Pupil Expenditures Research Articles

The Editor Reflects: “Last Best Chance” on the Cheap

In this issue both Hackmann and Valentine (pp. 3-13) and Kasak (pp. 56-59) bring up the old saw that creating inter disciplinary teams and interdisciplinary block schedules are often forgone because they cost more than the depart mentalized alternatives. However, studies in three states provide data that challenge the oft-held belief that schools are too expensive to fully implement. All three studies document the reality that states and districts spend less per pupil to educate students in the grades than they do to educate elementary students in self-contained class rooms or secondary students in the presumed more efficient departmentalized ones. In the State of Florida the school-level per pupil expenditures reported by Nakib (1995) were these: grades K 3, $3167; grades 4-8, $2984; and grades 9-12, $3518. A study by Richards (1996) found similar pattern at slightly higher level of support among Baltimore City Schools: elementary, $4338; middle, $4026; and high school, $5553Three quarters of continent away in New Mexico the same pattern has been reported. Jordan, Garcia, Kops, and Jordan (1998) discovered mean expenditures per pupil to be grades 2-3, $2443; grades 4-6, $2251; and grades 7-12, $2607. Though each study was conducted for some other purpose than to find the relative cost of grades education, the data are consistent in pointing to the conclusion that grades edu cation is the least supported of the three K-12 levels of education. If early adolescence is the last best chance to avoid dimin ished future and middle grade schools are potentially society's most powerful force to recapture millions of youth adrift, are we, as nation, devoting the resources necessary to avoid a volatile mismatch...between the organization and curriculum of grade schools and the intellectual and emotional needs of young (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1989, p. 8)? Even if particular grades school did have to hire an additional teacher or two to make team organization or flexible interdisciplinary block schedules work, can anyone show that such additional expense would do anything more than move grades schools toward equity with their better financed elemen tary and secondary school partners? The preliminary data reported here would suggest that school finance formulas are inverted. If not, why would the very age group that most people agree is in need of the most instruc tional resources due to profound developmental changes be given the least amount of educational resources? In spite of the reforms that have been made in grades education over the past thirty years, equitable resource allocation is apparently not one of them. Middle level education is still the stepchild of American public education. Before we apologize or make excuses for the failure to fully implement those grades reforms which have proven to be effective in improving the lives of young adolescents, let us push for these youth to get their fair share of the educational dollars being distributed. Continuing pattern of past practices because they are cheaper is hardly the preferred way to educate America's young adolescents who have critical need.. .at this early age to acquire durable self-esteem, flexible and inquiring habits of mind, reliable and relatively close human relationships, sense of belonging in valued group, and sense of usefulness in some way beyond the self' (Carnegie Council, 1989, p. 10). □

Participation in Ohio's Inter district Open Enrollment Option: Exploring the Supply-Side of Choice

In 1993-1994, Ohio implemented an inter district open enrollment policy. Under it, students can transfer only to adjacent districts, taking about $2,900 with them. Districts can decide to be open or closed but cannot prevent student transfers. In 1994, open-ended surveys were sent to the superintendents of open and closed districts, asking the reasons for their decision. Open districts tended to be small, rural, racially homogeneous districts that had been losing enrollment. Their major reason for accepting transfers was to increase enrollment. Closed districts tended to be suburban districts with above average per pupil expenditure. Their major reason for not receiving transfers was insufficient space.

Introduction: Issues in School Finance

Most teachers and administrators think of their own school or school district budget when the topic of school finance arises. The picture in their mind is local: of the actions of a school board or municipal council to approve a budget, of votes by residents of the school district to approve a certain level of taxes, or of salary negotiations. Mental comparisons with other school districts are made only to determine whether the local salary is competitive. This local perspective, however, obscures vast differences in the financing of public school districts across any state. Per pupil expenditures in wealthy school districts may be more than twice the per pupil expenditures in poor school districts. Most often, the level of per pupil expenditures is the result of the residential property wealth of local school districts. Although all states provide assistance to low-wealth school districts, this aid is seldom sufficient to permit per pupil expenditures comparable with wealthy school districts'. Inadequate resources in some poor school districts have led sympathetic lawyers to bring legal challenges to the courts, alleging that the state school aid system violates the state constitution. State constitutions typically have a clause requiring the provision of a free public education that is thorough and efficient-or some similar phrase that the courts must interpret and against which they must judge the adequacy of the state education aid formula. Almost half the states in the nation now have such lawsuits pending.

Pattern Bargaining in Education

In this study of negotiated wage determination among teachers in Ohio school districts, we find evidence of pattern bargaining. We develop a measure of pattern following which investigates the level of wages or the county-wide average of teacher wages in a particular county. We find significant evidence of pattern bargaining in school districts irrespective of size over the 1987–1991 period. We find that wealthier districts (as measured by assessed property value and per pupil expenditures) and large districts pay higher salaries. Further, our data show that pattern following among school districts does have a significant effect on teacher salaries in these districts.

EVALUATING THE IMPACT OF SCHOOL FINANCE REFORM ON THE PROVISION OF PUBLIC EDUCATION: THE CALIFORNIA CASE

for a review of much of this pre- This paper begins with an overview of vious research.) Equality of outcome' pre- the institutional structure of educational and post-reform has not been examined in finance in California. Using two cross- detail in this earlier work. Yet greater sections of California school districts, one equality of outcome was (and is) an im- from before and the other after the second plicit goal of policies aimed at equalizing Serrano v. Priest decision of the Califor- per pupil expenditures (Long (19731). This nia Supreme Court, the analysis shows study attempts to fill this gap in the lit- there has been significant convergence erature by considering the changes in per acrossschool districts in per pupil expen- pupil funding and student performance ditures. A concomitant convergence in stu- resulting from the extensive school fi- dent performance is not seen. The aper nance reforms in California in the late p 1970s. considers possible explanations for this This paper also provides the first sys- stability in relative performance. Of these, tematic analysis of the long range impact actions in wealthier districts to offset the of the California reforms on school fi- constraints implicit in the post-Serrano fi- I nancing and student performance. De- nance reforms and changing demograpn- spite the contemporaneous attention these ics in poor districts offer the best exl)la- events received, the only detailed analy- nations for the stability. sis of school finance reform in California (Carroll (19791) extends through the 1976-

The equalization of resources for primary education in Brazil

The article suggests that the new demands for a more equal distribution of educational quality in Brazil will have little effect until the issue of unequal per pupil expenditure is faced. The sources of existing expenditure inequalities between the municipalities are discussed, along with the reasons for the lack of any governmental response at the state level. Three alternative approaches to inter-municipal resource equalization are briefly compared with regards their applicability to the Brazilian situation. By considering existing state schools as a subsidy to the municipality that can be increased or withdrawn, depending on the level of local resources, it becomes feasible to construct an equalization strategy that also puts the decentralization of schooling on a rational footing.

Best Practices for Beginners: Developmental Appropriateness in Kindergarten

National concerns about kindergarten focus on the developmental appropriateness of what is being taught and how it is being taught as well as on the increasing use of transition kindergarten classes and retention. One hundred and three randomly selected kindergarten classrooms across one state were observed to document the extent of developmental appropriate practices, and the teachers and principals of those classes were surveyed to determine predictors of classroom quality. Two observational measures and two questionnaires were used. Only 20% of the classes met or exceeded the criterion of developmental appropriateness. Quality of the classes was predicted by teachers’ and principals’ scores on a measure of knowledge and belief in developmental appropriate practices. Quality was not related to geographic location, school size, per pupil expenditure, or teacher or principal education or experience.

The effect of school district structure on education spending

This paper develops a theoretical and empirical model of local spending on education that analyzes the effect of institutional structure on education spending. It attempts to determine whether the theory of bureaucratic behavior is consistent with school district spending decisions by testing the hypothesis that the number of school districts in a county has a negative effect on per pupil expenditures. The results are not consistent with the theory, but indicate that a fragmented school district structure serves to increase expenditures.

Best Practices for Beginners: Developmental Appropriateness in Kindergarten

National concerns about kindergarten focus on the developmental appropriateness of what is being taught and how it is being taught as well as on the increasing use of transition kindergarten classes and retention. One hundred and three randomly selected kindergarten classrooms across one state were observed to document the extent of developmental appropriate practices, and the teachers and principals of those classes were surveyed to determine predictors of classroom quality. Two observational measures and two questionnaires were used. Only 20% of the classes met or exceeded the criterion of developmental appropriateness. Quality of the classes was predicted by teachers’ and principals’ scores on a measure of knowledge and belief in developmental appropriate practices. Quality was not related to geographic location, school size, per pupil expenditure, or teacher or principal education or experience.

School District and School Size: An Evolving Controversy

grams, services, and personnel needed to meet modernm educational requirements? Over the last fifty years, studies that suggest optimal size have focused on cost analysis, curriculum offerings, staffing, and student achievement as the most important variables. Historically, the minimum size tends to be 10,000 to 12,000 students and the maximum size tends to be 40,000 to 50,000 students (Dawson 1934; Fantini, Gittell, and Magat 1970; Passow 1967; Summary 1974). One classic study by Mort, Vincent, and Newell (1955) considered the maximally effective school district to comprise 100,000 students. However, advocates of small school districts and rural schools argue that school districts with 5,000 student maximums are more cost effective and have fewer student dropouts (percentage wise) and higher student SAT scores, ACT scores, and high school graduation rates than school districts with more than 5,000 students (A Critique 1986). Do these national comparisons provide evidence that small schools districts are more productive? Yes, in the sense that their per pupil expenditures are not in the top 10 percent (cluster between 14 and 30 percentile), even though they rank in the top 10 percent on nationwide achievement scores and other indicators of student performance, such as fewer dropouts and more high school graduates (A Critique 1986; Sher 1981). No, in the sense that these small school districts are more homogeneous and may reflect higher socioeconomic status. The point is, however, the data ought to make us suspicious about the claim that school districts must have at least 5,000 students to achieve quality education. Historically, 10,000 students is a large number for a school district. Our schools are an outgrowth of oneroom school houses in rural America. Even as late as the

Educational cost factors and student achievement in grades 3 and 6: Some new evidence

Per pupil spending on teachers' salaries, which is the largest component of instructional cost, is itself the product of four factors: the teacher/pupil ratio, the level of starting salaries, the steepness of the salary schedule above the minimum, and the actual placement of incumbent teachers on the salary schedule. Using California data on grades 3 and 6, this paper finds that using per pupil expenditure on teachers' salaries to predict student achievement gives very different results than by using these four factors. This implies that previous production function studies may have failed to discover relationships that existed in the data they analyzed. Results of these studies in the aggregate will not be clear until they are done in a common format which systematically accounts for the factors of instructional cost.

A Search for Variables Affecting Underidentification of Behaviorally Disordered Students

Recently, several factors possibly contributing to underidentification and underservice to students with behavioral disorders have been suggested. The present study sought to examine the variable of average per pupil expenditure, size of minority population, and learning disabilities service level across states designated as high behavioral disorders service states and low behavioral disorders service states. Results show that no statistically significant difference between these two groups of states was found on any of the three variables examined. While a wide range of variability (.03 to 3.09%) in service level to students with behavioral disorders was found among the 50 states and the District of Columbia, the analysis does not support any of the variables tested as explanations for the observed variability. Finally, implications of the findings of the study and possible explanations for the observed variability are discussed.

The impact of school and college expenditures on the wages of southern and non-southern workers

Based on previous evidence of diminishing earnings returns to greater educational expenditures, the hypothesis that southern schools and colleges have greater returns than non-southern schools and colleges is tested but is not accepted. Per pupil expenditures for both school and college, however, significantly raise earnings for southern male full-time workers. The elasticity of expenditure with respect to the wage for high school graduates is 0.1212 for southerners and 0.0360 for non-southerners, and the elasticity for college expenditure is 0.0468 for southerners and 0.0260 for non-southerners.

SAT SCORES AND AMERICAN STATES: SEEKING FOR USEFUL MEANING

Despite difficulties, states frequently seek to compare their test performance with that of other states, or with the published national norms. All states have some students taking the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) exams for college admissions, but because the numbers vary widely, when the state means are made public by the College Boards, there is debate about their interpretation. Here the 50 state SAT means are the criterion in a multivariate model, together with the state variables of percent taking the SATs (very influential), percent of minority in the state, average income, unemployment rate, and per pupil expenditure. Regression is analyzed (without expenditure) to examine the state residuals compared with the “expected” scores. And briefly noted is the difficulty of using alternative tests for such comparisons, as these are currently normed, selected, and used.

THE DISTRIBUTIVE IMPACT OF EDUCATION FINANCE REFORM

An individual's fiscal residual is the difference between the value of public services which he consumes and his tax liabilities. A change in the government's expenditure and taxation system will normally alter the value of individuals' fiscal residuals, thus conferring windfall gains and losses. This paper develops a model through which the windfalls associated with a change in the fiscal system can be determined. The model is applied to the case of educational finance reforms designed to weaken the link between school district fiscal capacity and per pupil expenditure levels. It is shown that the direction and size of the windfalls depend both on the nature of the school finance system and the values of school districts' behavioral parameters.

Current Versus Perceived-Ideal Procedures for Determining Educational Program-evaluation Budgets: A Survey of School Evaluators

The average family probably spends about as much per year to assess the merit of its children's educational programs as it does to buy school lunches for the same children for 1 week. This conclusion is based on two recent surveys of evaluation activities in U.S. public education. Lyon, Doscher, McGranahan, and Williams (1978) discovered that as of 1978 about half (320) of the 750 U.S. public school districts enrolling 10,000 or more students had departments, offices, or units responsible for evaluation of educational programs. (The proportion of smaller districts having evaluation units was even less.) Among the 230 districts participating in the Lyon et al. (1978) survey, the median expenditure per pupil in 1977-1978 for program evaluation, testing, and other research activities of the evaluation unit was between $3 and $4 (with a range from $.10 to $90). Average expenditures per pupil for evaluation in the largest school districts may be somewhat higher than the average for all school districts. The 35 respondents to a 1977-1978 survey by Webster and Stufflebeam (1978) of the 60 largest U.S. school districts indicated an average expenditure per pupil for evaluation, testing, and other research activities of the evaluation unit of about $6 (SD about $4), with a median per pupil expenditure of about $5. (These averages may be slight underestimates because in a small minority of these districts the pupil testing function was carried on outside the evaluation unit.) Both the Lyon et al. and Webster-Stufflebeam surveys suggest that during 19771978 U.S. school districts with evaluation units spent about .33 percent of total district expenditures on the program evaluation, testing, and other research activities of those units. This paper was originally prepared for discussion and use by the American Educational Research Association Division H (School Evaluation and Program Development) Task Force on Resource Allocation for Program Evaluation. This task force completed a final report and position paper during 1981. The three authors each assumed an equal portion of the work required for this paper. The authors wish to thank Freda Holley and other members of the task force for useful comments and support during the course of this research.

Race Differences in Public School Expenditures: Disfranchisement and School Finance in Louisiana, 1890-1910

No matter how one measures its commitment to public education, the S outh in 1890 lagged far behind the rest of the nation. Twenty years later, southern public schools were still characterized by relative backwardness, but the preceding two decades had seen impressive expansion in absolute terms. Among the salient features of this transformation were sharply increased per pupil expenditures, school terms, and enrollment rates; greater provision of normal schools and related institutions; and high rates of investment in school capital. State legislatures increased their appropriations, limitations on local taxes were abolished, and the number of counties and school districts voting to increase school expenditures skyrocketed.

Assessing the Efficacy of Financial Reform in California

In response to the second California Supreme Court ruling in Serrano, the legislature has recently acted to make the financing of schools fiscally neutral. The neutrality provisions of the new law have been challenged as permitting unacceptably large variations in per pupil expenditure among districts. The author shows that even if the intent to comply fully were not at issue achieving fiscal neutrality would be a difficult and complex task. Other provisions of the law address intradistrict financial practices and policies. Since equality of educational opportunity depends as much on intradistrict resource allocation as on fiscal neutrality, the author develops a research strategy to determine the efficacy of these intradistrict reforms. Drawing on recent theoretical work in the field of public-choice economics, he devises an analysis of decision making in school districts that yields testable hypotheses about the consequences of school-site councils and minimum performance requirements, two of the intradistrict reforms. While the testing must await the unfolding of events, the analysis shows how economic reasoning can be brought to bear in promising ways on political issues in education.

Investment in Indian education: Uneconomic?

In a country where the literacy rate is only 3 in 10, some believe that there is an economic surplus of education. This paper reviews the arguments. In sum, India represents a case in which the presence of unemployment has led observers to the unjustified assumption that the external productivity of education is low. The paper uses new techniques of educational planning: the distribution of per pupil expenditures, examination pass-rates, rate of literacy, trade training, the availability of books, the amount of knowledge acquired in schools and the degree of impact of school resources on academic achievement. From each of these sources, the paper concludes that there is reason to question the widely held belief that additional investment in Indian education would be uneconomic.

Further Evidence on the Returns to School Quality

Further Evidence on the Returns to School Quality