That a Chicago School of Economics exists has long been recognized by economists of all persuasions. That a distinct school of "political economy" has also prevailed should occasion little if any surprise, at least amongst economists. We have some confirmation of this contention as far back as the mid-seventies, when Warren J. Samuels edited a volume entitled The Chicago School of Political Economy (1976) and, more recently, with the publication of Chicago Studies in Political Economy (1989a), a collection of papers previously published by leading members of the Chicago persuasion and, edited, appropriately, by George J. Stigler. A recent autobiographical volume by Stigler (1988b) lends further credence to the notion that the Chicago perspective on economics includes a self-conscious orientation toward politics and its study. There is something there; the question is what? First a caveat or two: I do not propose to provide a detailed review of the Stigler collection, nor will I examine, in any detail, the consistency of views among Chicagoans over the years. Instead, I propose to distill the "essence" of Chicagoan political economy during the past thirty years and relate it, as best I can, with Public Choice and Social Choice approaches to politics. The emphasis is upon the "big" issues of substance and methodological concerns. Differentiating a coherent Chicago political economy is a good deal more difficult than discerning and describing the more basic paradigm of Chicago Economics. Lacking basic texts such as The Calculus of Consent and the Arrow and Black's monographs and their central roles in defining public choice and social choice theory, respectively, Chicagoans offer a more diffused view. We are confronted with a vast literature of case studies of regulation and empirical tests of the failures of policies intermingled with occasional theoretical forays into selected aspects of politics such as the nature of political competition in democracies by Stigler (1972), Demsetz (1982) and Becker (1958, 1983), or the more empirical exercises of Stigler (1973) and important articles by Peltzman (1984) on the growth of government and congressional elections and consumer protection (1973, 1975). If some Virginians have been reluctant to test their theories, most Chicagoans have been hyper-cautious about constructing
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