Provincial Elite Research Articles

Privilege and Prerogative: New York's Provincial Elite, 1710-1776.

Privilege and Prerogative: New York's Provincial Elite, 1710-1776.

Privilege and Prerogative: New York's Provincial Elite, 1710-1776.

Journal Article Privilege and Prerogative: New York's Provincial Elite, 1710–1776. By Mary Lou Lustig. (Madison: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1995. xx, 230 pp. $39.50, ISBN 0-8386-3554-7.) Get access Cynthia A. Kierner Cynthia A. Kierner University of North Carolina, Charlotte, North Carolina Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 82, Issue 4, March 1996, Pages 1554–1555, https://doi.org/10.2307/2945333 Published: 01 March 1996

Privilege and prerogative: New York's provincial elite, 1710-1776

Privilege and prerogative: New York's provincial elite, 1710-1776

Locating Power and Influence within the Provincial Elite

Locating Power and Influence within the Provincial Elite

Locating power and influence within the provincial elite of Verona: aristocratic wives and widows

Locating power and influence within the provincial elite of Verona: aristocratic wives and widows

The History of a Myth: Pacariqtambo and the Origin of the Inkas

Acknowledgments 1. The Mythic Dimensions of Inka History 2. The Pacariqtambo Origin Myth in the Spanish Chronicles 3. The Role of the Urban and Provincial Elite in Historicizing Inka Mythohistory 4. Ethnographic and Ethnohistorical Dimensions for a Local Interpretation of the Inka Origin Myth 5. The Rituals and Ritual History of Divine Births and Boundaries 6. Conclusions Appendix: The Callapina Document Notes Bibliography Index

Provincial Elite in Post-Mao China

Provincial Elite in Post-Mao China

Provincial Elite in Post-Mao China

Many China specialists, noting that a group of young and well-educated cadres came to the fore at the expense of China's aging political elite in the 1980s, argue that there has been a leadership transition in post-Mao China and that this represents the emergence of technocracy. However, as Cheng Li and David Bachman point out, this leadership transition has not been adequately examined. For instance, while there are studies of China's elites at the central and the city government level, there is so far no study of the provincial elite.' The missing link between the study of the national elite and the study of the subprovincial elite raises many questions about the post-Mao leadership transition. Was there a leadership transition at the provincial level in the 1980s? If so, can it be interpreted as the emergence of technocracy? What are the main criteria for advancement to provincial office in post-Mao China? How will postMao provincial leadership transition affect the way Chinese politics operate?2

Millennium on the Northern Marches: The Mad Messiah of Durango and Popular Rebellion in Mexico, 1800–1815

In September of 1810, with a sudden flash of violent rebellion (preceded by months and years of salon conspiracies), the white native-born provincial elite of New Spain began the protracted and painful process of winning political independence from Spain. Although by about 1816 much of the country had been pacified by royal arms, pockets of rebellion continued to smolder and flare throughout the following years. The birth of modern Mexico itself finally occurred in 1821, owing as much to fortuitous political circumstances in Spain as to the military and political manipulations of Agustin Iturbide, the Creole adventurer who consummated the country's independence and briefly became its emperor. Programmatic pronouncements by the Creole and mestizo leadership of the independence movement abound in the form of pamphlets, constitutions, decrees, short-lived newspapers, captured correspondence, etcetera, and provide us with a reasonably clear view into the complex ideologi- cal process of political separatism from Spain. At least in the early years of the independence struggle, however, the insurrectionary armies were manned not primarily by Mexican-born whites or racially mixed groups, but by Indian peasants from rural villages all over the central parts of the country.

Survival and Abolition: The Eighteenth Century Paraguayan Encomienda

The history of theencomiendais an oft' told tale, although certain questions about the institution still provoke debate. Even the Paraguayan encomienda has received conscientious scholarly attention, most of which concentrates on the Habsburg period rather than the eighteenth century, when the institution had been eliminated in many areas.But in eighteenth century Paraguay the encomienda was still an important institution. Members of the provincial elite placed great value on its possession. Since high position in the province was synonymous with encomendero status, membership in the encomendero class was exceedingly important. The crown's decision to abolish the system in the 1770s had important consequences for the future of Paraguay. In the short run it meant a gain for royal interests; in the long run it spelled disaster for the Spanish crown.

The Provincial Elite in Shantung During the Republican Period

The 1911 revolution created a situation in China in which a major restructuring of Chinese society became inevitable. The class most capable in terms of experience, education, and recognized social leadership to accomplish these changes was the gentry. This article examines how the upper strata of the Chinese gentry in Shantung exercised political and community leadership in the period from 1850 to 1950. The Qing period (1 644-1911) saw an increasing commercial orientation of the gentry class, combined with an increasing preference for urban residence. Although rural ties became reinforced through militia organizations during the great rebellions of the mid-nineteenth century, these connections had atrophied by the end of the century. In the first decades of the twentieth century, under the impetus of the late Qing reforms, the gentry greatly expanded their political and social power, increasingly focusing their attention on the control of political and economic institutions in their own places of residence. In practice this meant centering attention in provincial capitals