Protest Participation Research Articles

Unpacking the association between social media use and support for unlawful behaviors in protests: a study in Hong Kong

PurposeExisting research has shown the role of social media in facilitating general protest participation. However, there is a noticeable gap in understanding the dynamics related to explicitly unlawful behaviors during protests, which have become increasingly prominent in recent times. Drawing upon the communication mediation model (O-S-O-R model), this study proposes a moderated mediation model to delineate specific mechanisms under which social media use influences individuals' support for unlawful behaviors in protests.Design/methodology/approachA survey of 1,121 Hong Kong residents was conducted in the context of the 2019 Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement to test the theoretical model.FindingsObtaining political information on social media has a dual effect on support for unlawful behaviors in protests. On one hand, social media use increases individuals' political knowledge, which is reinforced by frequent political discussions on social media. This enhanced political knowledge tends to reduce the likelihood of supporting unlawful behaviors in protests. On the other hand, acquiring political information on social media can also generate increased anger toward politics, potentially leading to a more supportive attitude toward unlawful behaviors in protests.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the expanding field of research on digital activism by revealing the intricate mechanisms by which social media usage shapes support for unlawful behaviors in protests. It also expands our understanding of explicit unlawful behaviors within protests as a distinct form of political behavior.

Protesting at the intersection of individual characteristics and obstacles to participation: an analysis of the in-person, online and pivoting styles

ABSTRACT Engaging with long-standing debates on the crisis of democracy, manifested as a downturn in civic involvement, this paper scrutinises the evolving landscape of protest participation. First delineating three distinct protest participation styles – in-person, online and what we conceive of as a pivoting style – we identify individual characteristics among protesters that are associated with each style and consider how different obstacles to participation are linked to these individual styles. Using novel survey data from six European countries, we show that online support can be a viable alternative for individuals unable to join protests due to obstacles they face. The online participation style is more common among people who lack connections with social contacts that can facilitate their participation. The in-person style is prevalent among older participants who are less frequent social media users while the pivoting style is more often realised among young, more biographically available people who are media omnivores. Participants who do not embrace the in-person style lack consensus mobilisation whereas those exhibiting a preference for the online or the pivoting styles face obstacles relating to action mobilisation. We conclude the article with a call for a more nuanced understanding of protest participation, as symptomatic of a transformation of democracy.

The dynamics of protest participation patterns: analysis of the Polish case

ABSTRACT A variety of research techniques, including survey research, are used to estimate the participation turnout in nonviolent protests. The issues with survey data interpretation, as well as any discrepancies and emerging research methodologies, are illustrated using Poland as an example. The problems of comparison and measurement that have been identified include: (1) non-random distribution of activism in the population, (2) variability of the pattern over time (dynamics of contention), and (3) sampling and format of questions in surveys. A comparison with the protest cultures of other European countries highlights that Poland has some of the lowest average values of declared engagement in demonstrations. However, it also points to a significant dynamic increase in 2022 and differences in declaration levels during the studied period (2006–2022). The obtained results based on Polish national survey (CBOS) and European Social Survey indicate a rising trend in recent years in Poland, with a straightforward estimation suggesting an annual average participation of around 1.8 million adult citizens in street demonstrations from 2016 to 2022. Research conducted within the ESS indicates higher values for the same period, at around 2.6 million.

Women's Participation in the Arab Spring Protests and the Prevalence of Domestic Violence: Evidence From Egypt

During the Arab Spring protests, Egyptian women demonstrated in streets in unprecedented numbers, challenging societal norms about women’s roles and rights. Using a triple difference approach and nationally representative DHS data, this study exploits regional variation in protest intensity and women’s participation in the protests from 2011 to 2014 to examine the changes in women’s risk of experiencing domestic violence. Results show that women experienced a significant decline in their probability of experiencing physical, sexual, and psychological violence from their intimate partners in regions more exposed to women’s political participation in Arab Spring protests. Exploring potential channels, the study finds a significant increase in women’s decision-making power in more affected regions, without significant changes in attitudes toward domestic violence or labor market outcomes. These effects underscore the role of increased visibility of women in public spaces in empowering women and reducing their experience of intimate partner violence. HIGHLIGHTS Egyptian women protested in unprecedented numbers during Arab Spring demonstrations. Exposure to these events changed women’s risk of experiencing intimate partner violence. Women experienced a significant decline in intimate partner violence in more affected regions. Women also experienced an increase in decision-making power within the household.

Public Goods, Expressive Values, and Protest Participation: Evidence From a Conjoint Experiment in Hong Kong

In recent decades, there has been a revival of contentious social movements worldwide. Given the collective action problem, what factors motivate ordinary citizens to join protests? If the issue of a protest matters, what factors motivate people to weigh different issues differently? This paper devises a unified theory of collective action and argues that individuals are more likely to join a protest when they perceive higher values of the public good, higher expressive benefits, higher expected turnouts, and lower costs of participation. It contends that the effects of those factors are moderated by individuals’ post-materialist values and confidence in future personal freedom. Employing an online conjoint survey experiment to analyze protest participation among citizens in Hong Kong, this paper finds that protesters are more driven by liberal-democratic issues than socioeconomic issues. The findings highlight the mechanisms through which political beliefs increase protest participation. Political beliefs change the effects of public goods associated with certain issues, and to some extent alter the cost-benefit calculations of potential protesters.

It’s not just about jobs: The significance of employment quality for participation in political violence and protests in selected Arab Mediterranean countries

It is often proposed that the young unemployed are more likely to engage in political violence, conflicts, and protests. One problem in studying the unemployed – especially in the Global South – are the blurred lines between the unemployed, the employed, and those working in the informal sector. Further, the employed are a heterogeneous group so employment quality might also play an important role. To tackle these issues, this study uses a new quantitative dataset, which covers youth in five Middle Eastern and North African countries: Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, and Tunisia. These data provide considerably more fine-grained information about the employment situations of the respondents than the datasets previously used. The study investigates separately two forms of political participation: in political violence and in demonstrations. The regression analyses show that there is no clear difference between the young unemployed and the young employed in their likelihood to participate in the studied political activities. However, some features related to employment matter. Those whose employment status is ambiguous are substantially more likely to participate in demonstrations and political violence than the employed. Among those who work, those who are dissatisfied with their work and those who work fewer hours participate more often in these activities. Income on its own does not seem to have an effect; however, those who have more assets are more likely to participate, and compared to those who feel themselves middle income, those feeling rich or poor are more likely to engage in political violence and demonstrations. The results suggest that instead of thinking in terms of a dichotomy of the employed and unemployed, more emphasis should be placed on understanding the variety of employment situations and employment quality and their impact on political instability.

Explaining Protest Participation in Semi-authoritarian Regimes: The Power of Social Networks

AbstractThis study uses the case of ecological protests in the Russian Federation and the social network of 903 263 VKontakte users to investigate the unique characteristics of protesters’ social networks and assess the effects of network topology on the likelihood of participation. By applying Bayesian structural equation modeling to the data, the study finds that social network topology plays a more nuanced and complex role in predicting protest participation beyond simple exposure to information. Notably, individuals situated as brokers in lower-density and higher-closure networks exhibit a higher likelihood of participation, while central nodes participate less. The results highlight the importance of strategic positioning as brokers for increasing the likelihood of participation. The paper discusses these and other findings, contributing to a deeper understanding of the interplay between social network structures and protest participation.

“Love the sin, hate the sinner”: Attitudes Towards Sexuality Among Mainline and Evangelical Protestants in the USA

Abstract Introduction Attitudes towards gay and lesbian people and same-sex marriage remain a contentious issue within Evangelical Protestantism. Methods We use data from the Sexuality version of the Implicit Association Test from the Project Implicit website (n = 180,554) between 2006 and 2016. We investigate the attitudes of Atheists, Mainline Protestants and Evangelical Protestants towards gay and lesbian people and same-sex marriage. Results In an inversion of the typical mantra, Evangelical Protestant participants appear to “love the sin, hate the sinner,” with relatively high levels of approval for same-sex marriage combined with significant negative associations with gay and lesbian people. Further, we find significant differences between Mainline and Evangelical Protestants who are also gay, lesbian or bisexual compared to those who are heterosexual. Conclusions We discuss the cognitive dissonance between compassionate Christianity (“love thy neighbour”) and negative associations towards gay and lesbian people and the intersections of religious and sexual identities. Policy Implications. Results suggest that among Evangelical Protestants same-sex marriage is supported by a sizeable minority (40 + %). Efforts to improve attitudes towards same-sex marriage should focus on attempts to generate further improvements in attitudes among conservative Christians.

Global citizenship among students of Kazakhstan: the role of social media

With the increasing involvement of universities in Kazakhstan in the processes of internationalization, there is a need to adapt educational programs to the changing requirements of the labor market and the national educational environment. An important aspect of these changes is the study of the perception of global citizenship among students of Kazakhstan. In this article, the authors present the results of their two studies on global citizenship. In the first study, the authors set out to study the behavior of university students with participation in democratic processes and their use of social media. In the last decade, many researchers have studied the impact of social media on youth participation in global public life. Many of them noted the positive impact, suggesting that the use of social media would promote democratic participation, especially among the younger generation. Among the students of Kazakhstan, 284 students took part in this study. Participation in global and democratic processes includes five main elements: voting, political activism, consumer participation, protests, and communication with politicians. Our research has shown that university students in Kazakhstan most often express their support or protest within the framework of consumer participation. Students in Kazakhstan demonstrate a low level of participation in political activism, protests and communication with politicians. Regarding the second work of the authors, the study aims to adapt the Scale of Global Citizenship to the context of Kazakhstan, which is a key step in preparing students for active participation in democratic processes. The study used a cross-sectional design using quantitative methods for data collection and analysis. 374 students participated in the study. Based on the results of exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, as well as reliability calculations, it was found that the Global Citizenship Scale has been successfully adapted for use in Kazakhstan, which confirms its applicability in the country.

In the gray zone: How representational deficit moderates the effect of openness on protest participation

This article investigates how the governmental status quo alters the effect of individuals’ openness as a predisposition for protest participation. We define the governmental status quo as individuals’ standing or position within the political system, contingent upon their party’s current status in government. Based on this, we clasify voters into three groups: Opposition voters, junior coalition partners’ voters (JCPV), and senior coalition partners’ voters (SCPV) or single-party government voters (SPGV). SCPV and SPGV are expected to have lower protest motivation due to their substantial governmental representation, whereas opposition voters, with lacking any governmental representation, are more likely to be motivated to protest. Nevertheless, given their fuzzy position that alleviates the effect of the representational deficit on their protest behavior, we argue that the protest participation of JCPV is more likely to be driven by their basic values belonging to the openness dimension. Statistical analyses based on data from the European Social Survey support our hypothesis, highlighting the stronger effect of stimulation, one of the components of the openness dimensions in Schwart's basic human values, for the JCPV compared to other voter categories.

Diversity in Civic Engagement: Political Priorities and Protest Behavior of Arizona College Students

A core function of higher education is to prepare students to be active and informed citizens who are prepared to make sustained contributions to civic life and democratic society. However, past research on college student civic engagement has disproportionately focused on students at traditional 4-year universities and on a narrow range of political activities. In this study, we analyzed online survey data ( N = 1,159) collected before the 2020 presidential election from young adults throughout Arizona who were attending 2-year and 4-year postsecondary institutions. Results show significant differences between community college, transfer and university students in terms of political identities, background characteristics, and participation in Black Lives Matter protests. Yet, across these postsecondary pathways, young adults expressed a strong commitment to active citizenship and ranked combating climate change and dismantling systemic racism as top political priorities. We call for more research on underserved students’ political identities, outlooks, and behaviors as part of a broader and more inclusive conceptualization of civic engagement.

The "Pots and Pans" protests and requirements for responsiveness of the authorities

This paper examines under what conditions it is justifiable that the government takes into account the demands of protesters and whether the terms of procedural-equality in protest participation were met in the ‘Pots and Pans’ protests in Iceland in 2008–09. The protests were triggered by a financial melt-down in Iceland and did not come to an end until almost all the main demands of the protesters had been met. The main conclusion is that due to the seriousness of the issues which triggered the protests and that those issues were of national concern, together with the large numbers of protesters and wide support for their demands as well as extensive public discussion about the issues of the protests, they were a prime example of a situation when the authorities should consider taking the demands of protesters into account. Furthermore, in this paper it is established that giving in to the demands of the protesters was within the terms of procedural-equality between the protesters and those who did not participate – adding to the justification that, in this case, it was justifiable to defer to the protesters’ demands.

Wear it like armor and it can never be used to hurt you: Reappropriation, identity change, and collective action

AbstractReappropriation has been discussed as an identity management strategy as a means to reevaluate oneself in a context that will not allow for large‐scale social change. There are, however, numerous examples of reappropriation of stigmatizing labels as connected to political movements. This research examines whether reappropriation of stigmatizing labels can function as a precursor to collective action. In Study 1, we conducted semi‐structured interviews on the reappropriation of çapulcu identity with 20 Gezi Park protesters in Turkey. Interviews focused on how they recall the reappropriation of the word to have started, how they gave subsequent meaning, and how çapulcu identity predicted their protest participation and their broader politicization during and after the protests. In Study 2, we conducted a cross‐sectional survey on the reappropriation of fat identity by collecting data from fat liberation and body positivity activists in North America (n = 479). Reflexive thematic analysis (Study 1) and structural equation modeling (Study 2) showed that reappropriation of stigmatizing labels among activists is associated with a greater willingness to participate in collective action through increased agency, empowerment, and identity change. Findings provide important insights on identity management strategies and social change, and open new avenues to discuss reappropriation as a possible political strategy that might mobilize oppressed groups.

Protests

Citizens have long taken to the streets to demand change, expressing political views that may otherwise be suppressed. Protests have produced change at local, national, and international scales, including spectacular moments of political and social transformation. We document five new empirical patterns describing 1.2 million protest events across 218 countries between 1980 and 2020. First, autocracies and weak democracies experienced a trend break in protests during the Arab Spring. Second, protest movements also rose in importance following the Arab Spring. Third, protest movements geographically diffuse over time, spiking to their peak before falling off. Fourth, a country's year-to-year economic performance is not strongly correlated with protests; individual values are predictive of protest participation. Fifth, the United States, China, and Russia are the most overrepresented countries in academic studies. We discuss each pattern's connections to the existing literature and anticipate paths for future work.

Participant accounts of police violence during black lives matter protests in Chicago

ABSTRACT Black protest events in the United States have been characterised by police use of violence against protestors during periods, such as the widespread riots of the 1960s, when many white people and police see black people as posing a special danger to the status quo. It appears that the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, which triggered widespread Black Lives Matter protests, is another such time. However, social scientific evidence that addresses the question of whether police responded with unnecessary violence to these black-led protests remains in short supply. In this study, we conducted a content analysis of protest participants’ federal court statements about their lived experience with police violence during Chicago, IL, protests. Their accounts suggest that police, rather than protestors, initiated violence and relied on it to control protestors in ways that violated Chicago Police Department policies and constitutional protections afforded citizens. Despite efforts to reform police management of protests over the last half century, our findings suggest that the historical pattern of police use of militaristic tactics and gratuitous violence to control black protest events persists today. We consider the implications of the findings for relations between the police and black communities.

Relative Standing and Political Participation

The significance of absolute income has consistently been highlighted in the literature as an important factor shaping individuals’ propensity to engage in political participation. However, considerably less research has been done on the relationship between relative income and individuals’ propensity to engage in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation. Using relative income to quantify relative standing, this paper explores the relationship between relative standing and political participation in South Africa. Results show that individuals’ relative standing had a divergent relationship with their propensity to engage in voting and protest. More specifically, the results showed that South Africans with a higher relative standing, i.e., those who experienced relative privilege were more likely to engage in voting, while those with a lower relative standing, i.e., those who experienced relative deprivation, were more likely to engage in protest participation.

The effects of religious group engagement on anti-abortion protest participation in Poland

ABSTRACT Religious engagement can foster either democratic or illiberal views among adherents. Some religious institutions attempt to mobilize believers against abortion rights. For these believers, when does religion mobilize pro-choice protest participation? I test three pathways by which a prescriptive norm of pro-life protest participation might mobilize believers: general religiosity, hierarchical pressure from religious leaders, and pressure from fellow parishioners. Using semi-structured interviews with Polish anti-abortion organizers and an original, pre-registered survey experiment of Polish Catholics, I show that religiosity does not mobilize anti-abortion activism. Instead, religious group engagement powerfully drives pro-life protest. Hierarchical pressures from religious leaders and group pressures from fellow parishioners only increase the likelihood that believers protest against abortion for highly engaged parishioners, but not less-engaged parishioners. Further, religious group engagement levels fully mediate these relationships. Thus, hierarchical and social norms impact individuals’ protest propensity to the extent that they are deeply embedded in a tightly knit social group.

The participatory legacy of mobilization and repression: evidence from a student movement

ABSTRACT Studies of the participatory legacies of social movements in democratic settings often find that the individuals who take part in these movements remain more likely to engage in politics, decades later. What is the participatory legacy of social movements in authoritarian regimes, where they are often repressed and erased from public memory? Understanding such impacts is challenging due to self-selection and severe censorship. In this paper, we address both challenges with a unique design, comparing the behavior of individuals who began college just before and just after a massive student movement. This design allows us to measure exposure to the movement and the subsequent state crackdown without directly asking respondents and also addresses endogeneity by predicting exposure using an exogenous indicator, birthdate. We find that exposure to the movement increased participation in elections, reduced participation in protest and lobbying, and had no impact on conventional participation. We argue that social movements can continue to shape patterns of political participation in authoritarian regimes, decades after being crushed.

Fandom in Action: Online Mobilisation of Thai Youth in the 2020-2021 Anti-Government Protests

The convergence of social media with political communication and the emergence of celebrity politics have significantly altered the landscape of political participation, particularly among the younger generation. Yet, comprehensive research on online political fandom remains limited despite its critical intersection with politics and digital media. This study addresses this gap, focusing on the in-depth case study of the 2020-2021 Thai anti-government protest. It scrutinises how tech-savvy Thai youth, propelled by political fandom surrounding Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, a Future Forward Party opposition leader, harnessed social media and pre-existing online networks to organise these anti-government protests. Despite lacking a formal hierarchy, their organisational prowess, especially in information dissemination, highlights the intricate interplay of political fandom, social media, and youth mobilisation. By employing a trace interview method and conducting semi-structured interviews, the study explores how political fans transitioned from online engagement to active protest participation. The evidence contributes to a nuanced understanding of how fandom culture shapes their political judgment and behaviour. Participants in this study are political fans who publicly engage with politics on social media and participate in large-scale protests offline. They were recruited through a two-step process: first, the Twitter API identified users with high engagement in political fandom and anti-government hashtags. Then, a snowball sampling method extended the participant pool based on referrals from initial interviewees. A thematic analysis was conducted on the interview transcripts. The initial findings indicate that the influence of charismatic political figures, the empowerment of the fan community, and the belief that online political expression is ineffective draw participants toward offline participation. The resemblance between the political fandom of Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit and the more mainstream popular fandoms highlights the importance of considering the role of popular culture influences in shaping people’s political behaviours, particularly in contemporary digital communication technologies. In conclusion, this study aims to uncover the intricate relationship between political fandoms, social media, and offline activism and to emphasise the pervasive influence of popular culture on political behaviours in the digital age.

The Role of the Church in the End SARS Protest in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis

The End SARS protest in Nigeria, a nationwide demonstration against police brutality, witnessed the active involvement of the church as a significant social institution. This study critically examines the church's role, motivations, and the impact of its participation on the protest's trajectory and outcomes. Using a qualitative research approach, the study draws on in-depth interviews with church leaders, activists, and protest participants, as well as a comprehensive analysis of media reports and scholarly literature. The findings reveal the church's multifaceted engagement, ranging from providing spiritual and material support to protesters to actively advocating for change and facilitating mediation efforts. The study contributes to the understanding of the complex interplay between religion, social movements, and political dynamics in contemporary Nigeria, offering insights that can inform future civic engagement and the church's role in addressing societal challenges.