Public Morality Research Articles

Reconstruction of Public Organizational Regulations to Guarantee the Right to Freedom of Organization According to the Pancasila Democracy: Study of the Regulation of the Right to Freedom to Organize in Indonesia

Indonesia is a democratic country and as a follow-up form in accommodating freedom in social life, the 1945 Constitution regulates guarantees for freedom of association, assembly, and expression of opinions. Freedom of association and assembly is one of the key rights in human rights because with this freedom humans can enjoy other rights and freedoms stipulated by law. Nevertheless, this freedom is not an absolute right, meaning that this freedom is subject to several restrictions which must also be stipulated in the law. This is not only a reflection, but a prerequisite in a democratic country. These restrictions are necessary if there is an interest in protecting national security or public safety, public order, protection of public health and morality, and protection of the rights and freedoms of other parties. This study uses a normative juridical method. The specifications of the research conducted by researchers and writers are analytical and descriptive. The data collection technique used in this study was a literature study. The data used is secondary data or second-hand data which is data obtained from research subjects as the main data. The data analysis to be carried out is a descriptive analysis. From the results of the research, it can be obtained that the Function of Community Organization Regulation is to Protect People's Right to Freedom to Organize, but the implementation of these regulations causes many problems including the emergence of social organizations that have deviated goals that are contrary to Pancasila and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the birth of Community Organizations amid a large number of people. reaping the pros and cons of several parties, the rampant dissolution of social organizations, and criminal sanctions in Law Number 2 of 2017 concerning Community Organizations raise controversies that will have the potential for authoritarian government and violations of human rights and the Constitution, giving unlimited authority limited to the Minister of Home Affairs or the Minister of Law and Human Rights to determine whether the status of a social organization is against Pancasila or not, inconsistency between the implementation of social organization regulations and the guarantee and protection of people's rights to organize. Therefore, it is necessary to have the concept of regulation of Community Organizations that can guarantee the right to freedom of community organizations in the future.

Denial of Access in the Context of Public Morality

Ahlak yüzyıllar boyunca filozoflar tarafından tartışılmış bir kavramdır. Platon gibi düşünürlerce mutluluğa ulaşmak için gerekli olduğuna inanılan ahlakı, Nietzsche gereksiz bulmuştur. Hala tam olarak üzerinde anlaşılmış bir ahlak tanımı bulunmamakla birlikte ahlakı; "bir toplumun veya bir bireyin inandığı neyin doğru veya yanlış olduğu ile ilgili kurallar ve değerlerin bütünüdür" şeklinde tanımlamak mümkündür. Ahlak tek bir birey tarafından da kabul edilip inanılabilecek değerlerden oluşmaktayken genel ahlak; bir toplumda veya bir grup içinde ortak olarak kabul edilen ve genel olarak kabul gören doğru ve yanlış kuralları ve değerleri ifade etmesiyle ahlaktan ayrılır. Birçok ülke kanunlarında genel ahlak temel hak ve özgürlükleri sınırlandırıcı nedenlerden biri olarak kabul edildiği gibi bazı fiillerin genel ahlaka aykırılığı nedeniyle cezalandırılabilmesi de mümkündür. Gelişen teknoloji ve dünya düzeni neticesinde internet ortamında birçok suç işlenebilmekte; suç kapsamında olmasa bile genel ahlaka aykırı içerikler internette kolaylıkla paylaşılabilmektedir. Devletlerin koruyucu ve düzen sağlayıcı yönleri göz önüne alındığında; düzeni bozan genel ahlaka aykırı içeriklerin paylaşıldığı internet ortamını kontrol etmesi ve gerektiğinde müdahale etmesi devletin sorumluluğu kapsamındadır. Bu çalışma kapsamında internet ortamına bir müdahale yöntemi olan erişimin engellenmesinin genel ahlak ile olan ilişkisi değerlendirilecektir.

Moral Clauses in Contracts: An Iraqi Law Perspective

Purpose: In this research, I want to address the moral clauses in contracts concluded by employers with talents and celebrities to promote goods and services. I want to define the meaning and use of these clauses in USA, and answer whether they are acceptable in Iraqi law. Theoretical framework: In USA, moral clauses used since the twenties of the last century and adopt widely in its sixties until now, it used in contracts relating provide work or service by a talent or celebrity and contracts of sponsorship. Moral clauses refer to conducts that talent prohibited from doing such as lying, violating laws, or corruption. Breaching of these clauses may result in termination of contract, or oblige talent to pay damages. Method: This research follows a comparative analytical approach between the American and Iraqi laws regarding moral clauses, showing their meaning, importance and effects. Result and conclusion: This research concluded that moral clause valid in Iraqi law, because it not violate public order or morals. Implications of the research: The research provides a ground for talents, celebrities, contractors, and employers to be aware of their rights and duties regarding moral clauses, the way these clauses formulate in contract, and how to deal with breach of it. Originality/value: Moral clauses not previously dealt with in Iraq, so this research paves the way for other researchers to delve into these clauses.

The Moralization of Politics in Brazil

This article analyzes the formation of a media framing of political moralization in Brazil that was consolidated during the decade of 2010, during the peak of an anti-corruption prosecution and the campaign against ‘gender ideology’. This media framing was characterized by the association of the agenda for probity in the conduct of public business with a traditional family morality. The research methodology is anchored in studies of media framing in an analytical perspective that joins sources of digital sociology to political communication studies to analyze an archive collected on platforms of social networks and news media. We contrast the results of the investigation to contributions and gaps of political sociology and gender and sexuality studies focused on either public or private morality. The analysis of the materials shows how the far-right developed a political-communicational strategy on social networks to unite the two dimensions of morality to gain electoral support.

Indonesian Trade Policy in Adjusting the 2020 WTO’s Trade Policy Review

This article analyzes the Trade Policy Review Body (TPRB) review of Indonesia in 2020, mainly in the agricultural sector, and how Indonesian compliance with the WTO Agreement is helpful for the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM). This study uses the normative method by gathering primary and secondary legal sources. The 2020 TPRB review perceives that Indonesia has applied untransparent safeguard measures related to its agricultural products, prohibited subsidies, and quantitative restrictions on other WTO member states. However, the Job Creation Law, launched in 2020, can be viewed as a proportional law as it puts imported products in an equivalent position with domestic agriculture or food products. The discussions reveal that Law No 11/2020 aims to balance its national interest with the WTO Agreement and the TPRB review of Indonesian trade policy, mainly in agriculture. With such legal certainty, this article recommends that Indonesia consider the TPRB review in good faith by invoking transparent safeguards, reducing its export subsidies on agricultural products, conducting a persistent report to the Committee on Agriculture, and protecting its public health and morals. The Indonesian government should also conduct text mining to determine its trade policies and deal with international trade uncertainty.

China’s New Idea of Socialist Core Value Education: President Xi’s Philosophical Discourse on the Education of Socialist Core Values

Abstract The influence of the education of socialist core values includes both domestic and foreign countries, which are embodied in consolidating China’s spiritual strength, safeguarding the national governance system, and enhancing the international discourse power. In education principle, the education of socialist core values has both commonness and individuality, adhering to the guiding direction of Marxism, integrating into the “four modernizations” of life, and conducting sub-subject education close to the masses. In terms of educational content, the education of socialist core values revolves around “three advocations”, namely, advocating great morality, guarding public morality, and strictly practicing private morality. In terms of educational approach, the system and environment of socialist core values education should be optimized, namely, government macro-control, school main body participation, and family and community cooperation in education.

Modern Erasures: Revolution, the Civilizing Mission, and the Shaping of China’s Past by Pierre Fuller

How should we account for the violence and destruction unleashed during the Chinese Cultural Revolution under Mao Zedong in the 1960s? Most observers viewed the Cultural Revolution as an extreme manifestation of the Chinese Communist Party’s quest to free the country from imperialism and to build a new society. They usually explained its violence as a result of Maoist China’s rejection of everything old and Western, Mao’s own power struggle, his revolutionary romanticism, the simmering tensions within the country’s social fabrics, or some variations or combinations thereof. Fuller, however, takes a different tack. From his vantage point, the entire Chinese revolutionary project, spanning the years from around 1920 to the 1960s and culminating in the Cultural Revolution, was the by-product of a specific form of “revolutionary memory.” Indeed, the project “was in practice less a defense of the local from imperialism than an outgrowth of colonial modernity” (292). In his venturesome analysis, “the left-right political spectrum collapses and Maoism assumes a striking proximity to rival ideologies” (292). His thesis is, to be sure, provocative. How exactly does Fuller make his case?Fuller begins with the epistemic violence that was constitutive of colonial modernity. More specifically, he focuses on “erasure” as a form of violence (hence the title of the book)—that is, the ways in which twentieth-century colonial discourse systematically removed any reference to, or acknowledgement of, the existence of indigenous communitarian and charitable relief during times of natural disaster in China. Fuller drives this point home by examining the coverage and reporting of the Haiyuan earthquake in northwestern China in 1920 as part of a “sociology of the Chinese” produced by Westerners (108). It had far-reaching consequences: First, such erasure was instrumental in popularizing the common Western representation of the Chinese as uncivilized people who lacked humanity, compassion, and a sense of common good. Second, it enabled Westerners to present themselves as the sole progenitor and provider of charity and assistance—the embodiment of human compassion—to those in need of aid. Third, and most important for Fuller’s argument, this colonial discourse was internalized by many members of the Chinese elite from around the time of the May Fourth movement (1919) onward. Critiques of the Chinese people’s inherent character deficiencies and moral failures, easily found in publications by Westerners since the nineteenth century, became increasingly commonplace among indigenous writers, commentators, artists, political leaders, and activists.Many of those texts portrayed the vast and highly populated Chinese rural area as a bastion of backwardness where communal bonds and public morals did not exist in any meaningful sense, where human fellowship and compassion from the haves to the haves-not was glaringly lacking, and where life was a constant state of struggle for sheer survival with no help in sight (except perhaps from foreign communities). According to Fuller, the political and intellectual elites, including Communists, based the construction of what he calls revolutionary memory on the basis of such representations of Chinese social life. The result was a metanarrative with its own set of vocabularies and discursive conventions designed to tell the story of a China in modern times in desperate need of social renewal and regeneration (in contrast to “communal memory,” which was more localized in nature).Drawing upon an impressive array of primary and secondary sources, Fuller runs through a litany of materials, ranging from Mao’s famous 1927 report about the Chinese peasantry to Pearl Buck’s Pulitzer-winning novel The Good Earth (New York, 1931), educational and popular journals, village drama, and woodcuts to delineate the fueling and dissemination of revolutionary memory.It is next to impossible to do justice to many of the nuances of Fuller’s argument in a short review. Undoubtedly, his claim, shared by other scholars, that Chinese indigenous elites adopted a Western representation of Chinese ills, has the ring of truth. That said, skeptics are unlikely to be swayed by Fuller’s leap of logic and bold assertion of an affinity between colonialism and Maoism, which represents the violence of the 1960s as “what Maoism most closely shares with the colonial project” (7). The effects of epistemic violence or erasure were beyond question, but so were the material circumstances—war, trauma, and social dislocation—that many Chinese experienced at the time. Although Fuller’s focus is decidedly not on the “reality” of those decades (13), the question of whether Maoism was a product of colonial discourse or a reaction to material deprivation will remain a topic to be debated for years to come.

Occupied Territories and the Exceptions to WTO and EU Rules on grounds of Public Morality, Public Order and Public Policy

This article discusses whether restrictions on trade with occupied territories imposed by national or sub-national authorities are permitted under exceptions to WTO and EU free trade rules on grounds of public morality, public order or public policy. The relevant provisions have a common origin and similarities in their terms. However, our analysis finds significant differences in their interpretation and application. Restrictions on trade with occupied territories are unlikely to be permitted on these grounds under WTO rules unless there is a strong justification for the restrictions in all the circumstances and they do not discriminate between different territories where relevant conditions are similar. By contrast, such restrictions are unlikely to be permitted under EU law if adopted unilaterally by an EU member state or sub-national authority. The different approaches and potentially different outcomes reflect the different priorities of the WTO and the EU. The primary objective of the WTO is to remove barriers and discrimination in international trade in a diverse global economy in which countries with differing values and alliances participate. By contrast, the highest priority of the EU is the integration of the economies and societies of its member states. Occupied territories, WTO, EU, free trade, exceptions, public morality, public order, public policy, discrimination, common commercial policy

Moderation between Religious Freedom and Harmony Concerning the Regulation on Mosque Loudspeaker: Comparison between Indonesia and Other Muslim Countries

Abstract This research explains the comparison of regulations on mosque loudspeakers between Indonesia and Muslim countries in the world. Guidelines for the use of mosque loudspeakers in Indonesia are regulated in the Instruction of the Director-General of Islamic Community Guidance at the Ministry of Religious Affairs Number 101 of 1978 concerning Guidance on the Use of Loudspeakers in Mosques and Musala and the Circular Letter of the Minister of Religion Number 5 of 2022 concerning Guidelines for the Use of Loudspeakers in Mosques and Musala. Primary data of this study includes the 1978 Instructions and the 2022 Circular Letters. Secondary data is obtained from relevant literature sources and regulations on the use of mosque loudspeakers in several Muslim countries in the world, namely Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Syria, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Malaysia. This research finds the concept of moderation of regulations on mosque loudspeakers in Indonesia. The findings of this research can be used as a guide model for drafting the contents of mosque loudspeaker regulations in several Muslim countries around the world by relying on three moderate aspects regarding the rules of time (public morals), volume (public health), and sound quality of mosque loudspeakers (public convenience).

On the Public Morality Exception Rule Under the WTO: The Case of China-US Cultural Products Market Access as an Example

As the first of all exceptions in the GATT and GATS agreements, the public morals exception has been invoked by many countries in practice to justify their trade restrictive measures. The WTO rulings in the US Gaming case and the US-China Cultural Products Market Access case have made important contributions to the development of the public morality exception, but the concept of "public morality" and the extraterritorial effects of this rule have not been clarified. By considering these issues, the article proposes to adopt a "restricted domestic approach" to the definition and application of the public morality exception rule and to strictly limit the extraterritorial effects of the rule. This paper uses the research methods of comparative study and case study.

Research on Public Moral Changes and Governance in Transforming Communities

The construction of public morals occupies an essential position in the construction of modern communities. The transformation of transformed communities means the reconstruction of public morals. In the transition from a transformed community to a modern community, this article starts from the historical research context of public moral theory and combines community participation and governance theory from the perspective of public morality. Different from the passive participation image and macro-narrative Research of community residents or villagers in many studies, this article focuses on micro-level case analysis; in specific geographical regions and administrative regions of historical evolution, fragmented narrative methods are adopted by community residents' Interviews and cases to explore the changes in publicity from a micro perspective, pointing out that in a general community where some of the geographical bonds are partially preserved and public morals are generally declining, the emotional bonds are relinked utilizing geographical consensus reconstruction, public cultural cultivation, and welfare mobilization, Public interest and private interest reconcile and ultimately stimulate the vitality of community participation. Therefore, this research will contribute to the application of public moral theory in practice to a certain extent, and it will help to study the publicity of the community at the micro level and explore the way to govern publicity at the level of public morals.

Single women’s access to egg freezing in mainland China: an ethicolegal analysis

In the name of safeguarding public interests and ethical principles, China’s National Health Commission bans unmarried women from using assisted reproductive technology (ART), including egg freezing. Supported by local governments,...

Morality in the arrangement of Regional Budget as an Effort to Reduce Flypaper Effect: a Critical Habermasian Perspective

A condition where there is a difference in the decision to spend money earned for free and money raised privately is a flypaper effect. The aim of the research was to map morality level of Regional Head, Regional Government Budget Team, the members of Regional Parliament, and Regional Apparatus Work Unit in the arrangement process of Regional Budget in the Regency of Selayar Islands. The research used critical paradigm, especially Habermas critical theory starting from social evolution based on the theory of Kohlberg’s morality consciousness development. The result of the research indicate that the moralty level of executive and legislative members is still in the first two steps of preconventional level as the reflection of public space morality. Preconventional morality level explains that the dominant opportunistic behavior of executive and legislative members in Regional Budget is a symptom and evidence of waning, limited access, exclusivity, hegemony, and disintegration of public space. The role of flypaper effect is a picture of fiscal decentralization system which even burdens communication process in lifeword named local government. Another finding reveals that patron-client theory has accompanied agency theory in forming executive legislative interaction. Habermas proposes publicity principles and communicative action to improve morality consciousness development level that leads to communication in lifeword without domination

«Дезориентированный индивид», или «Герой своего времени» в литературе конца ХХ в.

The research aims to describe the historical dynamics of development and the semantic content of the “hero of his time” archetype in the literature of the XX century. The scientific novelty of the paper consists in recording the conditions and patterns of projecting the name of Lermontov’s archetype onto the present, in systematising and clarifying the modern ideas about the structure of the literary image, as well as in identifying the boundaries of the variability of the “hero of the time” archetype. Considering the series of the images “Pechorin – Zilov – Lyova Odoevtsev – Petrovich”, the author of the paper highlights ambiguous complexity, giftedness, the ability for continuous revelatory self-reflection in the absence of desire and incentive to change something in himself and the surrounding world as the identifying features of the character type. The research findings have shown that the “hero of the crossroads”, having kept the core of his personality unchanged, has undergone a number of historically contingent transformations of his image and is evolving towards expanding the boundaries of what is permitted: Pechorin runs away from public morality, Zilov cynically exposes its failure, Odoevtsev covers up his infantilism with a noble origin, Petrovich justifies bloodshed with literary plots.

Fornication and adultery in the city of Debrecen (1547–1625) compared with the morality of Geneva

To be sure, the more productive field of the international research on Protestantism is related to the subject of social history. In the case of the Calvin studies, for instance, readers will see, much has been written about the operation of the Genevan civil-church administration, consistorial discipline, sexual sins, and family-marital life. Their authors’ outstanding effort was to consult with the original manuscripts of the Genevan Archives. However, the early generations of Protestant preachers not only in Western, but in Central East Europe were trying to commit everything to renew the public morality of people, still the illumination of the Hungarian pastors’ views on the new spiritual and religious dimensions of family life, is still a neglected part of the research. Consequently, it would be interesting to scrutinize, for instance, the public morality related to the sexual crimes of local townsfolk of the city of Debrecen which apparently was the center of the Hungarian Reformation since 1562/63. Doing so, the present research deals with the operation of the law court, the number of cases, the crimes, and motives represented in the Registers of the Magistracy of Debrecen during the period of 1547–1625. Figures and statistics presented by the article point out how important was the practice of forgiveness in the religious life in Debrecen. It is taken for granted that the main results of the study permit to take a brief comparison of the sexual morality of the two Calvinist towns, namely: Debrecen and Geneva.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article is based on the field of systematic theology. The study offers an attempt to understand sexual sins/crimes in their 16th and 17th century theological, judicial, and historical context.

Cicero’s Political Personae by Joanna Kenty

Reviewed by: Cicero’s Political Personae by Joanna Kenty Jonathan P. Zarecki Cicero’s Political Personae. By Joanna Kenty. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp x + 274. Hardback, $100.00. ISBN: 9781108839464. Matthew Fox once wrote that we all make our own Ciceros.16 In this handsome and eminently readable book, Joanna Kenty has set out not to make her own Cicero but to expose the way that Cicero made his Ciceros in the years between his return from exile in 57 and his death in 43 BC. Kenty identifies eight separate personae adopted by Cicero during these years: the Attacker, the Friend, the Martyr, the Orator without Authority, the Champion of the Senate, the Popular Orator, the Voice of a Faction and the Spokesman of a Dynast. In each of the eight succinct chapters, one for each of the personae, Kenty describes the persona, its deployment across 3-6 speeches utilizing a roughly chronological approach and relates it to not only the complicated interpersonal relationships that dominated the Late Republic but also the practice of oratory during those tumultuous years. Kenty’s analysis aims to expose and clarify the complicated “value system of the Republican political culture” (223), with Cicero’s personae being one of his most important tools for navigating the fluid political and personal relationships that characterized the last two decades of his life. While Kenty admits that these personae were, overall, less than effective in achieving Cicero’s aims, the study of his failures is as useful as studying his successes for understanding his motivations and how Cicero himself viewed the role of the orator in the Late Republic. Chapter 1 looks at Cicero’s most well-known persona, the Attacker. Kenty, however, focuses on Cicero’s restraint when on the offensive, characterizing this [End Page 492] persona as a purifier of public morality, one who has a duty to call a spade a spade but also who must hold back, even when responding to deeply personal attacks, from allowing his speech to devolve into the nonsensical ravings of a lunatic mind. This persona is on full display, according to Kenty, in Cicero’s vituperation of Vatinius, Clodius, Piso and, of course, Antony in the Second Philippic. Crucially, Cicero only resorts to the attacker when he has been the victim of attack and he uses this persona to assault his opponents’ credibility while using the same opportunity to demonstrate his complete mastery of the situation and his own emotions. The second chapter, one of the strongest and most interesting, takes the opposite track from the first chapter and examines Cicero as Friend. Kenty is not interested in Cicero’s actual friendships but rather the way that Cicero employs amicitia as a rhetorical trope. Cicero was certainly in need of friends in the 50s and Kenty highlights how Cicero uses his friendships with Pompey and Caesar to promote a persona of the friend chock full of gratitude for beneficences on his behalf. The uses of this persona, which Kenty calls “ritualistic” (57), are directly related to the scale of the deeds performed on Cicero’s behalf; hence, the effusive praise of Caesar in De Provinciis Consularibus, while perhaps disingenuous, is a calculated move designed to win over Caesar’s allies in the Senate, if not Caesar himself. After Pompey’s death and Caesar’s victory, Cicero’s rhetoric of friendship becomes a way for him to dispense advice, for example, to Caesar in Pro Marcello and the next generation of statesmen in the First Philippic. Chapter 3 turns inward, from public demonstrations of hostility or cordiality to the pain and suffering that resulted from Cicero’s exile, which Cicero channeled into the persona of the Martyr. Oddly, this chapter is as much about Cato the Younger as it is Cicero. Kenty argues that it is Cato who is the best representation of the Martyr persona, with Cicero creating an alternative version of the Martyr that was still noble and heroic but predicated on excessive emotion and a concurrent claim for sincerity, as demonstrated in De Domo Sua and Pro Sestio. That is, until the Philippics, especially the Second Philippic, when Cicero adopted...

1950~60년대 ‘풍기 단속’과 여학생 - 이천의 양정여중고 학생지도자료를 중심으로 -

This paper examines the case of Yangjeong Girls’ Middle and High School to see how the enforcement of public morals was manifested in secondary girls’ schools in the 1950s and 1960s. With the introduction of the compulsory education system, increased female middle and high school students became the target of moral regulation, which placed them under surveillance and control in various issues related to daily life both inside and outside school. The student guidance disciplinary data at Yangjeong Girls’ Middle and High School indicate that female students were primarily subject to disciplinary measures for going to a movie or dating problems, reflecting the norm of chaste women enforced on female students as one of the means by which gender works.BR Despite these crackdowns and controls, female students established themselves as subjects who created and enjoyed a new society and culture and exerted resistance against the control exercised over their daily lives in the name of regulating public morals. Dissatisfaction with the model of the non-political subject imposed by the state and schools, the coercion of women into gender roles, and the suffocating control over daily life formed the basis of alliance leave in the 1950s. In the oppressive atmosphere after the 5.16 coup, alliance leave almost disappeared, but students resisted passively by returning the control imposed on them through the demand for disciplinary measures against teachers.

THE MOTIVATION COMPONENT OF LEGAL PROTECTION OF SOCIAL MORALS IN THE ACTIVITIES OF LAW ENFORCEMENT BODIES OF UKRAINE: CHALLENGES OF GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETY

The purpose of the article is to study the theoretical and legal discourse of the modern definition of the motivational component of the legal protection of public morality in the activity of law enforcement agencies of Ukraine. As a result of the conducted analysis, it is necessary to state that motivational orientation should be interpreted as a category of philosophical praxeology, which is most closely related to the concept of determination, and therefore, taking into account that motivation is an element and axiological, it is appropriate to emphasize the importance of confidence and conviction of a person in the correctness and reasonableness their own aspirations. This is possible provided there is a clear regulatory basis, especially when it comes to protocol and such responsible work as law enforcement. The article establishes that the motivation of a law enforcement officer closely interacts with legal deontology, which, by its very nature, determines the basic moral and social principles of interpersonal relations, which motivate in what way a law enforcement officer should understand his professional purpose, how exactly to interpret his mission, and, at most, to realize why the law enforcement profession exists at all. It was established that when investigating the motivational determination of the legal protection of public morality within law enforcement agencies, it is advisable to, first of all, talk about the implementation of the function of legal protection as a professional duty of representatives of law enforcement agencies, which follows from legal norms. It has been established that the problem of the relationship between public morality and the axiology of law enforcement activity is not only a complex topical question and a complex cognitive process, but, in fact, a new epistemological mechanism of scientific immersion in the ideological social foundations of the era of law enforcement system reforms, the era of revolutionary changes and, unfortunately, military realities of modern Ukraine. It is suggested that the motivational determination of the protection of public morality by law enforcement agencies, or their moral self-regulation, should be interpreted as a very comprehensive process, characterized by external and internal determinants, conditioned by the object of legal protection itself and dependent on the specifics of a specific law enforcement agency and its structural unit.

Strengthening Religious Moderation through the Role of Civics Teachers

MAN Model Manado was the most prominent Islamic school in North Sulawesi Province. The student body of more than 1.400 is ethnically diverse. Most of the students of this school were Muslim, and the school with proud of Muslim values and identity, as well as its increasing academic competitiveness. The role of civic education teachers in strengthening the importance of religious moderation in MAN Model Manado used the power of curriculum 13 (K-13) and the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) & Muhammadiyah religious organizations. These two strengths are carried out through an indoctrination teaching strategy, including dichotomy, internalization, and habituation. Their status as State Civil Apparatus (ASN) also influences the strengthening of religious moderation in the learning process. Our research also found that the IPNU (Nahdlatul Ulama Student Association) and the IPM (Muhammadiyah Student Association) base their perceptions on a rational-religious model. In the Manado Model MAN, the position of religious moderation in civics education is more directed to the process of forming public morality rather than class identity hegemony.

Some critical observations on depository, non-examination patent registration regimes: working towards local prosecution and examination of patents in the least-developed patent regimes

... The theoretical basis of the patent system is to stimulate innovation.1 That is, patents are basically national incentives for the promotion of technical ‘progress of useful arts’.2 To achieve this objective, the TRIPS Agreement embodies a condition in its Part II, Section 5 pursuant to standards concerning the availability, scope and use of patent rights, that patents shall be available for any inventions, whether products or processes, in all fields of technology, if they are new, involve an inventive step and are capable of industrial application.3 Like previous international agreements on patents, which said nothing about formality requirements,4 the TRIPS Agreement does not state how patent applications should be examined, it only provides the legal framework under which the patent system is to be governed and it does not define the scope of what constitutes patented inventions in terms of a specific outcome. In substantive terms, patent law primarily envisages that an invention must meet the three statutory standards of novelty, non-obviousness and utility, and it must be sufficiently disclosed in the application documents for it to be able to be carried out by a person with routine skill in the art, as conditions for receiving the exclusive rights.5 A fourth significant requirement, which runs on the public interest principle but has often attracted less analysis in the literature, is that inventions being contrary to public order and morality will not be granted,6 and where granted in satisfaction of the substantive patentability requirements,7 they must be revoked.8