Public Declaration Research Articles

The influence of the “organisation” on the logics of action‐pervading disciplinary decision making

PurposeThis paper aims to advance understanding of the disciplinary decision‐making process underpinning the professional ethics machinery employed by professional accounting organisations, using elements of francophone organisational analysis to examine the influence of the key formal organisational components established by the Institute of Chartered Accountants in Ireland (ICAI) to administer its disciplinary decision‐making process up to December 1999.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses evidence gathered from a series of in‐depth interviews with members of the ICAI disciplinary and investigation committees.FindingsIlluminates the internal tensions and conflicts permeating the disciplinary decision‐making process of the ICAI and the influence key organisational components have on resolving these conflicts through their encouragement of decision making driven by a preferred reasoning or logic of action.Research limitations/implicationsThe evidence presented questions the public interest proclamations of the ICAI with respect to its disciplinary procedures pre‐December 1999. It further exposes the tensions between profession protection and society protection motives in the disciplinary decision making of accounting bodies.Originality/valueThis paper represents a first attempt at getting inside the disciplinary decision‐making process of a professional accounting body to examine the process using the voices of process participants.

Enhancing Children's Learning

Child A, a Muslim girl was struggling with aspects of socialising and learning in the Year 6 Class. She had not been allowed by her father to take part in the class residential trip—the only child not to do so. In addition several parts of the curriculum were not available to her on grounds of her religious beliefs. The teacher seemed to carry some sadness and frustration that this child was unable to take full part in class activities.Through consideration of ‘conscience group’ however, it is possible to see that the child's primary loyalties are to her family and culture—and that though she is sad she cannot take part in some things, she understands why and completely accepts the situation. An honouring of her cultural attachment and support for her in upholding them enables the teacher to play a more open and facilitating part in the child's learning.At the end of term performance, the child sang an unaccompanied song beautifully. Her father, who hardly ever visits school because of the time pressures of his work, had slipped in to the hall a little late to hear her. She saw him and turned to her teacher to ask if she could sing an extra song just for her father. Again, unaccompanied, she sang a Turkish song exquisitely to her father. The whole hall of parents were moved and touched by her powerful performance, which was in a way a public declaration of her culture, language and loyalty

The Sacrament of Ethical Reality: Dietrich Bonhoeffer on Ethics for Christian Citizens

The paper explicates Bonhoeffer's dense statement, made in a 1932 lecture, that `Reality is the sacrament of [the ethical] command'. It begins with a summary of William T. Cavanaugh's rich description of the Eucharist as that act which makes the Church Christ's body, thereby constituting the true res publica. A comparison is drawn with Bonhoeffer's account of the sacramental foundation of the Church's public proclamation of God's ethical command. Bonhoeffer differs from Cavanaugh, I suggest, not only in his conviction that the Church speaks God's command penultimately and with humility, but in regarding the state as one of the means by which God acts within the penultimate to preserve creation.

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The Forty-second Annual ISNA Convention

The theme of this year’s event, “Muslims in North America: Accomplishments,Challenges, and the Road Ahead,” was a public proclamation thatNorth American Muslims are focusing on the future. One highlight was thepresence of Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes,who met with heads of Muslim American organizations on the grounds thatshe needed their advice to help her reach out to the wider Muslim world.Overall, the convention focused on advancing values of the family, community,compassion, and justice; the workshops addressed communitybuilding, organizing politically, promoting civil rights, opposing Islamophobia,sharing Islam, and promoting interfaith understanding.The conference was inaugurated by the leaders of ISNA’s constituentorganizations and leaders of other faiths. Bob Edgar (secretary general,National Council of Churches), set the tone: “If you want to walk fast,walk alone. If you want to walk far, walk together!” Muhammad NurAbdullah (president, ISNA) spoke of such ISNA accomplishments as theimam and chaplain training services and empowering Muslim youths. Theinaugural session was addressed by Khurshid A. Qureshi (president,AMSE) Rafik Beekun (president, AMSS), Rehana Kausar (president,IMANA), Mohammad Sheibani (president, MSA), and co-chairs OmarSiddiqi and Kulsoom Salman (both of MSA-National). Ingrid Mattson(vice president, ISNA; director, Islamic chaplaincy; and professor, Islamicstudies and Christian-Muslim relations, Hartford Seminary), Abdul-MalikMujahid (president, Council of Islamic Organizations of Greater Chicago),Bob Edgar (secretary general, National Council of Churches), and RickUfford-Chase (chair of the moderator of the 216th General Assembly ofthe Presbyterian Church [USA]).The ISNA Dr. Mahboob Khan Community Service Award was presentedto Ilyas Ba-Yunus, a founding member of MSA who helped establishISNA and served as its first president. A respected sociologist, he is theauthor of several studies related to Muslim life in America. FormerMalaysian deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim, the keynote speaker at theCommunity Service Recognition luncheon, expressed his gratitude forISNA’s role in securing his release after the charges brought against him byformer prime minister Mahathir Muhammad failed the court test. In keepingwith a now 3-year-old tradition, Anwar received an award recognizing hiscontribution to democracy, civil society, and social justice ...

Elinor S. Miller (review)

MLR, 100.3, 2005 833 Camus, focusing on Camus's reception in countries of the former Eastern bloc. Isabelle Cielens examines 'la reception de Camus en Lettonie', assessing the author's changing fortunes from the days of Soviet occupation to Latvia's independence in 1991 and beyond. Andor Horvath chronicles Camus's reception in Hungary, while Jana Patockova examines the reception of Camus's (theatrical) work in the former Czechoslovakia. Two further studies complete the volume. Samantha Novello exa? mines the intertextual links between the unattributed notes jotted down in Camus's private notebook in 1947 in preparation for Les Justes and L'Homme revolte and the Russian writer Nicolas Berdiaev's Les Sources et le sens du communisme russe. From this close textual scrutiny Novello deduces the influence Berdiaev had on Camus's understanding of nihilism, totalitarianism, and (Soviet) Marxism. Finally, Frantz Favre consolidates and develops his earlier studies on the parallels between Camus and Nietzsche and provides a useful inventory of works on and by Nietzsche found in Camus's library. By highlighting Camus's annotations on Nietzsche's writings, Favre attests to 'les constantes de sa sensibilite' (p. 198) in relation to the author of Will to Power. In the last analysis, then, this latest contribution to the now wellestablished Serie Albert Camus provides a wide-ranging and scholarly collection of articles testifying to the healthy state of Camus scholarship at the start of the new millennium. University of Central Lancashire Mark Orme Prisms and Rainbows: Michel Butor's Collaborations withJacques Monory, Jiri Koldr and Pierre Alechinsky. By Elinor S. Miller. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press; London: Associated University Presses. 2003. 239 pp.; 74 b/w illustr. $65; ?44.50. ISBN 0-8386-3919-4. As the sole full-length study devoted exclusively to Butor's collaborative work with visual artists, Prisms and Rainbows is a very welcome publication. Although Jacques La Mothe's 1999 study L'Architexture du reve (Amsterdam: Rodopi) analysed the relationship between the Matiere de reves cycle and the collaborative works in which it originated, the number, diversity, and inaccessibility of the collaborations have inhibited exploration of the field. In confining her analysis to a selection of Butor's collaborations with three very differentartists (Monory, Kolaf, Alechinsky), Elinor S. Miller has circumscribed a manageable corpus. Miller's overall thesis?that these works are underpinned by the recurrence of certain political issues?gives prominence to a hitherto neglected dimension of Butor's work and helps bridge the gap between his public declarations about the state of the world and critical understand? ing of his creative work, although the term 'political' must be understood broadly as referringto his preoccupation with questions such as imperialism, racism, capitalism, consumerism, exploitation, and the environment. However, the study is also attentive to the humour in these works: Butor tends to be presented as a very earnest and cere? bral writer and Miller's analysis of the playful and comic in his texts is refreshing. Although she has focused on the more accessible collaborations, the selected works are not well known and the study serves an important function of familiarization. Con? sequently, much space is devoted to description of the works. However, Miller also isolates the dominant formal features of Butor's texts (attention to rhythm, interest in typography, polyphony) and highlights the parallels between the writer's technical procedures and those ofthe visual artists. The book is lavishly illustrated, its 74 black and white illustrations constituting in themselves a rich research resource. Fuller contextualization of the selected collaborations within the history of the livre d'artiste and within Butor's oeuvre as a whole would have been useful: in particular, more 834 Reviews extensive analysis ofthe links between Bicentenaire Kit and Butor's other 'American' texts or between the Liechtenstein postcards and 6 810 000 litres d'eau par seconde, Description de San Marco, or Intervalle would undoubtedly have yielded illuminating results. Furthermore, although the link which Miller establishes between Bicentenaire Kit and home assembly kits is convincing, she does not address the issue ofthe work's artistic ancestry (e.g. Duchamp's Boite verte). Finally, the occasional authorial asides fitsomewhat uncomfortably within an academic study, though the...

Article 98(2) of the Rome Statute: America's Original Intent

The author argues that Article 98(2) only covers those agreements of bilateral or multilateral character between or among nations (whether party or non-party to the Rome Statute) and/or international organizations (such as the ICC or the UN) that provide for non-surrender to the ICC of a nation’s military or official personnel and related civilian component sent abroad on official mission by such nation. The agreements were not intended to cover individuals acting abroad in a private capacity or independently for foreign government or international organization purposes. Indeed, in contributing to the drafting of that provision of the Statute, the US delegation did not seek to protect the entire body of US nationals, such as the many US nationals who are engaged outside the United States as humanitarian aid workers, as journalists, as staff of the UN or intergovernmental relief agencies, as representatives of NGOs, as expatriate employees of private companies, or as tourists. In contrast, the bilateral non-surrender agreements negotiated by the current US Administration are intended to cover not only current or former government officials, government employees (including contractors), and military personnel, but also all US nationals, including those acting in a strictly private capacity. To find a solution to the inconsistency between Article 98(2) and these agreements, the author suggests that existing bilateral US non-surrender agreements should be rectified with a US public declaration confirming that the reference to ‘nationals’ in such agreements is interpreted by the US Government to mean the US civilian component of a military deployment. New or amended agreements negotiated by the United States with foreign governments or international organizations should limit the scope of application to official and military personnel of the ‘sending State,’ covering them for actions they undertook in their official capacity.

Pride politics and multiculturalist citizenship

This article examines public declarations of national pride and accusations of national shame printed in English national newspapers in the four weeks following the publication of the Parekh Report, in October 2000. A key aim of this article is to consider the role of emotions in policing the terms of belonging and entitlement to citizenry. I discuss the effects of displays of emotions on the kind of national community, and national subject, that is being imagined. First, I examine the role of emotions in distinguishing between legitimate and illegitimate patriotisms. The pride/shame debate reveals how the politics of pride seek to eradicate shame via an erasure of certain histories, and to sanitize Britishness under a veneer of tolerance. At the same time, multicultural tolerance necessitates the creation of intolerant culprits. Second, I uncover the formation of new economies of exclusion/inclusion and toleration through different acts of interpellating “others” to be seen to speak out as proud subjects of multicultural Britain. I show how the very recognition of “others” as legitimate speaking subjects reconstitutes them as “other” through a double process of de-racialization and re-racialization.

Le bilinguisme dans l'administration fédérale du Canada (1969-1982)

The author first examines the various public declarations which form the basis of the federal government's official languages policy, and then identifies the various stages in the application of this policy to the public service sector. He concludes with an examination of the current situation.

Web-only Online Sites More Likely to Post Editorial Policies than Are Daily Paper Sites

An increasing number of Americans obtain their news via the Internet.1 However, some media critics, scholars and journalists have expressed reservations about the of online news because of concerns about the high speed at which a story can be posted online2 and the linking of news content with advertising.3 Johnson and Kaye believe that lack of trust in information obtained from the Internet could keep it from becoming even more important and influential news source.4 To address these concerns about the of Internet information, noted online media critics such as Steve Outing and J. D. Lasica have called for Internet news sites to publish statements disclosing to users the standards and values of the sites, as well as information explaining how the corporate relationships of the newsgathering organization relate to editorial coverage.5This exploratory study uses content analysis to examine the Web sites of daily newspapers, as well as Web-only news sites, for the presence of such information, referred to by Outing as credibility statements.6Credibility Concerns of Online NewsThe Internet allows journalists to post information almost as soon as they receive it, a quality seen by many journalists as having a positive impact on the profession.7 However, Lasica alleges this ability heightens the traditional competition among journalists to be the first to report a story and makes errors more common.8 A recent study found a majority of journalists said the Internet has increased the amount of errors in news stories9 and a study of online newspaper editors found that nearly half said the speed of the Internet has decreased the time spent verifying facts in news stories.10In addition, the public feels that maintaining a clear separation between editorial and advertising content is important.11 However, news sites often put related advertisements adjacent to articles.12 Linking articles to commerce, according to McNamara, is more powerful online than in print. A print advertisement requires a reader to visit a store to make a purchase, but online users simply have to click on a link.13Another aspect of transaction journalism includes the formation of alliances in which outside company sponsors entire content area.14 The relationship between a news site and its advertisers is even more difficult for readers to understand when sponsorships are related to editorial content15 and such sponsorships can compromise a site's credibility.16The mixing of editorial content and e-commerce, says Outing, represent serious threats to a journalistic entity's with the public.17 News organizations, he says, need to publicly post editorial policies clearly explaining the relationships they have with other companies and how those relationships impact their editorial coverage. Lasica agrees, noting that in this age of cynicism regarding the media, the public declaration of a news site's principles would send a powerful message and help gain public trust.18 Online media executives interviewed by McNamara said they believe that because the Internet is evolving medium it is more difficult for online readers to recognize the line separating commerce from content, a sentiment that is confirmed in a study conducted by the Online News Association.19 Byrd writes that links explaining news decisions and policies would give notice that news sites are accountable to their readers.20 Outing also writes it is vital for news sites without a traditional media counterpart to publish their policies to boost their reputation. Such news sites, he says, don't have the luxury of relying on the reputation of an old media parent.21 Sites with traditional counterparts would be well-served by publishing their policies, given that journalistic standards can differ within a single news organization.22Research QuestionsRQ1:To what extent are daily newspaper Web sites and Web-only news sites posting statements regarding their editorial policies? …

"Three Cheers for the Abolitionist Pope!": American Reaction to Gregory XVI's Condemnation of the Slave Trade, 1840-1860

In December, 1839, Pope Gregory XVI issued In Supremo, an apostolic letter that condemned the slave trade the strongest possible terms. he published the statement at the prompting of the British government, which had been campaigning for years to bring the trade to an end. The British believed that a papal letter might persuade Spain and Portugal to enforce the laws against slave trafficking their domains, but it had little impact on either country. Instead, Gregory's pronouncement set off a debate both within and without the Catholic community the United States. During the 1840's and '50's, it twice surfaced during presidential campaigns, was hotly debated by supporters of the Irish Repeal1 movement, and was hailed by the abolitionist leader Wendell Phillips. Even the Catholic bishops, who were very wary about making political pronouncements, were drawn into the fray. Indeed, as the Church's ranks swelled through immigration from Ireland and to a lesser extent from German states and made it America's largest religion, arguments raged over what it really taught about slavery.2 All the way up until the Civil War, abolitionists repeatedly put forward Gregory's letter when trying to make the case that the Catholic Church opposed slavery while American Catholic leaders sought to interpret it a narrow fashion so as to minimize its significance. Enlisting the Pope In the 1830's, the British government was on a crusade to suppress the African slave trade.3 The British and the Americans had both outlawed the practice 1807, and France had followed suit 1818.4 At the Congress of Vienna 1815, the British had persuaded the other powers to sign a declaration against the slave trade, but it was vague and nonbinding.5 They then negotiated separate treaties with Spain and Portugal an effort to suppress it. By 1838 Lord Palmerston, the British foreign secretary, was growing impatient. Slaves were still being shipped by the thousands from Africa to Cuba and Brazil.6 Consequently, he looked to the United States and to the Papacy for help. He contacted the American ambassador to the Court of St. James, Andrew Stevenson, to see if the United States might be interested sponsoring a worldwide conference on the slave trade. Stevenson, a Virginia slaveholder, was not enthusiastic, but he duly passed on the proposal to the American secretary of State, John Forsyth, a Georgian, who was deeply suspicious of anything that smacked of abolition.7 Although opposed at least theory to the slave trade, Forsyth was not about to devote American resources to such a project. Palmerston had more reason for optimism with regard to the Papacy. In 1815 Pope Pius VII had issued a brief condemning the slave trade response to an appeal from the British foreign secretary, Lord Castlereagh.8 InJuIy, 1839, Thomas Aubin, the British consul at Florence, wrote to the pope's secretary of state, Cardinal Luigi Lambruschini, asking for a declaration from the Holy see. Aubin noted that the British had been working for years to suppress the trade. While European countries had willingly co-operated with them, the British had trouble with certain countries which were in spiritual communion with the Holy see.9 Aubin was sure that a public declaration on this subject by the pope would be most advantageous to the cause of humanity and would render a great honor to the Roman government.10 When Gregory learned of Aubin's letter, he decided to put the matter before the cardinals who served the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs.11 Before being elected pope 1831, Gregory had served for six years as prefect of Propaganda Fide, the curial congregation that oversaw Catholic missions all over the world. Keenly interested evangelizing Africa, Asia, and Latin America, Gregory was very much aware of the hardships that these peoples were enduring. No doubt the slave trade was of great concern to him. …

Albert Einstein and Friedrich Dessauer: Political Views and Political Practice

In this case study I compare the political views of the physicists Albert Einstein and Friedrich Dessauer between the first and second world wars, and I investigate their translation into concrete political practice. Both departed from their roles as experts in physics in favor of political engagement. The essence of Einstein's political practice seems to have been a form of political participation in exerting moral influence on people and organizations through public declarations and appeals in isolation from political mass movements. Dessauer exerted political influence both through public office (as a member of Parliament for the Catholic Center Party) and by acquiring a newspaper. The different political practice of both Einstein and Dessauer were unsuccessful in thwarting the Nazi takeover.

Teaching scientists to be citizens. It is hard to become a good scientist. It is even harder to become a good citizen.

Deep in the German forests above Heidelberg, the European Molecular Biology Laboratory (EMBL), in its infancy in the late 1970s, was a haven of basic research and serenity. I remember hard experimental work, intensive discussions and unexpected ideas emerging along the wooded paths. On a recent visit, I saw that the busy buzzing of EMBL has by no means receded. But I also saw that EMBL is changing. The explosive growth of the parking lots and the new buildings for commercial companies are reshaping the glade; scientists are sitting behind their computer screens most of the time; there are more females than males; last summer, the temperature broke another record high. And, probably much more important, the scientists working there are becoming aware that there is a world outside the laboratories. It started with rumours rising from the valley that first reminded us that a wider world was bubbling not far away. We were amazed at the gossip reported in the local press that clover, growing around the Laboratory, had a suspicious number of leaves because of some mysterious genetic manipulations. We were shocked when the media widely covered the claim made by an East German scientist that AIDS was a product of the US Secret Services. Nowadays, news about cloning, stem‐cell research, bioterrorism and the turbulence of the stock market is pouring in daily. Biologists know about change. For more than 3 billion years, life has undergone changes, and no one would be here to witness anything if evolution had not been hard at work. But the changes that are now occurring are different, because they are anthropogenic and because they are happening increasingly rapidly. And they are not met with enthusiasm by everyone: “Stop improving things!”, an angry hand had written on the door of the computer room. …

New reproductive technologies, ethics and gender: the legislative process in Brazil.

In this article, I will analyse the conduct of the Brazilian legislative process regarding new reproductive technologies, mainly the moral assumptions of three categories that are essential to the debate: the status of the child generated by these techniques; the number of embryos transferred in each cycle (as well as foetal reduction); and the issue of women's eligibility for such techniques. The analysis will be a sociological study of the Brazilian legislative debate, using feminist perspectives in ethics as the theoretical reference. The focus will be the bills in progress in the Brazilian National Congress, the public and official declarations of legislators involved in the issue and the regulation of the medical class, which has influenced the legislative process. Aside from the analysis of the legislative process, I include a section on the justification of these bills, since that is where the legislator exposes what he/she believes is the moral support for the bill.

Öffentliche Schuldbekenntnisse mittelalterlicher Herrscher und ihre Darstellung in der zeitgenössischen Historiographie

Public proclamations of guilt and penitential acts by medieval rulers have always been the subject of historical research. The topics ›power‹ and ›penitence‹ bring together two extremely important fields of mediaevalist investigation. Earlier research was strongly influenced by ideas of the relationship between ›church‹ and ›state‹ which had been formed in the nineteenth century. As a result, humiliating penitential rituals by kings were seen as either a scandalous form of degradation in front of representatives of the church or as a clever move to achieve a ›real‹, that is political goal. In recent times, however, historians have forcefully emphasised the importance of acts of ritual communication for the functioning of pre-modern societies and have discovered in these rituals a completely new purpose and refinement. This article examines how this ritualised thinking affected the description of acts of penitence in contemporary historiography. It can be shown that in each case certain key terms, which played a role in particular events, became ciphers for complex courses of action. Today these narratives, which were accessible to the contemporaries and transported multifarious messages, thus need to be ›deciphered‹ again.

MINOR MARRIAGES AND KHIYĀR AL-BULŪGH IN OTTOMAN PALESTINE: A NOTE ON WOMEN'S STRATEGIES IN A PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY

AbstractSharī'a court records (sijills) are legal documents that summarize discussions that took place in the courtroom. They also contain a wealth of detail on various aspects of Muslim society. Drawing on different sijills from nineteenth-century Palestine and fatwās of Khayr al-Dīn al-Ramlī, I examine the phenomenon of child marriage and the practice of khiyār al-bulūgh, literally "option of puberty". If a natural guardian contracts a marriage for a minor child, male or female, the child may not subsequently have the contract annulled. Whereas a boy enjoys the right to divorce his wife through the mechanism of talāq as soon as he reaches his majority, a girl who reaches her majority must approach the court if she wants to dissolve a marriage (faskh), and she may do so only if she was married while a minor by a non-natural guardian. In this case, she may exercise her right of khiyār al-bulūgh immediately upon reaching her legal majority, i.e., at the onset of her first menstruation. But she must make a public declaration of the occurrence of menstruation so that the persons who hear the declaration may serve as witnesses on her behalf.

Professional accounting bodies' disciplinary procedures: accountable, transparent and in the public interest?

This paper critiques the public interest proclamations of accounting professions with particular reference to the role of disciplinary procedures in protecting these interests. It is argued that professions' widely declared concerns for the public interest, often conceptualized as encompassing a commitment to public accountability and transparency, are frequently used as a convenient mechanism for avoiding criticism and maintaining the power and privilege of delegated self-regulation. This argument is developed by examining the role played by disciplinary procedures, in particular the reporting of their results, in creating a perception that the profession acts in the public interest. The critique is supported with data derived from an investigation of the disciplinary procedures of one accounting body, the Institute of Chartered Accountants in Ireland (ICAI). The results of this examination indicate that the ICAI process appears deficient in terms of its accountability and transparency and further that there is little fairness or equity in terms of the penalties applied to members for offences committed. This tends to support prior research which suggests that disciplinary procedures (and the ethical codes they purportedly enforce) fulfil a ‘profession protection’ as opposed to a ‘society protection’ role aimed at insulating the profession from inspection and assessment from outside parties. Implications for the accounting profession and for future research are discussed.

Colonialism experienced: Vietnamese writings on colonialism, 1900-1931

The first three decades of the twentieth century in late-colonial Vietnam--the period that also marked the transition between the dominant Confucian and nascent Western worldviews--generated an abundance of political literature in that country. The documents from this transitional era belong to a variety of genres: propaganda pamphlets, open letters to government officials, texts for private or clandestine classrooms, manifestos of political or cultural organizations, columns from newspapers, public proclamations, petitions to international agencies, and poems. Whether from the old or the new era, however, they all expressed an opinion on the colonial status of their country.Scholar Truong Buu Lam has collected twenty of these documents, all written between 1900 and 1931, into an anthology which captures the spirit of the conflicting ideologies and the political struggles of this time. Written originally in Vietnamese, French, or classical Chinese, the documents have been translated into English by Lam and given individual introductions in an effort to clarify their historical contexts most accurately. Lam also provides a lengthy overview of the contemporary scene at the time of the writings to further illuminate the grander themes tying the writings together.In Vietnam, all of these writings are well-known texts, quoted in every publication that examines the period under consideration; yet, to the best of our knowledge, few have been reproduced in their entirety and none has ever been translated into English. This translation marks an important addition to the fields of Southeast Asian and colonial studies and will be welcomed by historians, political scientists, and anthropologists alike.Truong Buu Lam is Associate Professor of History, University of Hawaii at Manoa. He is editor of the collections Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Intervention, 1858-1900 and Borrowings and Adaptations in Vietnamese Culture, and the author of Resistance, Rebellion, Revolution: Popular Movements in Vietnamese History and New Lamps for Old: The Transformation of the Vietnamese Administrative Elite.

Farmers and Consumers: Towards Symbiosis?

Public declarations on the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) have recently become more consumer‐oriented, aiming at “transparency and defence of consumer interests”. Even demonstrations have changed: fewer occupations of railways, motorways, and airports, and more free distribution of grilled steaks, milk, and fruit to citizens.

"The Cornerstone of a Copious Work": Love and Power in Eighteenth-Century Courtship

Examination of eighteenth-century courtship correspondence from colonial Pennsylvania reveals that men generally sent love letters to the friends and family of the women they wooed, rather than to the women themselves. Women, meanwhile, though expressive and affectionate in letters to each other, seldom if ever wrote love letters to their suitors. Analyzing who expressed what emotions when and to whom unveils much about the status calculations and power negotiations that underlay eighteenth-century marriage decisions. As young adults in their mid to late teens, both men and women stressed the importance of privacy and secrecy in courtship. Yet as time went on, women continued to emphasize privacy, while men made public declarations of love. This divergence can be explained by the different stakes courtship held for each; while men who married gained new and enhanced status as household heads, their wives contracted life-long masters. So while elite young women had incentives to delay marriage as long as they could without endangering their overall chances of marrying, young men were eager to win wives. Men's and women's unequal desire to marry conferred an unaccustomed measure of power on women during the courtship years. Young men and women alike made oblique references to this temporary reversal of gendered power in joking metaphors for marriage; young women also discussed their new power--and its fleeting nature--directly amongst themselves. Romantic rhetoric arose as a means of cloaking these tensions. Public declarations of love allowed young men to appear to negotiate with young women merely for love, not for the right to become household masters. Meanwhile, women who eventually silently accepted this love effectively renounced power for passion. Romantic rhetoric helped conceal the impact of eighteenth-century courtships on economic and community status; thus were love and power intimately intertwined.