Abortion Providers Research Articles

Abortion Access and the Benefits and Limitations of Abortion-Permissive Legal Frameworks: Lessons from the United Kingdom.

This paper argues that abortion access is an important subject for bioethics scholarship and reflects on the relationship between legal frameworks and access to care. The author uses the example of the United Kingdom to examine the benefits and limitations of abortion-permissive legal frameworks in terms of access. These are legal frameworks that enable the provision of abortion but subject to restrictions. An abortion-permissive regime-first in Great Britain and then in Northern Ireland-has gone some way to improving access to care over time. However, aspects of the regime (that lead to its description as permissive rather than supportive of abortion) have the potential to endanger abortion access in the future and so legal reform is necessary.

Undue Burdens: State Abortion Laws in the United States, 1994-2022.

State laws have influenced access to abortion in the 50 years since Roe v. Wade. The 2022 Dobbs decision returned questions about the legality of abortion to the states, which increased the importance of state laws for abortion access. The objective of this study is to illustrate trends in abortion-restrictive and abortion-supportive state laws using a unique longitudinal database of reproductive health laws across the United States from 1994 to 2022. This study offers a descriptive analysis of historical trends in state-level pre-viability abortion bans, abortion method bans, efforts to dissuade abortion, TRAP (targeted regulation of abortion providers) laws, other laws that restrict reproductive choice, and laws that expand abortion access and support reproductive health. Data sources include state statutes (from Nexis Uni) and secondary sources. The data reveal that pre-viability bans, including gestation-based bans and total bans, became significantly more prevalent over time. Other abortion-restrictive laws increased from 1994 to 2022, but states also passed a growing number of laws that support reproductive health. Increasing polarization into abortion-restrictive and abortion-supportive states characterized the 1994-2022 period. These trends have implications for maternal and infant health and for racial/ethnic and income disparities.

Abortion as a Public Health Risk in COVID-19 Antiabortion Legislation.

During the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, 12 states banned or restricted abortion access under elective-procedure restrictions. The rationale was preserving hospital capacity and personal protective equipment (PPE); however, abortions commonly take place in clinics and use less PPE than childbirth. This paper investigates the discursive construction of abortions, the people who get them, and the fetuses in this legislation. The authors analyzed 13 antiabortion documents using an iterative process of thematic coding and memo writing. Twenty-three percent of the legislation listed abortion as banned, whereas the remaining laws implied abortion within the terms "elective" or "nonessential." Legislation used common antiabortion tactics, such as the trivialization of abortion, risk discourses, and constructions of motherhood and fetal personhood. Discourses delegitimized abortion providers and used quasi-medical justifications for banning abortion. Finally, legislation constructed abortion clinics as sites of contagion and waste and consequently as risks to public health. The results highlight the vulnerability of abortion and the connection between abortion policy and other conservative policies, and they gesture toward a strategic attempt to ban abortion federally. These findings have several implications for a post-Roe United States and for stakeholders wishing to increase abortion access.

The role of community and culture in abortion perceptions, decisions, and experiences among Asian Americans.

Culture and community can play a role in views, stigma, and access related to abortion. No research to date has documented the influence of culture and community attitudes on Asian American (AA) experiences accessing abortion care in the United States (US). This paper aims to fill gaps in research and understand how cultural and community views influence medication abortion access and experiences among AAs. We used a community-based participatory research approach, which included collaboration among experts in public health, advocates, practitioners, and community partners to understand abortion knowledge, attitudes, and experiences among AAs. Using a semi-structured interview guide, we interviewed twenty-nine eligible people of reproductive age over 18 that self-identified as Asian American or mixed race including Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and/or Pacific Islander (AANHPI), and had a medication abortion in the US between January 2016 and March 2021. Interviews were analyzed and coded in NVivo 12 using a modified grounded theory approach. Participants described various influences of religion negatively impacting acceptability of abortion among their family and community. Lack of openness around sexual and reproductive health (SRH) topics contributed to stigma and influenced most participants' decision not to disclose their abortion to family members, which resulted in participants feeling isolated throughout their abortion experience. When seeking abortion care, participants preferred to seek care with providers of color, especially if they were AANHPI due to past experiences involving stigma and judgment from White providers. Based on their experiences, respondents recommended ways to improve the abortion experience for AAs in the US including, (1) more culturally aware abortion providers from one's community who better understand their needs; (2) clinics providing abortion services located in or near AA communities with signage in local languages; and (3) tailored mental health resources with culturally aware therapists. This study demonstrates ways in which culture and community opinions toward SRH can influence both the acceptability of abortion and experiences seeking abortion care among AAs. It is important to consider family and community dynamics among AAs to better tailor services and meet the needs of AAs seeking abortion care in the US.

Improving measures of access to legal abortion: A validation study triangulating multiple data sources to assess a global indicator.

Global mechanisms have been established to monitor and facilitate state accountability regarding the legal status of abortion. However, there is little evidence describing whether these mechanisms capture accurate data. Moreover, it is uncertain whether the "legal status of abortion" is a valid proxy measure for access to safe abortion, pursuant to the global goals of reducing preventable maternal mortality and advancing reproductive rights. Therefore, this study sought to assess the accuracy of reported monitoring data, and to determine whether evidence supports the consistent application of domestic law by health care professionals such that legality of abortion functions as a valid indicator of access. We conducted a validation study using three countries as illustrative case examples: Argentina, Ghana, and India. We compared data reported by two global monitoring mechanisms (Countdown to 2030 and the Global Abortion Policies Database) against domestic source documents collected through in-depth policy review. We then surveyed health care professionals authorized to perform abortions about their knowledge of abortion law in their countries and their personal attitudes and practices regarding provision of legal abortion. We compared professionals' responses to the domestic legal frameworks described in the source documents to establish whether professionals consistently applied the law as written. This analysis revealed weaknesses in the criterion validity and construct validity of the "legal status of abortion" indicator. We detected discrepancies between data reported by the global monitoring and accountability mechanisms and the domestic policy reviews, even though all referenced the same source documents. Further, provider surveys unearthed important context-specific barriers to legal abortion not captured by the indicator, including conscientious objection and imposition of restrictions at the provider's discretion. Taken together, these findings denote weaknesses in the indicator "legal status of abortion" as a proxy for access to safe abortion, as well as inaccuracies in data reported to global monitoring mechanisms. This information provides important groundwork for strengthening indicators for monitoring access to abortion and for renewed advocacy to assure abortion rights worldwide.

An examination of legality of global abortion services and the genesis of public policy

AbstractLegality of abortion has been one of the most controversial political initiatives in modern times, which also impacts the healthcare delivery system especially for women. The debate often devolves into disagreement on either access to services on demand from healthcare providers or service refusal regardless of the circumstances. However, the reality is different from this bipolar conversation. Instead, it varies depending upon location of the potential abortion recipient and a host of factors associated with nation-states. Thus, our purpose is to reveal different legislative protocols that lead to or inhibit availability of this aspect of women's reproductive rights, and to empirically determine what are the underlying series of factors that drive these policy decisions. Together they reveal a complex mosaic of fundamental principles that are rarely considered when formulating public policy. We hope our research across nations will help healthcare providers and policy makers recognize the genealogy of options and opportunities as they continue to debate abortion's provision to women within healthcare systems.

Assessing the Effect of Abortion Restrictions: Improving Methodology and Expanding Outcomes.

Assessing the Effect of Abortion Restrictions: Improving Methodology and Expanding Outcomes.

Abortion care and the talking cure: A documentary film on the work of providers

With the Supreme Court overturning of Roe v. Wade, reproductive rights advocates and activists struggle to find a way forward. Drawing on her recent documentary on the work of abortion providers, the author describes this project and its guiding aim of finding ways of talking about abortion in more nuanced ways. The paper presents key lessons that emerged from filming providers and some common pitfalls in psychodynamic framing of the issue.

The Impact of Dobbs on US Graduate Medical Education.

The Dobbs decision will directly affect patients and reproductive rights; it will also impact patients indirectly in many ways, one of which will be changes in the physician workforce through its impact on graduate medical education. Current residency accreditation standards require training in all forms of contraception in addition to training in the provision of abortion. State bans on abortions may diminish access to training as approximately half of obstetrics and gynecology residency programs are in states with significant abortion restrictions. The Dobbs decision creates numerous hurdles for trainees and their programs. Trainees in restrictive states will have to travel to learn in a different program in a protective state. As training opportunities diminish, potentially leading to a decline in clinical skills, knowledge, and experience in the provision of abortion, the rate of complications and maternal mortality are likely to rise. This will likely have a disproportionately negative effect on preexisting disparities in reproductive health fueled by a longstanding history of systemic racism and inequities. This work aims to both define the looming problem in abortion training created by Dobbs and propose solutions to ensure that an adequate workforce is available in the future to serve patient needs.

First-trimester surgical abortion practice in Canada in 2012

To evaluate practices among first-trimester surgical abortion facilities and providers in Canada in 2012 and examine the characteristics of the surgical abortion work force. Self-administered paper or electronic survey adapted from a survey previously fielded in the United States. Canada. Facility administrators and physicians. Descriptive statistics on reported first-trimester surgical abortion practice and provider demographic characteristics. Eighty-three percent of identified facilities (78 of 94) and 178 physicians responded. Of the respondents, 99% of facilities and 96% of physicians provided first-trimester surgical abortions. Responding facilities provided 68,154 first-trimester surgical abortions in 2012. This represented 96% of their reported total (combined medical and surgical) first-trimester abortions. More than half (55%) of responding facilities were community based, while 45% were hospital affiliated. Most physician providers were female (68%) and were family doctors (59%). Preoperatively, 96% of physicians routinely used ultrasound and 89% gave perioperative antibiotics. Almost half (48%) used manual vacuum aspiration, but less than 35% did so beyond 9 weeks after the last menstrual period. At most facilities, most procedures were performed under combined local anesthesia and intravenous sedation (73%); only 7% indicated deep sedation or general anesthesia were used exclusively. Postoperatively, 81% of physicians performed immediate tissue examination and 96% offered postabortion contraception on the same day as the abortion. Other assessed outcomes included medication regimens and cervical preparation, with a high degree of consistency among facilities and physicians. First-trimester surgical abortion providers are mostly family physicians and most are female. Practices across Canada were mostly uniform and followed evidence-based guidelines. Uptake of the most recent Canadian practice guidelines may help further standardize patient care and improve routine perioperative antibiotic use and immediate tissue examination.

Criminalization, Medicalization, and Stigmatization: Genealogies of Abortion Activism in Poland

This article explores the long history of Polish abortion activism from the late 1950s to the present day. Using feminist genealogy, we examine how (de)criminalization, (de)medicalization, and (de)stigmatization are addressed in the strategic narratives of three interconnected organizations: the Polish Planned Parenthood Association (PPPA), established in 1957; the Federation for Women and Family Planning (FWFP), established in 1991; and the Abortion Dream Team (ADT), established in 2016. The PPPA, active during the state-socialist period and supported by the state, applauded the legalization and medicalization of abortion while actively discouraging women from terminating pregnancies. The FWFP, which introduced the notion of abortion as a right during the democratic transition and continues to fight for access to legal abortion under current restrictions, leaves the medicalization of abortion largely unchallenged. The ADT encourages women to become their own abortion providers, to share their experiences, and to support other women. Focusing on the underlying spheres of social norms, practices, and networks, they actively work to remove the connotations of danger, sin, irresponsibility, and crime from abortion, fostering a concept of termination as the positive solution to the problem of unwanted pregnancy. Our analysis of the intersecting space between (de)criminalization, (de)medicalization, and (de)stigmatization challenges the idea of progress and modernity in abortion activism and brings to the fore the contextual implications of positioning, goals, and rhetoric.

Institutional objection to abortion: A mixed-methods narrative review.

Institutional objection (IO) occurs when institutions providing health care claim objector status and refuse to provide legally permissible health services such as abortion. IO may be regulated by sources including law, ethical codes and policies (including State and local/institutional policies). We conducted a mixed-methods narrative review of the empirical evidence exploring IO to abortion provision globally, to inform areas for further research. MEDLINE (Ovid), Embase (Ovid), CINAHL (EBSCO), Global Health (CAB Abstracts), ScienceDirect and Scopus were searched in August 2021 using keywords including 'conscientious objection', 'faith-based organizations', 'religious hospitals' and 'abortion'. Eligible research focused on clinicians' attitudes and experiences of IO to abortion. The 28 studies included in the review were from nine countries: United States (19), Chile (2), Turkey (1), Argentina (1), Australia (1), Colombia (1), Ghana (1), Poland (1) and South Africa (1). The analysis demonstrated that IO was claimed in a range of countries, despite different legislative and policy frameworks. There was strong evidence from the United States that clinicians in religious healthcare institutions were less likely to provide abortions and abortion referrals, and that training of future abortion providers was negatively affected by IO. Qualitative evidence from other countries showed that IO was claimed by secular as well as religious institutions, and individual conscientious objection could be used as a mechanism for imposing IO. Further research is needed to explore whether IO is morally justified, how decisions are made to claim IO, and on what grounds. Finally, appropriate models for regulating IO are needed to ensure the protection of women's access to abortion. Such models could be informed by those used to regulate IO in other contexts, such as voluntary assisted dying.

Documenting activism and advocacy around medication abortion in Central, East, and West Africa.

Medication abortion, a safe and effective method for terminating pregnancy in the first and second trimester, can reduce overall maternal mortality. However, little is known about how advocates for abortion view medication abortion in their communities, particularly where abortion is legally restricted. We conducted in-depth interviews (2018-2019; N=24) with health workers and community leaders in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, Malawi, and Tanzania identified from the Mobilizing Activists Around Medication Abortion (MAMA) network. Interviews focused on the role of advocacy in medication abortion provision. Participants identified benefits of medication abortion to women, including privacy, accessibility, and safety, and community benefits, including perceived reduction in maternal mortality. Participants described challenges to providing support for medication abortion, including difficulties operating in legally restrictive environments and stigma. Findings highlight the role of grassroots advocacy to overcome challenges and provide an alternative model of abortion access and care to women.

Understanding Shield Laws.

In anticipation of extraterritorial application of antiabortion laws, many states have enacted laws that attempt to shield abortion providers, helpers, and patients from civil, professional, or criminal liability associated with legal abortion care. This essay analyzes and compares the statutory schemes of the seven early adopting shield states: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York. After describing what the laws do and how they operate, we offer reflections on coming disputes, areas of legal uncertainty, and ways to improve future shield laws.

A press(ing) issue: analysing local news coverage of abortion in the US South during the COVID-19 pandemic

In the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, some US state governments banned abortion due to its allegedly ‘elective’ nature. While these actions were successfully challenged in courts, discussion about the topic may have shaped personal and public opinion. This study aimed to explore the framing of abortion in local newspapers during the onset of the pandemic. Articles regarding abortion were collected from three top circulated local online news publications from three southern US states. Of the states that attempted to block abortions, Alabama, Louisiana and Mississippi were selected for their high non-White populations. Using critical thematic analysis, 77 articles were analysed, and four themes were identified: individual-centric, public health risk, interplay with inequalities, and hierarchical health care. Existing abortion narratives were taken up by different sides of the debate to push political agendas. However, new pro-/anti-abortion justifications were observed, specifically regarding public health concerns during COVID-19. Anti-abortion activists framed abortion provision as a health risk and employed other narratives that likely reinforced gendered, ethnic and socioeconomic power disparities by shifting blame onto abortion seekers and providers. However, pro-choice supporters framed abortion as essential health care and as a structural issue, which may have bolstered awareness for structural change.

Association Between State-Level Access to Reproductive Care and Suicide Rates Among Women of Reproductive Age in the United States

Many states in the United States enforce restrictions to reproductive care, with access to abortion remaining a highly divisive issue. Denial of abortion is linked with heightened stress and anxiety among reproductive-aged women. However, no studies have tested whether access to reproductive care is linked to suicide. To evaluate whether state-level restrictions in access to reproductive care in the United States were associated with suicide rates among reproductive-aged women from 1974 to 2016. A longitudinal ecologic study with a difference-in-differences analysis assessed whether annual changes in the enforcement of state-level restrictions to reproductive care were related to annual state-level suicide rates vs rates of death due to motor vehicle crashes. Duration of follow-up varied between different states (range, 4-40 years), contingent on the first year that restrictions were implemented. Models controlled for year and state fixed effects and other relevant demographic and economic factors. Analyses were conducted between December 2021 and January 2022. Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) laws index measuring state-year-level restrictions to reproductive care. Annual state-level suicide rates and motor vehicle crash death rates among reproductive-aged women (ages 20-34 years; target group) vs women of postreproductive age (ages 45-64 years; control group). Twenty-one US states enforced at least 1 TRAP law between 1974 and 2016. Annual rates of death by suicide ranged from 1.4 to 25.6 per 100 000 women of reproductive age to 2.7 to 33.2 per 100 000 women of postreproductive age during the study period (1974-2016). Annual motor vehicle crash death rates among women of reproductive age ranged from 2.4 to 42.9 per 100 000. Enforcement of TRAP laws was associated with higher suicide rates among reproductive-aged women (β = 0.17; 95% CI, 0.03 to 0.32; P = .02) but not women of postreproductive age (β = 0.06; 95% CI, -0.11 to 0.24; P = .47) nor to deaths due to motor vehicle crashes (β = 0.03, 95% CI, -0.04 to 0.11; P = .36). Among reproductive-aged women, the weighted average annual-state level suicide death rate when no TRAP laws were enforced was 5.5 per 100 000. Enforcement of a TRAP law was associated with a 5.81% higher annual rate of suicide than in pre-enforcement years. Findings remained significant when using alternative, broader indices of reproductive care access and different age categorizations. In this study with a difference-in-differences analysis of US women, restrictions on access to reproductive care from 1974 to 2016 were associated with suicide rates among reproductive-aged women. Given the limitations of the ecologic design of this study, further research is needed to assess whether current factors affecting access to reproductive care services are related to suicide risk among women of reproductive age and to inform suicide prevention strategies.

Abortion and Contraception in Medical School Curricula: A Survey of North American Family Medicine Clinical Curriculum Directors

Phenomenon: Contraception and abortion care are commonly accessed health services, and physicians in training will encounter patients seeking this care. Curricula that teach contraception and abortion provision during medical school equip medical students with valuable skills and may influence their intention to provide these services during their careers. Family planning is nevertheless understood to be underrepresented in most medical curricula, including in North American medical schools where the laws on providing contraception and abortion have been consequentially changing. This study investigated the prevalence and predictors of contraception and abortion education in North American medical curricula in 2021. Approach: We asked family medicine clerkship directors from Canada and the United States (US) to report about contraception and abortion teaching in their clinical curricula and their school’s whole curriculum and to report on associated factors. Survey questions were included in the 2021 Council of Academic Family Medicine’s Educational Research Alliance (CERA) survey of Family Medicine Clerkship Directors at accredited North American medical schools. Surveys were distributed between April 29 and May 28, 2021, to the 160 clerkship directors listed in the CERA organization database. Findings: Seventy-eight directors responded to the survey (78/160, 48%). 47% of responding directors reported no contraception teaching in the family medicine clerkship. 81.7% of responding directors reported no abortion teaching in the clerkship, and 66% indicated abortion was not being taught in their school’s whole curriculum. Medical school region correlated with the presence of abortion curricula, and schools with high graduation rates into the family medicine specialty reported abortion teaching more frequently. Fewer than 40% of responding directors had received training on both contraception and abortion care themselves. Insights: Contraception and abortion are both underrepresented in North American medical curricula. Formal abortion education may be absent from most family medicine clerkships and whole program curricula. To enhance family planning teaching in North American medical schools, we recommend that national curriculum resources be revised to include specific contraception and abortion learning objectives and for increased development and support for clinical curricula directors to universally include family planning teaching in whole program and family medicine clerkship curricula.

What skills do New Zealand clinicians have to provide first trimester abortion in primary care and are they willing?

ObjectiveTo determine the skills and intentions of health practitioners in New Zealand to provide first trimester abortion care.New Zealand achieved abortion law reform in 2020, changing how abortion could be delivered and experienced by pregnant people. However, little has changed in the way abortion care is provided.Study design: This survey, which was deployed to a range of health practitioners via regulatory bodies and professional groups, used an online free text and tick box survey. Questions included demographics, scope of practice, abortion care experience, philosophical perspective on abortion, and skills transferable to abortion care. Data was analysed using descriptive statistics and deductive and inductive thematic analysis. Results128 respondents included doctors, nurses, midwives, counsellors, and social workers from a range of practice settings, the majority from primary health (51%). Most respondents indicated competency or proficiency in clinical skills relevant to provision of early medical abortion. However, practitioners were more likely to indicate “I do not have this skill” or “support required” for: calculating gestational age by bimanual examination (42%), LARC (implant and IUC) insertion (36%), undertake a pregnancy related consultation using tikanga best practice guidelines (19%).Analysis of qualitative data showed three main themes; (1) support for abortion access and for abortion provision in primary care (2) levels of intention to provide abortion (3) critical components for an action plan for abortion in primary care. ConclusionAbortion care in the community has support from health practitioners. They identified needs including development of clinical skills, funding, and wider sector support.

A Reproductive Justice Approach to Abortion Access and Provision in Ireland after the Eighth Amendment

In this paper, I draw on ongoing ethnographic research on abortion care in Ireland. My research follows a reproductive justice framework to inquire whether pregnant people have the means and the accessibility to abortion care, and whether providers have the means to provide abortion care. I argue that my approach provides an innovative way of examining reproductive justice in Ireland through a feminist and intersectional lens. Moving away from the moral framing of abortion which has dominated the public construction of the issue in Ireland to date, the reframing of abortion as a reproductive justice opens up opportunities for a more balanced consideration of abortion provision as policy, practice and lived experience for both service users and service providers.

Evidence-based family planning services among publicly funded providers in Texas

Healthy Texas Women (HTW) is a fee-for-service family planning program that excludes affiliates of abortion providers. The HTW network includes providers who participate in Title X or the state Family Planning Program (FPP) and primary care providers without additional family planning funding (HTW-only). The objective of this study is to compare client volume and use of evidence-based practices among HTW providers. Client volume was determined from administrative data on unduplicated HTW clients served in fiscal year (FY) 2017. A sample of 114 HTW providers, stratified by region, completed a 2018 survey about contraceptive methods offered, adherence to evidence-based contraceptive provision, barriers to offering IUDs and implants, and counseling/referrals for pregnant patients. Differences by funding source were assessed using t-tests and chi-square tests. Although HTW-only providers served 58% of HTW clients, most (72%) saw < 50 clients in FY2017. Only 5% of HTW providers received Title X or FPP funding, but 46% served ≥ 500 HTW clients. HTW-only providers were less likely than Title X providers to offer hormonal IUDs (70% vs. 92%) and implants (66% vs 96%); offer same-day placement of IUDs (21% vs 79%) and implants (21% vs 83%); and allow patients to delay cervical cancer screening when initiating contraception (58% vs 83%; all p < 0.05). There were few provider-level differences in counseling/referrals for unplanned pregnancy (p > 0.05). HTW-only providers served fewer clients and were less likely to follow evidence-based practices. Program modifications that strengthen the provider network and quality of care are needed to support family planning services for low-income Texans.