Protest Activity Research Articles

The political power of Muslim social capital in Europe and North America

ABSTRACT The social lives of Muslims living in the West are often regarded with suspicion, based on the assumption that social embeddedness within a Muslim community compromises more widespread integration and social cohesion. This article tests these claims by examining the relationship between Muslim social capital and political participation. Using original data from 2,341 Muslims in Canada, France, Germany, the UK, and the US, it finds that Muslim structural, cognitive, and civic social capital all support political participation. Within structural capital, both bonding and bridging networks are positively associated with mainstream political activities, but bonding networks predict protest activities. Very few indicators of social capital share a negative relationship with participation, and the two that do (trust in the government, size of close friend group) only suppress protest, which may suggest that they capture civic satisfaction. There are some national-level differences in political participation after controlling for other variables, but not many, suggesting similar mechanisms mobilize and facilitate Muslim political participation across national contexts. These findings should be a relief those who are concerned that Muslim networks are encouraging withdrawal.

EXPLORING SOCIAL PROTEST POTENTIAL IN MODERN ARMENIAN SOCIETY: INSTITUTIONAL TRUST AND SOCIAL-DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS

This study investigates the potential of protests in contemporary Armenian society. Considering the global rise of social protests evolving into significant social movements worldwide and the ongoing movements in Armenia, it is crucial to investigate the protest potential within modern Armenian society. The article is based on secondary data analyses gathered using representative sampling for Armenia and implementing face-to-face interviews conducted by the Caucasus Research Resource Center Armenia (CRRC). The article aims to understand the potential of protests and the factors influencing individuals' inclination toward protest activities. One of the article's main findings is that more than half of the respondents show a propensity for engaging in protest actions. Additionally, several key variables emerge as significant factors influencing this inclination. Among them are sex, education, and marital status play pivotal roles in the decision-making process regarding participation in anti-government protests. Furthermore, place of residence appears to be a determinant, with urban dwellers exhibiting a greater predisposition toward participation in anti-government protests compared to their rural counterparts. There are several reasons why rural inhabitants tend to participate less in protests. Geographical distance, and cultural peculiarities, such as differing social values and community dynamics, may lead to less participation. Additionally, distrust toward main state institutions contributes to the perception that individuals should participate in anti-government protests. Moreover, the study demonstrates that citizens' perceptions of state unfairness and institutional disregard are more significant drivers of potential protest activity than economic conditions.

Зеленый кнут? Силовой фактор и неполитические протесты в российских регионах на примере экологической мобилизации

Environmental activism is one of the important forms of civic activity in all types of political regimes. But under the conditions of autocracies it has a distinct specificity, which involves a conscious distancing from politics. The tendency to avoid “politicization” is an integral component of the strategy of eco-activists, who are well aware of the risks of protest actions in an authoritarian context. Environmental protest activity is often perceived as non-political by the ruling elites, but their reaction to it varies. In search of an answer to the question about the causes of such variations the authors elaborate a theoretical model, according to which the reaction of elites to environmental activism is determined by the power potential of the heads of executive government in combination with a high level of inequality, which signals the possible risks of eco-protests turning into broad political mobilization. The model is tested on data concerning environmental protests in Russian regions. By using the method of statistical modelling, the authors come to the conclusion, that the factor of socio-economic inequality does not affect the intensity of environmental mobilization, but has a key significance as a catalyst for the coercive reaction of the authorities. In the regions with high levels of inequality, the “stick” is systematically applied to environmentalists, while in regions with relatively moderate economic stratification environmental protests remain an acceptable form of expressing discontent. At the same time, the presence of a coercive component in the political capital of regional elites plays a crucial role in reducing the eco-protest potential. In addition to that, the research indicates that regional protest activity on environmental issues in Russia is leaving the format of non-political mobilization. As a result, the authorities’ response is increasingly based on suppression, similar to other types of protests, which potentially limits the opportunities for conveying an environmental agenda.

The Environment of South African Journalism: Are Mainstream Media Organisations Listening to Activists?

ABSTRACT The Shell seismic survey on the South African Wild Coast was scheduled to begin on 1 December 2021. After multiple court proceedings, a failed interdict, countrywide protest action and then a successful interdict, the seismic survey was stopped. Although activism around the survey was available on blogs, social media, and activist sites, only a few media organisations in South Africa picked up the story before December 2021. This study aims to interrogate the state of climate journalism in South Africa by analysing the reportage of the Shell seismic survey in November 2021. The paper uses Macnamara’s seven canons of organisational listening to answer two central questions: what was said (on public platforms) by climate activists in 2021 about the Shell seismic survey? And did mainstream media organisations listen to the activists? The sample of the study includes news articles written by mainstream news organisations and activist communication, freely available in the public domain. An in-depth media content analysis is conducted to determine whether organisational listening is taking place and understand who mainstream media organisations in South African are listening to with regards matters of the climate emergency. This is done by grounding the theoretical emphasis in organisational listening (following Macnamara), which emphasises recognition, acknowledgement, attention, interpretation, understanding, consideration, and response to stakeholders.

From environmentalism to activism: comparing environmentalist students and Fridays for Future protesters in Hungary

ABSTRACT A distinctive feature of the global climate movement at the end of the 2010s was the massive involvement of young people. While the generational character of the climate movement was acknowledged by scholars in the field, the comparison of youth passive environmental consciousness and activism had not yet received adequate research attention. This paper investigates the sociological factors and political attitudes that can determine young people’s self-identification as environmentalists and their engagement in protest actions. The research question was addressed using two datasets: a database comprising Hungarian students (N = 800) and a protest survey database from the Fridays For Future (FFF) protests in Budapest (N = 258). Data collection took place in both cases in 2019. The findings reveal two distinct patterns: environmentalism is associated with a lower socio-economic status, disinterest in politics, dissatisfaction with the state of democracy, and passivity in terms of collective forms of political participation. On the other hand, FFF protesters exhibit a higher socio-economic status and are more actively involved in demonstrations but are less engaged in institutionalized forms of political participation. These results indicate that participating in climate protests carries significant cultural and social costs, even for young individuals.

CITIZEN JOURNALISM PRACTICE AND SOCIAL MEDIA USAGE DURING SOCIAL DARWINISM (#EndSARS) PROTEST AMONG YOUTHS IN LAGOS, NIGERIA

The study investigated social media usage for the popular #EndSARS protest that changed and shook the nation's landscape. Social Darwinist ideas was used to rationalize the marginalization of certain groups who may be seen as less capable or inferior. It explored the usage of social media that allowed the effective sharing of audio-visual messages by the #EndSARS protesters, especially the youths in Ikeja. 400 copies of questionnaire data were tested using simple percentages and presented in frequency distribution tables, the study concluded that youths use the media peculiar to them like social media for protest activities. The traditional media sought more objective ways to improve the reportage of events especially of national importance and concern to youths.

Spraying Paint on Stonehenge: The Framing of Climate Change Protest by the Leading Anglophone Media

Abstract Anglophone mass media frequently cover climate change protest actions associated with damage to famous artifacts and heritage sites. The present article introduces a qualitative study whose purpose is to shed light on how the leading Anglophone mass media frame an incident of spraying paint on Stonehenge, a UNESCO-protected World Heritage Site in the United Kingdom (the UK), by two members of the environmental group Just Stop Oil. The study involved a corpus of news coverages of the incident by the leading Anglophone mass media. The corpus was analyzed using a qualitative framing methodology. The results of the framing analysis revealed that the incident of spraying paint on Stonehenge was communicated via several qualitatively different types of frames (e.g., A Disgraceful Act of Vandalism). The article further discusses the findings through the prism of an ecolinguistic approach to the media framing of contemporaneous climate change protest actions. The study’s conclusions indicate that climate change protest actions nowadays are increasingly related to culturally significant artifacts and, particularly, UNESCO-protected World Heritage Sites.

Flashbulb memories in the context of group hierarchies: effects of gender, system justification, and social dominance orientation on negative private and public flashbulb memories.

Research on flashbulb memories (FBMs) has primarily focused on cognitive aspects. However, recent studies indicate that FBMs are closely associated with social and cultural dynamics. This descriptive study explored the structural aspects and psychosocial functions of negative FBMs within the context of intergroup theories, mainly focusing on negative public (coup attempt in Türkiye on July 15, 2016) and private (bad news of a loved one) FBMs. Participants in the main study (N = 233) were selected and grouped based on their social dominance orientations (SDO; high and low groups) and system justification tendencies (SJT; high and low groups), using data from a preliminary survey (N = 1,113). In the main study, participants' responses to items on canonical categories, phenomenological aspects, and psychosocial functions of FBMs and their involvement in different protest actions against the coup attempt were compared considering SDO, SJT, and gender. The results show that private FBMs were generally rated higher by participants than public FBMs in all aspects. Although the canonical quality of private FBM did not differ between gender groups, public FBM quality was better in men. Participants in the high-SJT group had higher-quality public FBMs and rated these memories as more functional than participants in the low-SJT group, along with their high levels of protest participation. No differences were observed between the SDO groups for either type of FBM. The findings are discussed in terms of their relevance to group hierarchies and system justification motives. As the first attempt to place the FBM phenomenon in the context of SDO and SJT at the individual level, this study is intended to encourage others to adopt multi-level intergroup theories for integrating bottom-up and top-down processes.

Climate actions on the neighbourhood level—Individual, collective, cultural, and socio-structural factors

This paper takes a multi-perspective approach to understand drivers and barriers of climate action on the neighbourhood level. We start with the assumption that climate actions on the level of citizens are most motivating and promising, when conducted jointly within established social systems like neighbourhoods. A survey implemented in neighbourhoods (3 in Austria, 2 in Norway, 2 in Italy, 2 in Finland). The neighbourhoods were partly in rural communities (4) and partly in urban or semi-urban areas (5). In total, 1.084 answers were retained between summer 2022 and summer 2023. The impact of factors from the different perspectives on the self-reported number of implemented climate actions were tested in a stepwise structural-equation-modelling-approach. The analyses show that intentions to act both on the individual and collective level impact climate actions as represented by behaviour in four domains (travel, diet, protest, and general climate action) implemented by citizens in the neighbourhoods, but individual intentions are more important. In addition, local cultural aspects have an impact on climate action, as indicated by the two extremely rural Finnish neighbourhoods being different on many variables. On the socio-structural level, males and households with younger children report less climate action, whereas larger households in general and people with university degree report more. Intentions to act individually are mostly determined by perceived individual efficacy and attitudes, but also selected cultural and socio-structural factors. Collective intentions to act depend on the social capital in the neighbourhood, collective efficacy, and social norms, as well as selected socio-structural and cultural factors. Concluding, this paper emphasises that in order to understand and stimulate climate-related action of citizens, the individual, collective, cultural and socio-structural factors must be taken into account and that the level of neighbourhoods, where everyday action takes place, is a relevant unit of analysis to do so.

The use of artificial intelligence and digital technologies as a method of political influence on young people

The article describes the basic principles of using artificial intelligence and digital technologies in the context of identifying and countering foreign means of influencing young people in their own environment. The basic principles of the influence of digital technologies, digitalization in politics and its impact on youth and modern politics in general are revealed. The relevance of the article is determined by the fact that in the context of modern globalization and the development of information and communication technologies, foreign countries are increasingly using digital methods of influence aimed at influencing the youth of other countries, including the Russian one. This manifests itself as the spread of disinformation and propaganda, the organization of protest actions and the recruitment of young people into terrorist and extremist organizations, etc. Artificial intelligence and digital technologies can help Russia in countering foreign influence on young people. They can be used to analyze large amounts of data, create a monitoring system, and develop information campaigns.

Defenders of the status quo: energy protests and policy (in)action in Sweden

Abstract Are the positions that protesters take—in favor or against change—consequential for their ability to affect policy? While previous research suggests that protests can inform legislative priorities and facilitate policy introduction, this paper emphasizes policy inaction and stasis as goals of some protest actions. Analysis uses novel and detailed data on energy-related protest and policy actions in Sweden covering a forty-year period and considers protest frequency and size in relation to proposal introduction. The research design uniquely distinguishes between protests in favor or against a specific energy source and proposal activity in line with those demands and also controls for public opinion on each energy source. Findings suggest that pro-renewable energy protests do not yield pro-renewable policies but prevent undesired policies that support non-renewable energy sources. In contrast to pro-renewable protests, protests against renewable energy sources are somewhat more influential. They likewise prevent the introduction of their undesired proposals and also influence the introduction of proposals supporting non-renewable energy sources. Overall, the paper examines policy inaction as a desired protest outcome and argues protest—as a tactic—may be more effective when pushing against rather than for policy change.

Apocalypse now? – The Last Generation in digital capital’s affective ecology

Abstract This essay situates the protest actions of the German environmentalist group Die letzte Generation (LG) within an environmental critique of digital capitalism. It specifically examines the temporality of LG’s activism at the intersection of the affective ecology of digital capital and certain aspects of an apocalyptic imagination. I propose a Spinozist approach to the media environment in which LG operates that may open a path toward an immanent critique of LG’s publicity-oriented practices.

Do You See What I See? Emotional Reaction to Visual Content in the Online Debate About Climate Change

ABSTRACT This paper explores the visual echo chamber effect in online climate change communication. We analyze communication by progressive actors and counteractors involved in the public debate about climate change on Facebook, to address the possibility that visual content can bridge ideologically diverse communities. Specifically, we investigate whether visual content depicting protest serves this purpose. The findings reveal a small amount of shared visual content. Interestingly, the emotional reactions to this content for the most part diverge significantly, suggesting that pre-existing attitudes, such as climate ideological position, influence interpretation. Contrary to our expectations, however, we do not observe visual content representing protest activity bridging the two groups. This work posits the possibility of a two-fold (de)polarization around visual content that both connects and divides, which contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the social dynamics that create and sustain the echo chamber effect observed in online climate change debates. KEY POLICY HIGHLIGHTS Even when taking into account visual communication, the online debate around climate change is characterized by the presence of echo chambers with only a small fraction of content that circulates among both climate activists and climate skeptics. In cases where the same visual content circulates within the two groups, the emotional reactions are often opposed, with reactions that are more defined by the pre-existing climate ideological alignment than with an actual engagement with the content.

“It feels like a parallel universe.” Worldbuilding through climate action

ABSTRACT This study set out to explore the everyday experiences of people engaged in climate action. We focus not on one specific self-defined and bounded social movement, but on individuals engaging in different forms of climate action from protest and direct action to art and social media activism. Data were drawn from focus groups and interviews with 26 UK-based climate actors to explore motivations, experiences, emotions, conflicts and successes. Participants included scientists, artists, civil servants, community organisers, media, school students and teachers. Different ways of doing and experiencing climate action were found. Drawing on literature from science fiction and game studies, we argue that these different approaches to climate action can be conceptualised as worldbuilding. Climate action as worldbuilding consists of three key features: intentionality, separation and creating new norms. We conclude that worldbuilding is an inclusive conceptualisation as it makes space for different approaches to climate action, and allows for tensions within and between climate action movements to be viewed as a resource for learning, imagining and bringing into being preferred futures together. The study demonstrates how social movement research in the context of game design can contribute to the theorisation of activism through the production of a cultural artefact.

National goal, local resistance: How institutional gaps hinder local renewable energy development in Taiwan

In most countries, energy transitions are well supported by the public; however, the implementation of renewable energy policies at the local level is often beset with resistance. Previous research has mainly focused on factors influencing community acceptance and strategies to improve social acceptance. Meanwhile, there has been limited analysis of the institutional gaps that lead to local resistance and the dynamic effects of institutional factors on renewable energy implementation at the local level. This paper thus investigates Taiwan's regulations for renewable energy development, presenting a detailed case study from a local context. It examines the factors contributing to local resistance to the implementation of national renewable energy policy targets and explores the dynamics of these resistance actions. Furthermore, through the lens of multi-level governance, the study reveals the institutional gaps and interactions that influence the execution of national policy at the local level. Six major institutional gaps in Taiwan's renewable energy governance were identified, including the lack of energy governance authorizations for local governments, a lack of superordinate site selection criteria and evaluation mechanisms for development zones, lack of governance systems that can address multiple issues, lack of scientific and academic information, lack of information disclosure and public participation mechanisms, and the burden of carbon reduction responsibilities and costs on local communities with few or no benefits. Compounded together, these six institutional gaps lead to the buildup of negative experiences interacting with the government and the renewable energy industry and feelings of worry, panic, distrust, and injustice among the local populace. These ultimately trigger resistance attitudes and the adoption of protest actions, hindering solar farm developments from reaching national policy targets. This study highlights the critical role of multi-level governance in facilitating the energy transition, emphasizing that the successful development of renewable energy requires a robust institutional framework. Such a framework is essential for addressing the complex governance challenges that arise during this transition, particularly aspects supporting local engagement. The six institutional gaps identified from the Taiwan case can serve as policy references for countries or cities intending to promote ground-mounted solar power.

Constitutional Overhaul, the War in Gaza, and the Puzzle of Civic Mobilization in Israel

Abstract Much has been written on the constitutional overhaul in Israel, and the attendant constitutional crisis in the first nine months of 2023. Since October 7, however, with the breakout of the Israel-Gaza war, the overhaul was seemingly shelved. This Article seeks to connect both events, by comparing the legal-political response to the overhaul with the legal-political response to the war. It asks why, given the intensity of the protest movement generated by the overhaul, there was a dearth of protest activity after the war, even though both events implicated similar values, namely the rule of law and individual rights, championed by the protest movement. I argue that a central reason for the disparity cannot only be explained by the dynamics of war but also due to the tensions and complexities inherent in Israel’s self-professed constitutional identity as a Jewish and democratic state. In particular, I argue that anti-overhaul protests appealed to liberal universalist values to garner bipartisan support, with the effect of bypassing substantive issues such as the occupation of the Palestinian Territories and discrimination faced by Israeli Palestinians. This explains the lack of Arab participation in the protests, as many perceived them to be an internal Jewish Affair. Thus, when post-war repressive measures mostly affected Israeli Palestinians, the protest movement failed to rally in their support. Although anti-overhaul protests could have brought about greater liberal consolidation in Israel, the relative lack of post-war mobilization casts lingering doubts on the possibility of long-term consolidation of liberal values in Israel. Attempts to depoliticize the protests, while perhaps successful in warding off the overhaul, and though impressive on their own, have likely failed in instilling deeper, more resilient, liberal values in Israel.

Репрессивные практики противоборствующих сторон в Кабарде в период российской революции (1917–1920 гг.)

This article investigates the issues surrounding the application of repressive practices in Kabarda during the period of the revolution and the civil war from 1917 to 1920. It examines the factors that led to a transition toward violence among the opposing factions and the nature of its escalation. It is emphasized that the political actors who came to power primarily sought to eliminate their opponents, represented by the previous ruling elite, and subsequently targeted broad segments of the population as public protest activity and resistance to the prevailing political course increased. The article also elucidates the forms of repressive practices employed during this tumultuous period. The most severe of these was the physical elimination of political adversaries, a tactic utilized by both sides in the civil conflict within the region. Arrest and incarceration were also frequently employed. Other forms of repression, predominantly exercised by the Bolshevik regime, included the disenfranchisement of individuals, conscription for forced labor, and confiscation of property.

From Victory to Democracy: The “Democracy” in Thailand’s Victory Monument

Abstract This paper discusses the symbolic transformation of Thailand’s Victory Monument in the Thai public memory, from embodying militarism to representing the complicated concept of Thai democracy. In the beginning, the monument had an indirect connection to democracy. However, due to the spatial agency, such as protest activities occupying this structure, it has turned into one of Bangkok’s democratic spaces. By looking at the stories of contentious politics and narratives surrounding this structure, this study reveals that the development of the Victory Monument’s meanings mirrors the democratic struggles of the Thai people. It also applies prevailing discourses on Thai democracy to elucidate the connection between the monument and democratic movements. This research provides an understanding of Thailand’s democratic struggles through a different lens, promotes historical awareness, and preserves public memory by emphasizing the role of public monuments in Thai history, society, and democracy.

Strategic authenticity in the promotion of a protest action on social media: the case of the School Strike 4 Climate in Sydney

ABSTRACT Protest organisers around the world are increasingly trying to pressure governments to act on climate change. Young people have been at the forefront of the mobilisation to raise awareness about the issue and to call for change. Student movements across the globe are redefining the political through innovative and creative actions. I focus on one of these actions with a case study of how young people from the School Strike 4 Climate (SS4C) movement in Sydney use social media to promote a protest event. In doing so, I propose the concept of ‘strategic authenticity’ to define the balance between professional communication and authenticity in young peoples’ communicative action online. Such a balance is achieved by melding well-crafted content with humour and references to popularity and internet culture. Studying students’ practices of ‘strategic authenticity’ contributes to deepening our understanding of democratic renewal and young people’s political engagement in the context of the climate change movement.

Development or Ecocide? Sociotechnical Imaginaries and Contested Infrastructure in the “Tren Maya” Controversy

This article examines the controversy surrounding the Tren Maya railway megaproject in Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula through the lens of sociotechnical imaginaries. We argue that the Tren Maya, much more than a technological intervention, came to embody differing visions of desired futures. Initially promoted by the Andrés Manuel López Obrador administration as a state-led reindustrialization program to mitigate social inequalities, the project was engulfed by the nationalist-developmental imaginary of the so-called “Fourth Transformation.” The local impacts that materialized in the construction process, however, sparked significant socio-environmental conflicts and mobilized a diverse opposition movement comprising indigenous communities, scientific experts, and environmental organizations. As the controversy unfolded, protest actors leveraged various legal mechanisms to challenge the epistemic and normative claims underpinning the government’s plans, eventually giving rise to a subversive imaginary that reframed the Tren Maya as a criminal, “ecocidal” enterprise. Our study reveals the intricate interdependencies between material and discursive processes in the (de)legitimization of competing infrastructural imaginaries and their role in mobilizing social forces. In particular, we underscore the crucial yet often overlooked role of legal channels and institutions in generating, validating, and amplifying imagined futures. By illustrating how social relations and normative ideals are co-produced with technoscientific knowledge and material facts, this research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how different sociotechnical imaginaries interact, compete, and gain traction in the context of infrastructural transformations.