-resistance. Especially freedom of speech is important for Kant as an Enlightenment thinker. This is the only right Kant's citizens may have, independently of the sovereign's will. Our conclusion is that both Kant and Hobbes emphasize peace and order under sovereign power although they do not agree on how such an ideal can be achieved.

Vladimir Spasovich and the Development of the Legal Profession in Russia

Russian society is currently struggling on its road towards recognizing the rights and freedoms of the individual, as well as towards establishing the rule of law and institutions, norms and procedures of a civil society. The current poor state of the legal profession is due significantly to lawyers with substandard qualifications. This fact has delayed the speed of progressive social, political and spiritual reforms, and has complicated the quest for freedom and legal rights by the Russian people. An analysis of the previous Russian experience and a creative interpretation of state and legal traditions might be useful to solve current problems. One such lesson may be learned from studying the history of the Bar (Advokatura), which once used to influence the social and political life in Russia.

The Therapeutic Ideology of Moral Freedom

Philip Rieff's theory of culture remains as relevant today for assessing the state of Western cultures as it was in the 1960s when it was initially formulated. As Rieff predicted, therapeutic culture has gone beyond `the analytic attitude' to form its own set of remissive `controls' that are implicit in the tolerance and moderation described by Alan Wolfe in his study of the `impossible idea of moral freedom'. The contemporary ideology of moral freedom is most closely linked with what is commonly termed `the new class'. As what Alvin Gouldner calls a `cultural bourgeoisie', this class has not simply material but also therapeutic interests in defending the idea of moral freedom. In addition, the moderation of the contemporary quest for moral freedom must be understood as having resulted from the cultural and sociopsychological strains that grew out of the quest for freedom and autonomy, which both Rieff and Gouldner trace back to the modern intellectual, and which became widespread in the 1960s. However, the reforms of the therapeutic revolution do not resolve the basic contradictions of a culture that has fewer and fewer interdictory controls. Even the doctrine of human rights as ably defended by Michael Ignatieff fails to explain what will restrain the human desire to be and express everything. As perhaps the noblest expression of the quest for moral freedom, this doctrine reveals the shortcomings of merely defending human agency, while neglecting the limitation of human possibilities upon which civilized existence and inner development of the personality depend.

Les Prisons du roman (XVIIe–XVIIIe siècle): Lectures plurielles et intertextuelles de ‘Guzman d’Alfarache’ à ‘Jacques le fataliste’ by Jacques Berchtold (review)

968 Reviews of the Public Record Office in 1921 has caused irreparable losses. There is only one Dublin bookseller's ledger-book extant. However, the National Library of Ireland holds the records ofthe Guild of St Luke the Evangelist. Maire Kennedy shows great patience and ingenuity in fillingas many gaps as possible. She provides four valuable tables, including a list of library catalogues and a list of the top hundred French authors in Irish private libraries (disregarding grammars and dictionaries, Voltaire comes first,followed by Fenelon, then by Boileau and Moliere). Two recent books have transformed our knowledge ofeverything to do with French books in Ireland in the eighteenth century. Ireland and the French Enlightenment, edited by Graham Gargett and Geraldine Sheridan (London: Macmillan, 1999), to which Maire Kennedy made important contributions, complements her work, providing notably a list, compiled by Graham Gargett, of French books connected with the French Enlightenment published in Ireland, 1700-1800. Now Maire Kennedy's own book gives us a vast amount of information on the broader topic. Much remains to be done. Further archival research will certainly fillsome gaps in our knowledge, and international comparisons, however complex and delicate, will have to be undertaken . The absence of radical political texts from the library catalogues is discussed here; erotic books and other non-canonical genres, such as the scandalous vie privee ofthe later eighteenth century, scarcely figure in this study, presumably forthe same reason. We look forward to Kennedy's future work in the field that she has pioneered so remarkably. Universite Lumiere Lyon II Michael O'Dea Les Prisons du roman (XVIIe-XVIIIe siecle): Lectures plurielles et intertextuellesde (Guzmand'Alfarache'a Jacques lefataliste'. By Jacques Berchtold. (Histoire des idees et critique litteraire, 386) Geneve: Droz. 2000. 784 pp. 76.80 SwF. The title and dimensions of this volume lead one to expect a descriptive thesis dealing with prison conditions in the early novel, but it offersmore than that. The descriptive element is there, but the main interest is the effect of prison, or its threat, on the individual, the evolution of narrative topoi relating to prison life,and the light thrown by the prison theme on the evolution of the early novel, a genre characterized by mobility and the quest for freedom, both social and aesthetic. In an opening section, the origins of the theme in classical antiquity are traced, fromthe pervading models of Socrates, Aesop, Epictetus, and Callisthenes to the rather differentChristian tradition, with a view to establishing a series of topoi, such as the road to prison, relationships between prisoners and visitors, jailers and magistrates, filth and stench, perverted sexuality, analogies between prison and hell, the urge to escape, and strategies for coping, ranging from Stoic ataraxia to Christian acceptance of tribulation. These topoi are then traced through the evolution of the novel, starting with the picaresque, in which the inherent mobility of the hero constantly risks punctuation by spells in prison. In Guzman de Alfarache prison becomes a spur to moral and theological reflection, but other works adopt a more cynical approach, especially in the sordid world of Quevedo's Buscon. The quest for liberty takes a differentform in French comic novels, influenced by the picaresque but more aristocratic in tone, notably Sorel's Francion and the works of Cyrano de Bergerac, which allow aerial escape from the horizontal hell of prison. With the 'faux memoire' of Courtilz de Sandras, we move from malodorous low-life jails to the state prison of the Bastille, in which minor political players are incarcerated, as Courtilz himself was, forreasons often unknown to themselves, coping with their situation with greater or lesser degrees of success. Lesage's place in the evolution is pivotal: his use of the picaresque genre appears MLRy 97.4, 2002 969 at first retrograde, but Gil Blas's imprisonment in Segovia marks a synthesis with Courtilz's world of state imprisonment. In Manon Lescaut links between prison and passion, itselfan imprisoning force,are explored, incidentallypresentingthe authority of Des Grieux pere in an unfashionably sympathetic light. Though imprisonment is less central in Candide and Jacques lefataliste, these two works are the subjects of the finalchapters. In Candide the prison theme serves as...

African American Autobiography and the Quest for Freedom (review)

African American Autobiography and the Quest for Freedom (review)

Hegemony and the Politics of Twain's Protagonist/Narrator Division in "Huckleberry Finn"

in Huckleberry Finn studies has been Mark Twain's advocacy of a non-conformist individualism--the belief that independence and self-sovereignty can be achieved by living outside the social institutions of sivilization. But with the shifting emphasis on identity politics another major subject has attracted wider study: analyzing the issue of race as it corresponds to the relationship between Huck and Jim. Critics have discussed the position of control Huck maintains throughout the novel, differing as to whether it is negative or positive, but none have fully considered this relationship or Huck's quest for freedom through the critical lens of hegemony theory. Such a perspective allows investigations of race and autonomy to be integrated and exposes Twain's darker intentions. By showing that the ideology of the center influences Huck's marginal life, that it is in fact carried into this zone by Huck himself, this reading complements the critical work that has questioned the novel as a model for a freer life in the sanctuary of nature. This in turn deals with Twain's supposed failure to offer a solid example of this alternative in the final chapters. What has too often been misunderstood is how he clearly intends to repudiate the potential of individuals, be they inside or outside society, in order to demonstrate the illusion of individualism.

Communication is Freedom: Karl Marx on Press Freedom and Censorship

Karl Marx addresses issues of freedom and communication during his brief career as editor of the Rheinische Zeitung and Neue Rheinische Zeitung in Cologne, Germany between 1843 and 1849 with remarkable clarity and intensity. His quest for freedom and the disclosure of truth are cornerstones of resistance to official attempts to manipulate the understanding of freedom as license to act and to suggest that truth is relative and determinable by public authorities. Marx identifies editorial practices with freedom of expression that belongs to working journalists as an individual or collective right that governs the relations between journalists and public and private authorities, including the owners of the press itself; freedom of the press, on the other hand, as an economic consideration is a professional prerequisite for intellectual labour. His ideas offer real alternatives to current debates over freedom of the press and contemporary conditions of journalism: to sustain democracy requires freedom of expression and the protection of the public sphere, including the media, particularly from forms of censorship that arise with the control of intellectual labour by those who own or influence the means of public communication.

Rethinking human well-being: a dialogue with Amartya Sen

The paper undertakes a critical dialogue with the perspective of human well-being offered by Amartya Sen. Sen's notions of functioning and capability of individuals lack emphasis on self-development and how individuals can themselves advance their functioning and capability. Further, his notion of well-being as distinct from the agency aspect of the human person and his dualism of negative and positive freedom are not helpful for what Sen himself calls a comprehensive redefinition of human development as a quest for freedom. Finally, freedom is not sufficient, and development as freedom needs to be supplemented by a quest for development as responsibility. To overcome all this is difficult within Sen's frame of reference because of its lack of an ontological striving or a deep conceptualization of self and self-preparation. This prevents realization of the full potential of his quest for a wider supportive environment for human well-being, consisting of internal criticism of traditions, a pluralist framework of secular toleration and an epistemology of positional objectivity. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Quest for Freedom and Human Concern: A Subjective Perspective on the Early History of the Swedish Society for Holistic Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis and Its Relation to IFPS

The forming and early development of the Swedish Society for Holistic Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis is described. The influence of the personal background of those who formed the society, the general zeitgeist in which the society unfolded and the specific circumstances in the field of psychotherapy and psychoanalysis in Sweden at the actual time is paid attention to. The significance of Dr. Harold Kelman as a supervisor and teacher during the forming years is underlined. The forming of the International Federation of Psychoanalytic Societies (IFPS) is mentioned as an important matrix for the growth of the society.

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:Alfred P. Smyth (ed.), Medieval Europeans: studies in ethnic identity and national perspectives in medieval Europe.Andrew Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community: ethical foundations of the post‐ Westphalian era.András Bozóki (ed.), Intellectuals and Politics in Central Europe.Michael Löwy, Fatherland or Mother Earth? Essays on the national queation.Montserrat Guibernau and John Rex (eds.), The Ethnicity Reader: nationalism, multiculturalism, and migration.Ralph D. Grillo, Pluralism and the Politics of Difference: state, culture, and ethnicity in comparative perspective.Steve Bruce, Comparative Protestant Politics.Kas Deprez and Louis Vos (eds.), Nationalism in Belgium: shifting identities, 1780‐1995.Taras Kuzio, Ukraine: State and nation building.Taras Kuzio (ed.), Contemporary Ukraine: dynamics of post‐Soviet transformation.Seyoum Y. Hameso, Ethnicity and Nationalism in Africa.Seyoum Y. Hameso, Trevor Trueman and Temesgen M. Erena (eds.), Ethiopia: conquest and the quest for freedom and democracy.Martin Evans, The Memory of Resistance: French opposition to the Algerian War (1954–1962).Joane Nagel, American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Red Power and the resurgence of identity and culture.John Fitzgerald, Awakening China: politics, culture and class in the Nationalist Revolution.

Double Reverse Discrimination

Double Reverse Discrimination Steven F. Lawson (bio) J. Morgan Kousser. Colorblind Injustice: Minority Voting Rights and the Undoing of the Second Reconstruction. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. 590 pp. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, and index. $65.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper). In their long and torturous struggle for racial equality following the end of slavery, African Americans counted the right to vote as essential to winning full freedom. Reconstruction gave newly emancipated black southerners their first opportunity to cast ballots and elect members of their own race to public office. As participants in biracial governments, they helped bring to the war-devastated South public school systems, internal improvements, and progressive state constitutions. However, their pride of accomplishment proved short-lived as Reconstruction gave way to Redemption, and by the turn of the twentieth century, white southern conservatives regained political control and disfranchised most of the African-American electorate. Nevertheless, the legacy of this pioneering suffrage experience did not die. Regaining the franchise became critical to restoring freedom and full citizenship. Blacks challenged their loss of voting rights in the courts but to no avail. In 1876, a year before the last Union troops withdrew from the South, the Supreme Court decided that the federal government lacked the power to protect citizens from intimidation and violence in state and local elections. 1 Two decades later, while the high tribunal in Plessy v. Ferguson upheld racial segregation, the justices also validated poll taxes and literacy tests that white southern officials implemented to disqualify blacks from voting. 2 With the ballot central to their quest for freedom, black plaintiffs did not give up on the courts. Their persistence paid off in 1944, when the Supreme Court outlawed the Democratic white primary that excluded blacks from the only meaningful election in the South. 3 This judicial triumph stimulated black voter registration, but legal rulings by themselves did not crack the wall of white supremacist resistance that arose in the 1950s to keep the black electorate from expanding. Not until civil rights protests in the 1960s forced the federal government to respond positively did Congress pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965. This potent piece of legislation finally led to the elimination of the remaining legal obstacles to black [End Page 477] voter registration and provided the federal government, largely through the Justice Department, with the necessary power to enforce the law. The passage and enforcement of the Voting Rights Act guaranteed the reenfranchisement of the majority of African Americans and sparked the election of thousands of black officeholders in the South. The successes of the Second Reconstruction have exceeded those of the first and have proven more durable. In contrast to the post-Civil War period, until recently, the Supreme Court in the post-Civil Rights era generally supported black political empowerment. Starting with a series of rulings in 1969, the high bench interpreted the Voting Rights Law to cover not only registration and voting but also methods of conducting elections. 4 The court recognized that state legislatures might use redistricting to establish boundary lines that reduced or eliminated the possibility that black voters could elect candidates they favored. Furthermore, local governments could reach the same end by holding elections at large instead of by districts. The justices considered these and other arrangements examples of improper vote dilution if they were adopted with a racially discriminatory intent or produced a racially biased effect. Congress agreed with this interpretation as it renewed the act three times in 1970, 1975, and 1982 with the expansive court decisions in mind. As a result, a growing number of legislative districts in the South for state and national offices were drawn with a majority-black population, thereby promoting the election of a larger number of minority representatives than ever before. However, the legislative and judicial consensus favorable to minority voting rights came under assault in the mid 1990s. Opponents of affirmative action, including some liberals who had originally supported passage of the Voting Rights Act, contended that lawmakers did not have a constitutional obligation to fashion electoral procedures that would effectively increase the chance of electing minority officeholders, just as they could not use race to...

The Accursed Share: Sacrifice in Juan Coytisolo's Makbara

Engaging with the theory of eroticism as sacrifice put forward by Georges Bataille, this study aims to reveal how Goytisolo's treatment of sexuality in Makbara complies with the desire to lose Bataille posits at the basis of human nature. An analysis of the novel's reconstruction of the profane (heavenly) world whose function it is to elevate humanity, and thereby deny its animal origins, by eradicating all that is not productive, is then followed by an analysis of this world's antithesis, and the transgressive activities of the principal characters (the moro and the dissident Angel) who seek to liberate themselves from the servile reification of the profane. Concentrating on the nature of their amorous encounters, this quest for freedom is seen to assume the form of mutual sacrifice, of expenditure without profit, as outlined by Bataille, their desire being the desire for totality of being and the inner experience of plenitude that comes from the fusion of two discontinuous beings. Furthermore, this reading of Goytisolo's novel in the light of Bataille involves a discussion of the fundamental difference that exists between the two writers vis-a-vis significance of eroticism in the social sphere, and how this difference reveals a basic contradiction in the former's work.

Rewriting the American Self: Race, Gender, and Identity in the Autobiographies of Frederick Douglass and Harriet Jacobs

Slaves' (or more accurately, ex-slaves') autobiographies record process in which ex-slave writes his or her self into an existence recognized by dominant society. The author portrays way he or she overcomes slaveholding society's continuing attempts to eradicate his or her identity; simultaneously, s/he rewrites that identity to fit dominant culture's norms, despite fact that these norms tend to conflict with his/her own experiences during and after slavery. These autobiographies thus provide dramatic models of textual construction and development of American identity. In analyzing this construction, I will focus on autobiographies of Frederick Douglass and Harriet Jacobs, not because they are representative of African men's and women's literary traditions, or of masculine and feminine models of identity formation, but because each constructs a slave narrative which is covertly concerned with formation of identity, a process in which gender plays a significant role. (1) Slavery's constant attack upon body and mind of slave can result in a destructively circumscribed identity. I apply Elaine Scarry's theory of effects of extreme bodily pain upon victims of torture to Douglass's and Jacobs's texts as a way to understand extent of destruction of identity recounted by these ex-slaves in their narratives. As Scarry says, is only when body is comfortable, when has ceased to be an obsessive object of perception and concern, that consciousness develops objects (Scarry 39). One of those other objects, according to Scarry, is language. Pain, she claims, destroys victim's voice, his/her ability to express him or herself in words; in doing so, also destroys the contents of or victim's sense of self. The slaves narratives, then, are attempts to speak, to rebuild self (Scarry 4, 6, 31). (2) Although she doesn't acknowledge it, Scarry's analysis relies on model of psychological development developed by Freud and revised by Lacan. This model charts a progression from a moment before identity is developed and language has been mastered to possession of both a unique identity and language. The mastery of language is central to models of identity formation constructed by Scarry, Freud, Lacan, (3) and to feminist revisions of Freud's and Lacan's models. The ability to utilize language, especially written language or literacy, is also portrayed by many ex-slaves as crucial to their quest for freedom, a freedom which in large part is ability to allow consciousness to develop without restriction. (4) Thus written narrative, which in itself is a textual development of ex-slave's consciousness, can be viewed in Lacanian terms as author's attempts to enter into Symbolic into Society: by (re-)writing him or herself, and thus placing that self into tradition of autobiography, s/he provides proof of American identity. I want to examine norms which Douglass and Jacobs draw upon in their attempts to create textual or fictional identities for themselves. In doing so, I argue that nineteenth-century norms of masculine and feminine identity development mirror psychoanalytic constructions of identity described by Freud, Lacan, and their revisionists. This view is shared by Hortense Spillers, who describes slavery as one of richest displays of psychoanalytic dimensions of culture before science of European psychoanalysis takes hold (Spillers 77). Spillers explains way that slavery disrupts slave's ability to develop his/her identity in fashion described by Lacan: under pressure of a patronymic, patrifocal, patrilineal, and patriarchal order, slave child's human and familial status is disfigured. The very concept of family relations, considered by many to be universal in its application, loses meaning since it can be invaded at any given and arbitrary moment by property relations (Spillers 74). …

Women of the Anti-Slavery Movement: The Weston Sisters.

Acknowledgements - Map - Introduction - The Weston Sisters and Anti-Slavery - Women of Boston and Norwich - Right and Wrong in Boston - Maria Weston Chapman and Her Anti-Slavery Mission to Europe: 1: Elizabeth Pease and Her Circles - Maria Weston Chapman and Her Anti-Slavery Mission to Europe: 2: Paris and London - The Liberty Bell and the Quest for Freedom - The Care of Children - Conclusion - Notes - Bibliography - Index

Quest for Freedom: The United States and India's Independence.

A study of India's struggle towards independence, which examines the quest in the broader context of the USA's response to the question of Asian nationalism. The author views American foreign policy at a time of important change in America's attitude towards the colonial world.

Writing International History on the Periphery

actors on the periphery, along with the subtle interplay of European-American diplomacy on colonial issues, remain largely obscured. The study of American-Indian relations is no exception. Drawing upon a wide range of archival materials in India, Great Britain, and the United States, Kenton J. Clymer's Quest for Freedom aims to redress this imbalance. If Clymer's study never fully realizes the promise of an internationalist approach, his often revealing analysis substantially advances our understanding of AmericanIndian relations by placing decision making in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations within the larger context of interactions among the British, Indian nationalists, and Americans that shaped the patterns of decolonization in India.