Qing Emperors Research Articles

The Solon Sable Tribute, Hunters of Inner Asia and Dynastic Elites at the Imperial Centre

Abstract This article discusses the political and cultural importance of the Qing sable tribute for the expression and maintenance of imperial authority by focusing on the Solon, the largest sable-hunting group of the Qing dynasty in Heilongjiang. The political use of fur tribute items at the Qing centre reveals how the privilege of wearing fur defined the boundaries of the ruling hierarchy and, therefore, why sable tribute throughout the dynasty was a mechanism for maintaining relations between the Manchu court and the hunting population. The high demand for sable and other furs by the Qing emperor and other members of the political elite explains why the Qing empire needed the hunting population and their native places in the borderlands.

Introduction: Paving the Old-New Way from Qing to China

The funeral procession of Sheng Xuanhuai (, 1844-1916) - the renowned Qing scholar-official, financier, and "father of Chinese industrialism" - meandered through the streets of Shanghai on 18 November 1917. The funeral was a grand event, one that was purportedly documented in film, later to be distributed as the first "news short-film" () in China. The North China Herald reported on the event in some detail, at times in rather florid language, and suggested that "the cortege was splendid and impressive, bringing back the days of the Manchu emperors. The ceremonial costumes, the musical instruments and much more of the accoutrements dated back to the days of the Empire" ("Sheng Kung-pao's Funeral," 1917, 467-68). And indeed, the procession included a variety of ritual customs and insignia from Qing (1644-1911) times: imperial banners, ancestral tablets, Buddhist and Daoist priests, paper artifacts, and much more. Simultaneously, nonetheless, other kinds of participants and objects - new and not of imperial pedigree - were part of and intermixed with the older materials: certificates of rank were carried on cars; boy scouts and college students marched alongside the priests; many of the participants arrived by train (mainly from Sheng's hometown, Suzhou); and as the Shanghai portion of the procession ended, it continued by steamer to Suzhou. The conclusion of the North China Herald account, however, seems to have emphasized a dichotomy of old and new rather than a joyful mix of the two: Hundreds of men, dressed in the ancient costume of the old dynasties, bore a strong contrast to the eight behind them, sons of intimate friends of the deceased. They were on horseback and wore high silk hats, frock coats and white breeches tucked in riding boots. Truly the passing of the old and the entering of the new. (Ibid.; emphasis added) This view - the old giving way to the new - was not just an off-hand (Western) journalistic analysis; it was part of a larger discourse about the nature of modernity, about progress, and about the relationship between East and West. By the early twentieth century, China was often perceived by most Westerners and Chinese alike as traditional, backward, and weak. It was, thus, commonly stated that the old was giving way to the new (descriptive), should be giving way to the new (prescriptive), or was bound to give way to the new (quasi-fatalistic), if China was to survive. This kind of discourse was put forward by both Western and Chinese writers, who embraced this linear, progressive, view of the relationship between the old and the new, well before Sheng's funeral or the Qing's demise. In the aftermath of that demise, the New (not "Modern") Culture Movement began to grow and seek solutions for the old-new nation's crisis. The Movement's rhetoric in particular advanced the need for the triumph of the new, and journals, such as New People, New Tide, or New Youth (, , ) served as media for extending such views.

“You Don’t Wear a Fur in Summer”: Kang Youwei’s Impartial Words on Republicanism (1917) and the Fate of Chinese Democracy

Abstract This article aims to discuss Kang Youwei’s 康有為 (1858–1927) position on democracy and republicanism in China through the analysis of two major works of his late production: Datongshu 大同書 (Book of Great Concord, drafted in 1902, but only published posthumously in 1935) and Gonghe Pingyi 共和評議 (Impartial Words on Republicanism, 1917), seemingly presenting two opposite views on the same issue. Whereas in his most “esoteric” production, represented by the Datongshu, Kang prophesied the spread of democracy on a global scale (China included), he remained loyal to the prospect of a Chinese constitutional monarchy in his public appearances after 1911 – the same he had abortively sponsored during the Hundred Days’ Reform of 1898. In 1917, playing an active role in the short and somehow farcical restoration of the last Manchu emperor on the throne orchestrated by warlord Zhang Xun, Kang published Impartial Words on Republicanism, a significant essay through which he intended to explain the apparent contradiction between his republican utopia on the one hand and his “imperial” project on the other. Through the translation and discussion of some extracts from the two aforementioned works, I will try to shed more light on Kang’s complex views on the issue and on the ambivalence of his political and theoretical agenda. Finally, I will also suggest that Kang’s reflections may appear to have been successively echoed by later intellectuals in the debate on the possibility and nature of a “Chinese democracy”.

Words for images and images for words: an iconological and scriptural study of the Christian prints in the Chengshi moyuan 程氏墨苑

The early seventeenth century is noted for the fruitful cultural, religious, and artistic exchange between Europe and the Chinese imperial court. The missionaries of the Society of Jesus (Societas Iesu) became a prominent bridge connecting the two distinct cultures, where the main differences were, at the same time, the reason for their mutual allure. At that time, Jesuit priests, such as Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), João da Rocha (1587–1639), and Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), contributed significantly not only to the dissemination of Christianity in Beijing, Nanjing, and other important cities beyond the Portuguese administration of Macau, but also to the transmission of Western knowledge and technology. Along with the flow of goods and rare commodities brought from Europe which overwhelmed the Chinese emperors of the late Ming and High Qing courts, Western art was introduced into China as a synthesis of visual science, artistic sophistication, and eloquence, explaining why it became so valuable, particularly during the time of the three Qing emperors, Kangxi (1654–1722), Yongzheng (1678–1735), and Qianlong (1711–99). The modus operandi in the apostolic ministry of the Society of Jesus around the world is well known for the use of images as a visual explanation of Christian doctrine, particularly in China, India, and Japan. The Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius of Loyola (Exercitia Spiritualia), composed between 1522 and 1524, suggests that the images should be referred to as a reflection on the word, demonstrating the complementary function between text and images in the explanation of Christian teachings. This article discusses the agency of one of the earliest sets of European prints used in the context of the Jesuit mission in China as a visual explanation of biblical teachings. By means of iconographic examination and iconological approach, it examines how Christian prints included in the Chengshi moyuan 程氏墨苑 (The Ink Garden of Mr. Cheng) were used as a visual reasoning of the scriptures, demonstrating that the three biblical prints were linked to each other and purposely put together as a result of a doctrinal program.

Eunuch and Emperor in the Great Age of Qing Rule by Norman A. Kutcher

Reviewed by: Eunuch and Emperor in the Great Age of Qing Rule by Norman A. Kutcher Carl Déry (bio) Norman A. Kutcher. Eunuch and Emperor in the Great Age of Qing Rule. Oakland: University of California Press, 2018. xxv, 317 pp. Hardcover $75.00, ISBN 978-0-520-29752-4. This book is about eunuchs' relations with Qing emperors during the first half of the dynasty, from Shunzhi to Qianlong. Eunuchs have always been tainted with mysteries and our knowledge of their lives has always been limited due to the nature of the sources available. While a consensual master narrative mostly emphasized the destructive role played by eunuch during Ming dynasty and the efforts made by Qing emperors to control and limit their influence within the government, this groundbreaking book presents a quite different picture, as the author deals with crucial aspects about the lives of a myriad of individuals that unveil the necessary relations happening behind the curtain of institutions like the Imperial Household Department. The author draws on case reports of crimes and transgressions committed by eunuchs as he tries to go beyond usual stereotypes. These reports include a considerable amount of details related to investigations, confessions, and disposition, and thus provide a "genuine insight into the lives of Qing eunuchs" (p. 8). The author also relies on official documents from the Veritable Records and the Collected Qing Regulations, unpublished archival sources, as well as a critical assessment of A History of Our Dynasty's Palace (Guochao gong shi, 國 朝 宮 史). Starting with the negative perception toward eunuchs during the late Ming and its influence on Qing emperors' policies, the author notices a recurrent gap between official imperial rhetoric against eunuchs' power and day-to-day practices of eunuch management, as he tells how eunuchs responded to the changing policies of different emperors and how they found their ways in and around the palace for new opportunities. The book follows a chronological frame. Chapter one presents the consensus behind the master narrative on eunuch power during the Ming, and chapter two deals with the dynastic transition and the adaptation of this heritage during the [End Page 313] period of the Shunzhi emperor. Chapters three and four both deal with the reign of Kangxi, while chapters five and six both present some innovative reforms of the Yongzheng emperor, revealing the impact of the succession crisis. Chapters seven, eight, and nine all deal with the reign of Qianlong, underlying both the official regulations and the opportunities afforded to eunuchs. The writings of a few Ming scholars "articulated important benchmarks for eunuch management that would be meaningful for Qing rulers [referred to as] the gold standard for eunuch management" (p. 27). For example, Wang Fuzhi discusses the psychology of eunuchs and their "yin nature," as he sees their lack of "yang" as a cause for treachery and devotion. According to his lecture, every time eunuch and women were directly involved with power, the effect was to unbalance the yin and yang of the State and resulted in disasters for the whole country. He therefore concludes that problems began when emperors relied on eunuchs rather than scholars. Aside from the "yin essence" of eunuch, Huang Zongzi discusses their number: "the evil caused by Ming eunuchs came in direct proportion to the number of them that were in the palace" (p. 34). This led him to criticize the morality of the imperial taste for luxury that was detrimental to dealing with the affairs of the country. So, "if a ruler wanted to avoid eunuch problems, he should reduce his desire for pleasure" (p. 35). Gu Yanwu agreed with both of them, but he also condemned eunuch literacy, since it "represented the main pathway to eunuch interference in government" (p. 39). The texts of these three scholars represented "a synthesis of collective wisdom on the subject of eunuchs, and an articulation of a set of principles for their governance that would endure through the rest of the Qing" (p. 41). Despite the fact that Qing emperors mostly adhered to these core principles, since the beginning of the dynasty, one can notice the emergence of a pattern of "imperial rhetoric deviating from practice" (p. 43). For...

Inside the World of the Eunuch: A Social History of the Emperor's Servants in Qing China by Melissa Dale

Reviewed by: Inside the World of the Eunuch: A Social History of the Emperor's Servants in Qing China by Melissa Dale Ellen Soullière (bio) Melissa Dale. Inside the World of the Eunuch: A Social History of the Emperor's Servants in Qing China. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2018. xi, 223 pp. Hardcover $55.00, isbn 978-988-8455-75-1. This is the first book-length study of Chinese eunuchs in English since Henry Shih-shan Tsai's 1996 study of eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. Dale has accessed [End Page 193] a number of new sources for the study of Qing dynasty eunuchs, including archival records of legal cases in which eunuchs were involved. She has looked at the eunuch institution from multiple perspectives: legal, medical, social, and historical, effectively supplementing her text-based account with photographs of eunuchs in the early twentieth century. With the best will in the world, those of us who have grown up steeped in modern Western liberal traditions struggle to understand the social, political, and economic circumstances that enabled one group of human beings to routinely subject another group of people, in this case boys and men, to an operation that robbed them of their external genitalia and their opportunities to engage in ordinary sexual activity and to have biological children. As our guide into the world of Qing dynasty eunuchs, Dale's authorial voice is calm and she does not flinch from recording the details of the operations these boys and men endured and the mortality or lifelong morbidity that were often the result. Dale highlights dramatic contrasts between the histories of eunuchs in the Ming and Qing while at the same time illustrating some areas where continuity is apparent. She estimates that about 3,000 eunuchs were working in the Qing imperial palace at the end of the dynasty, very significantly fewer than estimates of their numbers under the Ming. She identifies the employment of bondservants as a key structural difference between the Ming and Qing courts. Qing bondservants were men who had a special relationship with the emperor and took on many of the more prestigious roles that eunuchs had fulfilled under the Ming. Qing dynasty eunuchs did not fill important military positions as eunuchs had during the Ming. In addition, at least initially, the Qing emperors sought to limit eunuchs' literacy more than the Ming had done. Nevertheless, there were opportunities for Qing eunuchs to learn to read and write in both Manchu and Chinese, and their literacy was one of the skills they had to offer in their service to the imperial women. Empress Dowager Cixi was known to prefer to employ literate eunuchs. By the end of the dynasty, the most senior eunuchs held positions in the imperial household that were as high as the second and third rank in the bureaucracy. As the ultimate symbol of imperial power and authority, these senior eunuchs were respected and feared. Their generic designation (tàijiàn 太監) signalled both their administrative responsibilities and their closeness to the throne. While the justification for turning boys into eunuchs was often articulated in terms of the need to have servants in the imperial palaces who could never threaten the purity of the imperial patriline, Dale provides abundant evidence that looking after the women of the palace was far from the only activity that Qing dynasty eunuchs characteristically undertook. They led religious services, serving as lamas, chanting the scriptures, and praying for the souls of the dead. Their religious activities encompassed Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucian [End Page 194] sacrifices to the ancestors and some were converts to Christianity. Eunuchs also served the court and the imperial elite as actors and theatrical performers, musicians, physicians, and men of all work. They looked after imperial collections, transmitted edicts, managed documents, gardened, kept the imperial seals, and were in charge of the protocols for imperial audiences for officials and visitors. Expected to perform as the perfect servants of the imperium, they often obliged. Dale found that under the Qing dynasty most eunuchs were Han Chinese who came from the northern provinces of Hebei, Shandong, and Zhili, the directly administered region surrounding the capital...

Republic in early modern China: The cross-cultural dissemination of a political concept

ABSTRACTThe English term republic and the Chinese term Gonghe (共和, “joint harmony”; i.e., “republic” in modern Chinese) stem from different conceptual origins and carry different connotations. When they first encountered the term republic, the intellectuals of China and Japan could only understand it by drawing on the political knowledge of Chinese antiquity. But soon after, two different concepts corresponding to the term republic emerged in the form of Chinese characters within the Chinese and Japanese linguistic environments—minzhu (民主, “people's rule”) and gonghe, which gradually shed their ancient Chinese significations. After its coining as an early modern political concept in the Japanese language, the term gonghe sporadically filtered into the Chinese linguistic context during the 1880s and 1890s. In 1898–1902, the concept of gonghe rapidly gained popularity in China, primarily due to its introduction by Liang Qichao (梁启超, 1873–1929) and other figures, with a clearly demarcated line separating the term from its ancient Chinese significance. As the concept of gonghe spread in China, it became embroiled in the contemporary tide of political reform, both influencing and being influenced by this trend. In the first decade of the 20th century, two competing interpretations of the term gonghe appeared. The moderates, represented by Liang Qichao, maintained that the evolution of the political system had a natural order; that their contemporary China did not yet have the conditions to adopt a republican system; and that it was necessary to first improve the citizens’ character, and cultivate the habits of self-governance among the people. The radicals, represented by Sun Yat-sen (孙中山, 1866–1925), held that China should overleap a constitutional monarchy, overthrow the Manchu emperor through violent revolution, and directly establish a republican form of government. The views of the radical party won discursive power, but their discussions and deliberations on the implications of a republic were clearly inadequate. Following the outbreak of the 1911 Revolution, a republican form of government was quickly established, but its functional results fell far short of people's expectations, causing the concept of a republic to be distrusted, criticized, and even shelved.

Horse Theft, Law, and Punishment in Xinjiang during the Qianlong Reign

There are a large number of criminal cases in the Manchu archives, which occurred in Mongolia and Xinjiang and were reported to the Qing emperors. These criminal cases can be roughly divided into two groups: homicide cases and horse theft cases. Based on the records of the Manchu archives, this paper will focus upon horse theft cases in Xinjiang during the Qianlong reign. Xinjiang was a place populated by many ethnic groups under the Qing rule. In the Qing records, we found that almost all of the ethnic groups were involved in horse theft cases. The questions at issue are: why did such horse theft cases matter in the Qing dynasty, especially to the extent they even had to be reported to the central government and the Qing emperors? Based on what law were the criminals of different peoples punished in the judicial trials?My arguments are as follows: based on the Qing records, one can learn that the legislation in Xinjiang had been less mature than that in China proper, and there had not been specific regulations or laws on criminal cases including horse theft being enacted by the Qing court in Xinjiang; the law was subject to variation based on the emperors’ own will, which largely reflects the limitations and challenges that the Manchu rulers were facing during their reign in such a newly-conquered multi-cultural territory. What is certain is: first, in general, the ethnicities of horse theft criminals and owners of the stolen horses were considered by the Qing magistrates, and the criminals were punished on the basis of their and the owners’ ethnicities, thus, a diversified statutory base appeared to be applied in these trials. Second, the punishment for criminals in horse theft in Xinjiang at the time was more severe than that in other parts of the Qing Empire, and the penalties were generally borrowed from that inDaqing lüli, which, to some extent, could reflect the strong influences of Chinese and Manchu legislation.

Hunchun, the Qing-Chosŏn Borderland in the Eighteenth Century

Based on a murder which emerged near Hunchun in 1749, this study analyzes the varied and complex nature of the Qing-Chosŏn relationship. The local residents residing along the border, local officials guarding the border between both countries, and the Qing emperor and Chosŏn king were all involved in this murder in which Qing subjects were killed by Chosŏn people along the Tumen River. However, this incident was differently perceived in the Tumen River area, Hunchun, Beijing and Seoul, depending on the positions of those who were involved with. The Qing emperor in Beijing and Chosŏn king in Seoul saw the Tumen and Yalu Rivers as an implement to ensure the authority of the suzerain court and the loyalty of tributary court. The control of borders and punishment of trespassers were important elements of the power of the Qing emperor and Chosŏn king. For the residents of this area, the Tumen River area was a trading space in which articles could be purchased based on contacts; meanwhile, for local officials, it was an area in which close cooperation with the officials from the adjacent country was needed in order to implement the orders of the central government. For local residents and officials, the Tumen River was as such a detailed and physical space rather than an abstract and political line. Rather than a space in which the will of the central power was unilaterally conveyed and penetrated, the borderland known as the Tumen River and Hunchun was a space in which various classes of people expressed and negotiated their desires.

Tea, Cloth, Gold, and Religion: Manchu Sources on Trade Missions From Mongolia to Tibet

Based on Manchu archival sources, this paper discusses three trade missions which traveled from Mongolia through Qinghai to Tibet in the early eighteenth century, during a time of truce between the Qing emperor and the leaders of the Zunghar Mongol confederation. Qing officials scrutinized intensively and carefully supervised the progress of these missions, which the Zunghar envoys used to establish commercial and religious links with the Buddhist lamas of Tibet. Both sides took advantage of this time of peaceful relations to gather information about each other and wider Central Eurasian connections. This short period of trade contact adds depth to our understanding of the multiple forms of Qing relations with its neighbors and Qing knowledge of the world beyond China.

Recent Color Reproductions of Qing Dynasty Palace Multi-Colored Play Scripts

RESEARCH NOTE: RECENT COLOR REPRODUCTIONS OF QING DYNASTY PALACE MULTI-COLORED PLAY SCRIPTS DAVID L. ROLSTON University of Michigan It is fairly well known that many of the Qing emperors (and one empress dowager, in particular) were dedicated consumers of a wide variety of theatrical performances in the various Qing palaces, and that the court insisted that several different kinds of written plays scripts would be prepared and archived for all drama performances. An increasing number of scholars have been making use in their research of play scripts that were prepared for these performances and were preserved in the imperial archives or were bought by collectors after they made their way onto the old book market and eventually ended up in library collections in China and abroad. 2012 saw the long-awaited appearance of the first book in English on Qing dynasty palace theater, Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas: Drama and the Qing Imperial Court (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 2012), by Ye Xiaoqing (1952–2010). Her study is more concerned with documents about performance than performance itself and rarely mentions play scripts in any detail.1 While it is true that only a few of us will choose to do research on Qing palace stagecraft, I think those of us interested in traditional Chinese theater need to have some familiarity with the kinds of things that happened on the stage in the Qing palaces since the court was generally able and willing to commit resources, human and material, that commercial troupes could only dream about. Commercial troupes had to be able to carry what they needed for performances from venue to venue. What we tend to think about as essential to traditional Chinese theater such as the use of the bare stage, limited props, no or little scenery, etc., characterized the practice of commercial troupes but not that of the imperial court.2 Palace performances could get quite complicated in terms of the number of people and things whose movement had to be coordinated, and this seems to have stimulated the creation of different kinds of production scripts and written aids with far more stage directions than was typically the case. Luckily, reproductions of Qing dynasty palace play scripts and auxiliary documents have become more and more readily available. In 2010, in my first letter as 1 The major exception is the performances put on for Lord Macartney in 1793 with which she opens the book and which she described in an earlier article, ‘‘Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas: Tributary Drama and the Macartney Mission of 1793,’’ Late Imperial China 26.2 (December 2005): 89–113. However, neither work includes an image of the script involved. 2 It was not until fairly late in the nineteenth century, beginning in Shanghai, that you begin to get the phenomenon of theaters maintaining their own troupes. CHINOPERL: Journal of Chinese Oral and Performing Literature 34. 2 (December 2015): 188–193© The Permanent Conference on Chinese Oral and Performing Literature, Inc. 2015 DOI 10.1080/01937774.2015.1096570 editor in this journal, I mentioned the availability of photo-reproductions of Qing dynasty palace play scripts in volumes 660–696 of Gugong zhenben congkan 故 宮珍本叢刊 (Collection of precious holdings of the Forbidden Palace; Haikou: Hainan chuban she, 2000–2001).3 The following year saw the photo-reproduction of the holdings of the National Library in Beijing from the Qing dynasty palace theater bureau Shengping shu 昇平暑 (Bureau of ascending peace): Zhongguo guojia tushu guan cang Shengping shu dang’an jicheng 中國國家圖書館藏昇平暑 (Compendium of Shengping shu archives held in the National Library), 108 volumes (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2011). Volumes 51–108 of this set contain play scripts and other texts used for performances.4 Previous to these two publications , the largest single set of photo-reprints of palace scripts was the ninth series of Guben xiqu congkan 古本戲曲叢刊 (Compendium of old texts of indigenous Chinese drama; Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1964), which included ten serial plays (the longest of which have 240 scenes). The trouble with these photo-reprints, however, is that they are not in color and some of the originals made rather spectacular use of color, as we will see. Although you can...

The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China: a political history of the Tibetan institution of reincarnation

Preface Introduction 1. The Historical Development of the Trulku Position 2. A Trulku as the Head of Society 3. Struggle for Buddhist Government 4. The Emperor Takes Control 5. Buddhist Government Under the Imperial Umbrella 6. Imperial Authority Over the Trulku Institution 7. The Aftermath Conclusion Appendix 1: Tibetan Reincarnation Lines of Major Political Significance Appendix 2: Qing Emperors and Qoshot Kings of Tibet Abbreviations Notes Tibetan Orthographic Equivalents Bibliography Index

Research note: recent color reproductions of qing dynasty palace multi-colored play scripts

It is fairly well known that many of the Qing emperors (and one empress dowager, in particular) were dedicated consumers of a wide variety of theatrical performances in the various Qing palaces, and that the court insisted that several different kinds of written plays scripts would be prepared and archived for all drama performances. An increasing number of scholars have been making use in their research of play scripts that were prepared for these performances and were preserved in the imperial archives or were bought by collectors after they made their way onto the old book market and eventually ended up in library collections in China and abroad. 2012 saw the long-awaited appearance of the first book in English on Qing dynasty palace theater, Ascendant Peace in the Four Seas: Drama and the Qing Imperial Court (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 2012), by Ye Xiaoqing (1952–2010). Her study is more concerned with documents about performance than performance itself and rarely mentions play scripts in any detail. While it is true that only a few of us will choose to do research on Qing palace stagecraft, I think those of us interested in traditional Chinese theater need to have some familiarity with the kinds of things that happened on the stage in the Qing palaces since the court was generally able and willing to commit resources, human and material, that commercial troupes could only dream about. Commercial troupes had to be able to carry what they needed for performances from venue to venue. What we tend to think about as essential to traditional Chinese theater such as the use of the bare stage, limited props, no or little scenery, etc., characterized the practice of commercial troupes but not that of the imperial court. Palace performances could get quite complicated in terms of the number of people and things whose movement had to be coordinated, and this seems to have stimulated the creation of different kinds of production scripts and written aids with far more stage directions than was typically the case. Luckily, reproductions of Qing dynasty palace play scripts and auxiliary documents have become more and more readily available. In 2010, in my first letter as

Bare Sticks and Naked Pity : Rhetoric and Representation in Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). Capital Case Records

This article examines the rhetoric and representation of Chinese capital case records from the eighteenth century, when, as part of a far-reaching crackdown on violent crime, the use of capital punishment was extended to crimes committed by ‘bare sticks’, a common term for the underclass of crime-prone males. Adopting a strategy to suppress crime that combined ‘criminal profiling’ with the presumed deterrent power of capital punishment, Qing emperors presented serious challenges to the judicial bureaucracy. Ideologically, imposing harsh sentences and profiling bare sticks posed dilemmas, for county magistrates who operated within the confines of the rigidly bureaucratized structure of judicial and sentencing review. The article argues that county magistrates utilized case records to present sympathetic representations of rural poverty and despair that was at odds with the imperial denunciations of violent crime. Rooted in the longstanding judicial ethos to seek leniency and save life, hallmarks of Chinese criminal justice for centuries, these emotional depictions sent a clear message to the central authorities that economic conditions, rather than the moral failings of bare sticks, played an important role in undermining familial stability and social order.

From Personal Network to Institution Building: The Lifanyuan, Gift Exchange and the Formalization of Manchu–Mongol Relations

The Qing emperors, who ruled over China from 1644 to 1911, managed to bring large parts of Inner Asia under their control and extended the territory of China to an unprecedented degree. This paper maintains that the political technique of patronage with its formalized language, its emphasis on gift exchange and expressions of courtesy is a useful concept for explaining the integration of Inner Asian confederations into the empire. By re-interpreting the obligations of gift exchange, the Qing transformed the network of personal relationships, which had to be reinforced and consolidated permanently, into a system with clearly defined rules. In this process of formalization, the Lifanyuan, the Court for the Administration of the Outer Regions, played a key role. While in the early years of the dynasty, it was responsible for collecting and disseminating information concerning the various patronage relationships with Inner Asian leaders, over the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries its efforts were directed at standardizing and streamlining the contacts between ethnic minorities and the state. Through the Lifanyuan, the rules and principles of patronage were maintained in a modified form even in the later part of the dynasty, when the Qing exercised control in the outer regions more directly. The paper provides an explanation for the longevity and cohesiveness of the multi-ethnic Qing Empire. Based on recently published Manchu and Mongol language archival material and the Maussian concept of gift exchange, the study sheds new light on the changing self-conception of the Qing emperors.

Typography for a Modern World? The Ways of Chinese Movable Types

This article presents a brief history and poses questions about traditional Chinese movable type printing. This is a technology that developed in the pre-modern period and never underwent in the mechanization in the ways that Western movable type printing did. Nevertheless, even today, Chinese traditional movable types continue to be used in some places in China. The authors not only describe the chronology of but also analyse significant cultural, political, and social factors affecting the development traditional Chinese typography. The first part of this article discusses the movable type made of earthenware and of wood, which are described in various sources written by scholar-officials. In the case of movable type for the Tangut script, however, the main evidence come from chiefly religious imprints which provide information about material evidence as well as a few about printers, typesetters, etc. The second section describes the long hiatus from the Yuan until the second half of the fifteenth century in the utilization of metallic typography in the private circles in Wuxi in Jiangnan, whose publications still survive, and how during the last dynasty, the movable type production reflects some trends in book publishing in general, with the important engagement of some of the Manchu emperors. In the last section of the paper, the authors explain why although wooden types existed in the Kingdom of Xixia (1032-1227) and in the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368), it was only in the Ming (1368-1644) to Qing (1644-1911) periods that their use became more widespread in China. Wooden movable type played a key role in the printing of genealogies in various areas (e.g. Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangsu, Hunan, and Fujian). That all also indicates that wood is the “material medium” of traditional Chinese printing, never mind if employed in blocks or types.

Expedition of Mt. Changbai and the Imperial Authority in the Early Qing Period

This paper analyzes the expedition of Mt. Changbai in 1677 commissioned by the Kangxi emperor, addressing that this project was carried out for the purpose of strengthening the imperial authority in the Qing empire. The imperial commissioner Umene’s journey to Mt. Changbai in 1677 was the very first of a series of examinations of the mountains that the Qing government conducted throughout the late seventeenth to the early eighteenth centuries. Umene’s group began their travel in Bejing and passed through postal stations on the route to Shengjing before reaching Jilin, where they made detailed plans for providing supplies and checking trails for exploration of the mountains. Divided in two groups ? one on the overland route for expedition and the other on watercourse for provision ? they left Jilin and investigated Mt. Changbai via Yehe Neyen. Umene’s group came back to Jilin after finishing the expedition, and further examined Ningguta and Huining before returning Beijing.BR The expedition of Mt. Changbai was part of a larger effort of the Kangxi emperor, who wanted to promote the legitimate status of the Manchu imperial court. He wanted to connect Mt. Changbai with Bukuri Yongson, the alleged ancestor of the Aisin Gioro clan, a project for which the emperor needed more detailed geographic information, therefore, he sent Umene to examine the region around the mountains. In fact, there was earlier attempt at linking Mt. Changbai to Bukuri Yongson, which went back to the time of Hong Taiji in the 1620s and 30s, and this continued for several decades up to the Kangxi region in the 1710s. As a result of such efforts of the Qing emperors, Bukuri Yongson, who the myth of the Hurkas had argued was born in Mt. Bukuri near the Amur River, was now recreated as the ancestor of the Aisin Gioro clan. His birthplace was also accordingly relocated to Mt. Changbai, a thousand kilometer away from Mt. Bukuri. It was largely the early years of the Kangxi era when the Qing court completed the creation of this founding myth of the Aisin Gioro clan and announced Mt. Changbai as the sacred birthplace of the Qing imperial court. The primary motive of all these endeavors ? commissioning Umene’s expedition of Mt. Changbai, connecting Bukuri Yongson with the mountains, and making the genealogy of linking Bukuri Yongson to the Kangxi emperor via Mongke Temur and Nurhaci ? was that Kangxi had to reinforce his imperial power, which was still venerable during the early years of his reign.BR In addition to promoting the imperial authority, the Kangxi emperor attempted to collect geographic information of the border region with the Choson and to defend his empire from the increasing threats from Russia. The Qing effort at clarifying the border with the Choson became more apparent two years after Umene’s preliminary expedition of 1677. The Kangxi emperor realized the geopolitical significance of the southern Manchuria ? the sacred birthplace of the Qing court ? and the area near the Amur River, where conflicts with Russia continued to bother the Qing empire since the Shunzhi era. Along with the expedition of Mt. Changbai, the Kangxi emperor also carried out his first Eastern Tour in 1671, another exertion for both strengthening his imperial power and preparing the Russian threat. Umene’s group examined Ningguta and Huining on their way back from the expedition of Mt. Changbai because they were supposedly ordered to collect geographic and military information in order to prepare pressure from Russia in the north.

The Qing State and Its Awareness of Eurasian Interconnections, 1789–1806

This article examines the response of the Qing state to two instances in its foreign relations that required long-distance coordination between overland and maritime frontiers: the implementation of a rhubarb embargo in 1789 and the emergence between 1792 and 1806 of clear links between affairs at Kiakhta and Canton. It argues that Qing emperors and minsters had the intelligence capabilities to perceive that their empire was encircled within global networks of economic exchange and political rivalry. Unlike their Russian and British competitors, however, they pursued their interests primarily by seeking to break rather than forge these connections, designing their frontier as a series of discrete sectors rather than one integrated entity.

Grand Union between Tibet and Mongolia: Unfulfilled Dream of the 13th Dalai Lama

Since the late sixteenth century when Altan Khan of Tumed in Southern Mongolia adopted the Yellow Hat sect of Tibetan Buddhism and sup­ported it as the common faith of the Mongol people, the teaching and discipline of Buddhism greatly influenced the customs, society, and various ac­tivities of the nomadic Mongols. The Mongolian version of Tibetan Buddhism was called Lamaism, and the Buddhist monks were known as lamas. The highest ranking lama of Northern or Khalkha Mongolia was the well-known Jebtsundamba Khutagt. His first and second incarnations were born in the house of Tusheet Khan, the most influential one of four Khans of Khalkha Mongolia. They were recognized as spiritual leaders of Mongolia with high pres­tige in Mongolian politics. Consequently, the Manchu court in Peking became anxious of the prospects of a reunified Mongolia under their leadership. In order to prevent such perspective the Manchu emperor issued the unwritten regulation by which the third and its subsequent incarnations of the Jebtsundamba Khutagt were to be found in Tibet instead of Mongolia.1 The 8th Jebtsundamba Khutagt, who played an important role in the political life of modern Mongolia, was found as a boy in Tibet, and was brought to Mongolia in 1875 as a reincarnation of his predecessor. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i17.83 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs, No.17 2012: 75-80

Technical investigation of 15thand 19thcentury Chinese paper currencies: Fiber use and pigment identification

Herzberg staining, a quick and convenient tool for distinguishing non‐wood fibers from wood pulp, and Raman spectroscopy were employed to investigate three paper currencies issued under the reign of the Chinese Ming and Qing Emperors between 15thand 19thcenturies ‐da ming bao chao(AMS C‐14 Date: 1410‐1435 AD, ±1σ) from the Early Ming Dynasty (1405–1433 AD) andda qing bao chao(1859 AD) andhu bu guan piao(1854–1858 AD) from the Late Qing Dynasty (1840–1911 AD). Fiber staining and microscopic examination revealed a predominance of bast fiber from probably mulberry trees and very few cotton fibers (supposed to be environment contamination) inda ming bao chao; fibers inda qing bao chaoandhu bu guan piaoturned out to be quite pure, which are also bast fibers but very likely came from ramie and paper mulberry trees, respectively.Raman analysis of red, blue, and black pigments on the investigated paper currencies showed that: (1) The reddish seal onda ming bao chaois not a vermilion (HgS) paste, as it is traditionally assumed, but instead a red lead (or minium, Pb3O4) one. The red pigments on bothda qing bao chaoandhu bu guan piaoare vermilion (HgS). (2) Prussian blue (Fe7(CN)18⋅14‐16H2O), a Western pigment, was identified as blue on bothda qing bao chaoandhu bu guan piao. (3) The black pigment on all these three paper currencies is amorphous carbon from soot. (4) Raman analysis of evenly distributed white pigment particles among the fibers inda qing bao chaoconfirmed the use of calcium carbonate (CaCO3) as coating pigment or fillers. Both microscopic examination of stained fibers and Raman analysis allowed, for the first time, the understanding of fiber and pigment use in producing ancient Chinese paper currencies. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.