Protectionist Economic Policies Research Articles

The Politics of Trade Disputes in the Fourth Republic: The Case of Ghana and Nigeria

The relationship between Ghana and Nigeria over the years can be described as oscillatory because of the occasional twist and turn. Notably, a trade dispute was one of the challenges that marred the relationship between the two countries. Historically, trade disputes emerged in the 1930s as a result of the cocoa hold-up crisis in 1932, and this led to the call by the National Crusade for the protection of Ghanaian enterprises to expel foreign traders, predominantly Nigerians. This phenomenon continued during Busia's regime, where he expelled a large number of Nigerian traders through the Aliens Compliance Order in 1969. Buhari's regime also responded in 1983-85 by expelling over one million Ghanaians from Nigeria for economic and trade reasons. In 2012, the government of Ghana employed a contingent economic policy that led to the closure of many Nigerian shops. Moreover, the closure of the Nigerian land borders on Ghana and other trading partners revived the trade tension between the two countries, where Ghanaians retaliated with other draconian policies. The intermittent trade disputes between the two countries triggered the quest of the researchers to assess the fundamental driving forces of the impasse, identify the politico-economic ramifications of the disputes on both countries and provide some recommendations to deal with the problem. Relevant related literature was reviewed thematically, and International Regime Theory was used to underpin the research. The study used a qualitative research approach to gather in-depth data from respondents through interviews and observations. Thematic analysis was used as an approach for data interpretation and discussion. The relevant literature and the findings revealed that the inconsistencies of ECOWAS protocols with the national trade policies, the use of protectionist economic policies such as the "prohibited goods" policy by Nigeria against Ghana, and the implementation of the GIPC Act 2013 (865), Nigeria’s border closure, and lockdown of Nigerian retail shops in Ghana were some of the fundamental driving forces of the trade disputes between the countries in the fourth republic. Economically, the occasional trade disturbances led to the loss of capital and revenue for traders from both sides. Notwithstanding these challenges, there was an initiative by both governments to find a lasting solution to the menace. The research concluded with some recommendations for policy and praxis. Keywords: Trade Dispute, ECOWAS Protocols, Traders Association, West Africa, Fourth Republic DOI: 10.7176/JESD/14-10-07 Publication date: May 31 st 2023

ИМПОРТОЗАМЕЩЕНИЕ В РОССИЙСКОЙ ФЕДЕРАЦИИ В УСЛОВИЯХ САНКЦИЙ: ТЕНДЕНЦИИ, РИСКИ, РЕГИОНАЛЬНЫЙ АСПЕКТ

The article deals with the development of import substitution in the Russian economy. It is noted that import substitution is a type of economic strategy and industrial policy of the state and economic entities aimed at protecting domestic producers by replacing imported industrial goods and technologies with products of national production. The areas in which it is first of all necessary to establish local production are determined. Such areas include electronic, light, pharmaceutical, as well as heavy industry, aircraft construction, shipbuilding, radio electronics and others. It is noted that the main reason for the lag of these areas is the lack of analogues of the necessary equipment of domestic production. A special role is played by the fact that all imported equipment used in Russian production will soon need to be repaired, since the supply of new equipment is closed, however, and it is not possible to purchase original spare parts from Western suppliers. It is also necessary to establish work in the field of metalworking, due to the fact that this problem will soon affect oil and gas production. The positive and negative aspects for the Russian economy are determined, taking into account the emphasis of our economic system on domestic production. t is concluded that the protectionist economic policy will allow developing its own technical and technological bases and related areas, however, along with this, negative factors of the introduction of import substitution policy can be noted, such as a sharp increase in prices, loss of sales markets, their reorientation, prolonged terms of setting up its own production and others.

Background of creation, further development, and establishment of Kharkiv Locomotive Plant

The late XIX century was marked by the rise of industry in the Russian Empire. This period was characterized by shifting the core of industrial development from the Ural region to the south of the country, associated with the development of abundant coal deposits in Ukraine, and accompanied by extensive railroad construction in the central and southern parts of the Russian Empire. This aspect spurred the expansion of machine-building industries under the protectionist economic policy of the Russian Empire's government toward Russian enterprises. It was aimed at shielding them from the influence of foreign competitors. In the early 1870s, Kharkiv started growing rapidly as a major industrial hub in the south of the Russian Empire. The railroad offered an opportunity for the delivery of the most advanced equipment and technology, something that foreign companies never failed to take advantage of. In the 1890s, transport machinery gained significant development. Since 1891, the monopoly on steam locomotive construction in the Russian Empire, which had been concentrated in the 1880s at the Kolomna Locomotive Plant alone, was disrupted. In the mid-1890s, steam locomotive construction was deployed at eight major machine-building enterprises of the Russian Empire. This article is intended to provide a thorough analysis of the background of the creation, further development, and establishment of the Kharkiv Locomotive Plant. It offers an overview of different stages throughout the history of the Kharkiv Locomotive Plant. This article discusses the conditions and prerequisites for choosing the location of the plant; considers the stage of the establishment (foundation) of the plant; examines the stage of plant construction and equipping it with technological facilities in detail; analyzes the development and establishment of the plant between 1897 and 1914. A brief analysis of locomotive designs produced by the Kharkiv Locomotive Plant from 1897 to 1914 has been made. The article shows the significance of Consultative Congresses of Traction Engineers for the development of railway machinery both at Kharkiv Locomotive Plant and for the entire railway industry.

Economic Impact of Unilateral Free Trade

President Donald Trump condemned the interdependence of the United States with other countries in a speech on March 24th, 2020 saying, “This crisis has underscored just how critical it is to have strong borders and a robust manufacturing sector. - ''… Our goal for the future must be to have American medicine for American patients, American supplies for American hospitals, and American equipment for our great American heroes.” [1] The United States has also been part of the ongoing US-China trade war, with both sides imposing numerous tariffs on each other's imports. These actions speak to the protectionist economic policies of the Trump administration.

A New Quest for Self-Reliance: East Asia and Indian Economic Nationalism

Since 2017, India has introduced an increasing number of protectionist economic policies including higher tariffs, import duties and production subsidies while also rejecting and reviewing free trade agreements and imposing new regulations on foreign companies. This paper seeks to make sense of India’s recent foreign economic policies and their potential impact on its relations with East Asia. It does so by analyzing the economic, political and geopolitical drivers of these policy changes and placing their emergence within a broader historical context. It is argued that India is entering a new period of “neo-mercantilist” economic nationalism that simultaneously seeks to protect and nurture industries while attracting foreign investment and integrating India into global value chains. This is the outcome of the consequences of “liberal” economic nationalist policies and a changing geopolitical environment — including a broader global impetus toward neo-mercantilist policies and conflict with China. The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified this pre-existing turn toward neo-mercantilism. India’s new economic nationalism has the potential to produce significant changes in India’s relations with East Asia but also faces significant challenges in its implementation in the post-COVID era.

İttihat ve Terakki Dönemi İktisat Politikası Tartışmaları

Osmanlı Devletinin son dönemine damgasını vuran İttihat ve Terakki’nin ortaya çıkmasında, Batılılaşma hareketleri ile Fransız İhtilali’nin ortaya çıkardığı milliyetçilik akımlarının önemli etkileri olmuştur. Siyasal düşüncelerinin şekillenmesinde, Avrupa’da ortaya çıkan meşrutiyet yönetimlerinin, ekonomik sistem düşüncelerinin şekillenmesinde de Osmanlı Devleti’nin Batı karşısındaki ekonomik gerilemesinin etkileri görülmektedir. Bu reel duruma bir tepki olarak Milli İktisat daha doğru bir ifade ile korumacı iktisat politikalarına yönelmişlerdir. Batı ile ilgili düşüncelerinin oluşmasında, Harbiye, Tıbbiye ve Mülkiye mekteplerinde görev yapan yabancı hocaların önemli etkilerinin olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak referans kabul ettikleri batılı düşünce ve değerler sistemi konusunda derinlikli bir bilgiye sahip olamadıkları gibi bu değerler ile geleneksel değerler arasındaki çatışmadan kurtulamamışlardır. Bu nedenle bütün idealist kaygılarına rağmen önerdikleri fikirler eklektik ve pragmatik olmaktan öteye gidememiştir. Bu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki döneminde ülkenin ekonomik açıdan kalkınması ile ilgili olarak ileri sürülen iktisat politikaları incelenmiş siyasal, sosyal ve felsefi konulara ekonomi politikalarını etkilediği ölçüde değinilmiştir. İttihat ve Terakki’nin ekonomi politikalarına ilişkin düşüncelerinin iktidara gelene kadar olgunlaştığını söylemek zordur. İttihat ve Terakki içinde ekonomik sistem tercihleri açısından liberal iktisat ve milli iktisat taraftarları olmakla beraber uygulamada milli iktisat politikaları daha etkili olmuştur. Sosyalist iktisada yönelik düşünceler toplumun sosyo-ekonomik yapısı itibariyle gelişeceği uygun bir zemin bulamamıştır. İttihat ve Terakki dönemi boyunca ekonomi yönetimi açısından tek bir uygulamadan ziyade günün şartlarına uygun farklı politikalar ve uygulamalar geliştirilmiştir. Özetle ekonomik sistem ve politika tercihlerinde derinlikli bir bakış açısından ziyade, konjonktüre uygun olarak pragmatik ve eklektik bir yol tercih edilmiştir.

Could Deglobalization Kill Transnational Cooperation? A Brief Historical Lesson

The study examines a historical period referred to in the literature as deglobalization. After the First World War, economic nationalism gained ground in some countries, mainly for political reasons, characterized by protectionist economic policies and the pursuit of autarchy/self-sufficiency. There were no international regulations or well-functioning international institutions that would have facilitated economic cooperation. How did those who worked hard to reconstruct the European economy react to this situation? This study presents this through the process of developing an informal network of bankers, and it indirectly highlights some important links between informal networks, globalization, and deglobalization.

Was Sismondi a “Smithian” Critic of Industrialization?

The article recasts the economic writings of Jean Charles Léonard Simonde de Sismondi, and his critique of industrialization in particular, in light of Sismondi’s self-proclaimed indebtedness to Adam Smith. Sismondi’s economic thought was shaped by his opposition to Napoleon’s protectionist economic policies and took the form of a critique of monopolies made in the name of the common good. After Waterloo and the collapse of the empire, Sismondi developed a critique of the British school of political economy and its corresponding model of economic development through the generalization of wage labor, mechanization, and large-scale farming. In his last years, during the early 1830s, Sismondi took aim at “industrialism” itself, a term which for him grouped together all those contemporary economic theories asserting that society should be organized by and for production exclusively. However, throughout his career as an economist, in developing these opinions Sismondi claimed to be faithful to Adam Smith’s understanding of what political economy should be. This article seeks to demonstrate that Sismondi’s theoretical production was deeply rooted in his evolving “neo-Smithianism.”

The Bush Hill Sugar Plantation: A West Indies Case Study in Developmental Capitalism

The Caribbean frontier was dominated by agro-industrial sugar production. Localized adaptations of European designs for colonization in the Caribbean generated unique plantation landscapes. Before 1650, efforts throughout the region to create wealth from plantations did not achieve the scale of production that unfolded in the latter half of the 17th century as capitalism emerged. While tobacco farms briefly reaped rich rewards, for an adventurous and entrepreneurial few the prosperity of the colonies was ultimately sustained through a combination an increasing and seemingly unlimited demand for sugar, protectionist economic policies from the core state, and institutionalized slavery. A case study of agro-industrialism on the Bush Hill sugar estate on Nevis during the period of capitalism’s ascendancy provides insights on the incremental integration of capitalism into the plantation system.

How American Rejectionism Undermines International Economic Law

The completion of the Trump Administration’s first two years is an appropriate moment to take stock of the United States of America’s aggressive international economic policies. The Trump Administration is carrying out a new form of American rejectionism powered by four horsemen of economic instability: first, the rejection of the international rule of law; second, the rejection of open markets; third, the rejection of economic peace in favour of perpetual economic war; and fourth, the rejection of the global interest. The analysis herein shows how these four rejectionist policies are harming the United States, other countries, and the global order. With respect to the global order, the article focuses on the World Trade Organization (WTO), regional trade agreements, and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, and explains how the Trump Administration is attacking these important institutions. In doing so, the article challenges three widely-held assumptions. First, the article shows that in several important respects, American rejectionism did not begin with President Trump but rather was rooted in the economic policies of his recent Presidential predecessors, especially President Obama. Second, the article shows that far from being the leading scofflaw in the WTO, China is not acting nearly as irresponsibly as the United States does in its constant and flagrant violations of international trade law. Third, the article shows that the protectionist economic policies being pursued by the Trump Administration are unlikely to generate any short term gains for the US economy, and over time such policies will exact a loss for the US and global economy. Several recommendations are offered for ways to improve US policies going forward. Among them are: ceasing the US war against the WTO Appellate Body, reinvigorating international trade negotiations, working with other countries to develop rules for the transition of nonmarket economies, and seeking a critical-mass international agreement to impose carbon charges so as to internalise the costs of greenhouse gas emissions.

Confederate Political Economy: Creating and Managing a Southern Corporatist Nation by Michael Brem Bonner

Reviewed by: Confederate Political Economy: Creating and Managing a Southern Corporatist Nation by Michael Brem Bonner Max Mishler Confederate Political Economy: Creating and Managing a Southern Corporatist Nation. By Michael Brem Bonner. Conflicting Worlds: New Dimensions of the American Civil War. ( Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2016. Pp. xii, 260. $48.00, ISBN 978–0-8071–6212-5.) In Confederate Political Economy: Creating and Managing a Southern Corporatist Nation, Michael Brem Bonner explores the interrelated processes of state formation and industrialization in the U.S. South during the American Civil War. He shows how a proslavery nation obsessed with republicanism, states' rights, and free trade quickly sacrificed these hallowed principles upon the altar of national survival. Bonner makes sense of these developments by studying the Confederacy as a nation born as much out of the war as during the war. The decision to leave the Union precipitated a civil war, which, in turn, left Confederate leaders with the herculean task of cementing national loyalty, mobilizing the citizenry, and securing sufficient military resources. Southern representatives prioritized sovereignty over ideological purity and profit in ways that fostered the emergence of a "Confederate system," or wartime political economy, that was neither the culmination of antebellum politics nor a prologue to the New South (p. 9). In response to the exigencies of war, Bonner argues, "the Confederacy implemented one of the world's first examples of a corporatist political economy" (p. 9). While corporatism tends to evoke twentieth-century political regimes in Italy or Brazil, Bonner suggests it [End Page 172] encapsulates the articulation of authoritarian political culture and public-private industrialization schemes in the Confederacy. Drawing on extensive government and company records, newspapers, legislative debates, and private correspondence, Bonner deftly shows how military imperatives unleashed antidemocratic political practices, including holding secret legislative sessions and maintaining a strong executive branch that was free from judicial restraint, and protectionist economic policies, such as tariffs and government subsidies, that were designed to bolster the industrial production of war matériel. These anathemas to antebellum southern politics were deemed necessary to sustain the war effort. The Confederate system was not, Bonner insists, a "command economy," in which private industry was completely subsumed within the state; rather, it was a mutually beneficial arrangement through which private industries—including iron, munitions, and railroads—secured profitable government contracts for the duration of the war (p. 3). This unique amalgam of authoritarian politics and profit made up what Bonner calls "expedient corporatism," which reflected a mutually beneficial public-private partnership that enabled Confederate leaders to wage war and ensured that private industries had access to government subsidies, patronage, and protection from competition and were even able to influence national policies (p. 9). Confederate Political Economy is a well-researched and cogently argued book. While some readers may take issue with Bonner's use of twentieth-century concepts like corporatism to explain nineteenth-century developments, defining the Confederate system as expedient corporatism is productively provocative. The term invites scholars to think about the historical relationship between war and capitalism comparatively and across time. Subsequent research might fruitfully explore other facets of the Confederate system that remain opaque in Bonner's work. A deeper engagement with the actual dynamics of production, that is, labor and subaltern politics on the ground, for example, would have likely allowed him to paint a more comprehensive portrait of the Confederate political economy on its own terms. Unfortunately, Bonner justifies the conspicuous absence of white women and enslaved African Americans from his central cast of characters by dismissing their relative importance to southern political economy. This claim is belied by his own evidence that enslaved African Americans, white women, and white children composed a significant labor force within the industries that lay at the heart of the Confederate system. Nevertheless, Confederate Political Economy has much to teach students of the Civil War era about the political culture and economic policies of a proslavery republic. Max Mishler Columbia University Copyright © 2018 The Southern Historical Association

Selling the World: Public Relations and the Global Expansion of General Motors, 1922–1940

General Motors (GM) became the world's dominant automaker in the 1920s and 1930s thanks in part to a dynamic, centralized public relations operation. The intended audience of this marketing included GM's own overseas employees. As the company opened new plants in foreign countries, it used media such asGeneral Motors World, an employee newspaper, to communicate that it understood the needs of different foreign consumers and to advocate against protectionist economic policies that hindered its ability to sell cars. The messages ofGeneral Motors Worldshaped global perceptions of GM's corporate structure and brand, and were a core element of the automaker's overseas activity.

Roseland, Jetland, Cloudland, and Beyond: Irish Showbands and Economic Change, 1958–1975

Roseland, Jetland, Cloudland, and Beyond:Irish Showbands and Economic Change, 1958–1975 Rebecca S. Miller In 1962, Des Hopkins, a young jazz and pop drummer living in England, placed an advertisement in the Irish Independent’s dance band column: “Irish-born drummer. At present with . . . English Dixieland. Requires position with Irish showband.” Shortly thereafter, the replies started rolling in. Hopkins recalls, I got a reply from the Clefonaires Showband in Sligo, who offered me 11 pounds a week. I got a reply from Jack Browery’s showband in Cork, who offered me 11 pounds, 10 shillings a week. . . . There was four or five replies . . . anyway I took up the offer from Dave Dixon’s Dixonaire Showband in Clones, County Monaghan, who offered me a whopping 13 pounds a week, and that was . . . too good to refuse in those days. . . . So, my parents put me on the train with a bag and it was quite a reverse really ’cause everyone at the time was saying goodbye from Ireland [and] going to England to emigrate.1 Like many young Irish in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Des Hopkins was on the move—though as he notes, in reverse: with almost endemic unemployment throughout Ireland at the time, thousands of young Irish were seeking work in England, and to a lesser extent, the United States. But Hopkins saw a specific opportunity in Ireland that he could not find in England in the nascent, but growing, showband scene in which a young but experienced drummer could make a generous living. The scene that Hopkins and countless other young musicians joined was a specifically Irish musical response to American and British rock ’n’ roll and pop music. Showband music emerged in Northern Ireland in the mid-1950s and within a short time, swept across Ireland. This dance music ignited Ireland’s youth and for the next two decades, would serve as the primary popular cultural expression in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Showband musicians aimed to keep their audiences entertained and dancing; to do so, they learned the newest hits from American and British radio broadcasts and brought these sounds, as well as [End Page 77] provocative choreographies, to audiences of two thousand or more. These stage performances riveted Irish youth, dismayed parish priests, and ultimately revolutionized popular entertainment in Ireland. With an estimated eight hundred groups crisscrossing Ireland in their vans to perform in venues ranging from small parish dance halls to cavernous dance halls up to six nights a week during the peak years, the showband phenomenon quickly became its own industry. This meteoric rise of the showband scene mirrored various social and economic changes afoot in Ireland. Indeed, the sustained popularity of showband music was made possible, in part, by these larger societal and economic shifts. But the relationship was a two-way street: the showband industry itself also substantially contributed to kickstarting what had been a weak and stagnant Irish economy. Although the performance practice of showbands was in most ways unique to its Irish context, the music was derived almost exclusively from non-Irish aesthetics and styles. As such, showband music was a hybrid cultural expression that successfully negotiated the tensions between international origins on the one hand, and local practice and consumption on the other. This negotiation also reflected Ireland’s economic tensions, which ultimately led to the rejection of an inward-looking, protectionist economic policy in favor of structural changes and trade agreements that looked toward a broader engagement with Europe. Showbands introduced a new musical aesthetic that differed radically from the sit-down dance orchestras that had—until that point—dominated the country’s dance halls and ballrooms. A typical 1940s Irish dance orchestra ranged from six to sixteen players who sat while playing, and read from arranged parts placed on music stands. From all reports, dance orchestra members rarely looked up from their music to watch the audience. There was little improvisation and virtually no swing. In contrast, showband musicians, beginning with the renowned Clipper Carlton from Strabane, County Tyrone, jettisoned notated music and music stands. Liberated from the printed sheet music, showband musicians stood while playing, making eye contact with their dancing audiences, and felt...

The Effect of Authorita rian Regime Type on Exchange Rate Policy

Conventional wisdom holds that autocracies are more likely than democracies to adopt interventionist and protectionist economic policies, including fixed and undervalued exchange rates. This article suggests that this view is only partially correct: nondemocracies are a heterogeneous grouping, and only some types of authoritarian regimes adopt different foreign economic policies from those of their democratic counterparts. Using the example of exchange rate policy, the authors show that foreign economic policy varies across monarchic, military, and civilian dictatorships. More specifically, they hypothesize that monarchies and military regimes are more likely than democracies and civilian dictatorships to maintain fixed exchange rate regimes because the former regimes have smaller “selectorates” than the latter. The authors also expect that monarchies and civilian dictatorships maintain more undervalued exchange rates than democracies and military regimes because the former regimes provide their leaders with greater tenure security than the latter regimes. These hypotheses are evaluated using a time-series–cross-sectional data set of a large sample of developing countries from 1973 to 2006. The statistical results accord with these predictions. These findings indicate that the ways in which democracies engage with the global economy may be less unique than many believe.

Review of Morgan Y. Liu, Under Solomon’s Throne: Uzbek Visions of Renewal in Osh

In a body of scholarly literature on Central Asia that has tended to foreground dramatic themes, polarized identities and the grand abstractions of ‘transition’, Morgan Liu’s carefully crafted portrait of Uzbek social imaginaries in the city of Osh is a striking and refreshing contribution.Under Solomon’s Throne is an urban portrait in miniature. It is at once a brilliant example of the capacity for immersive, long-term fieldwork to bring new light to enduring questions of urban conviviality, and a demonstration that subtle, multilayered analysis can be rendered in clear and accessible prose. Liu’s focus is on what he calls Uzbek social imaginaries. An ‘imaginary’ here is a regularly structured, socially organised and tacitly held model of the social and political world: one that is learned in, and articulated through, the spaces of the city. Liu’s is an expressly ‘ground up’ approach; social relations are not merely played out in place, he argues, but ‘constituted by it in a fundamental sense’ (p. 135). His ethnographic narrative draws upon extensiveUzbekand Russian-language fieldwork in several Uzbek-majority mahallas (residential communities) in Kyrgyzstan’s second city, Osh, between 1993 and 2011. This extended temporal scope, perhaps unique in the growing ethnographic literature on the region, illuminates an ongoing process of social navigation, as Osh Uzbek men use their city to calibrate the virtues and failings of two very different models of post-Soviet statehood, those of Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The result is a manylayered story of social complexity and social change. Uzbekistan’s protectionist economic policy, led by the seemingly khan-like Islam Karimov, for instance, invited pervasive praise from Liu’s male Uzbek interlocutors in 1995. Ten years later, after an unprecedented demonstration of state violence in Uzbekistan towards unarmed protestors, the range of attitudes was much more diverse, and many Osh Uzbeks felt relieved to live in the relatively freer environment of Kyrgyzstan. Liu’s attentiveness to the practice of social navigation enables him to bring a nuanced voice to debates about Kyrgyz-Uzbek relations that are often conducted in sharply polarised terms. His research was undertaken in a context of considerable economic Cont Islam (2015) 9:109–112 DOI 10.1007/s11562-013-0260-0

"A Unique and Unparalleled Surrender of Sovereignty": Early Opposition to European Integration in Ireland, 1961–72

Ireland’s economic situation in the 1950s had grown dire at the very moment when much of Western Europe was experiencing remarkable economic growth. Suffering from an unstable agricultural economy, high emigration, declining wages, and high unemployment, the Irish state’s protectionist economic policy and its unequal economic relationship with neighboring Great Britain left the Republic without the flexibility necessary to fix its economic deficiencies.1 In response, the Fianna Fail party, under the leadership of Sean Lemass and, later, Jack Lynch—the dominant political force in Ireland at the time, though one that had been out of office twice during the 1950s—boldly connected Ireland’s national interests with those of the European Economic Community (EEC). They argued that Ireland’s economic fortunes could no longer remain static behind a tariff wall while the rest of Europe moved toward further integration. Such a path, Lemass warned in 1962, would leave Ireland “a beggar amongst the nations, seeking to maintain a dying economy on the crumbs of charity from our wealthier neighbors.”2 Instead, aligning with the EEC and embracing liberalization would allow Ireland to rebuild its economy and control its own economic destiny. This was a stunning reversal of nearly thirty years of protectionist economic policy, made more remarkable in that it was Lemass who had crafted the earlier policy in the first place. To allay concerns over EEC membership’s impact on Ireland’s political sovereignty, Lemass and Lynch skillfully connected Ireland’s future political independence with a nar-

Politics and Power in Victorian Ireland, edited by Roger Swift and Christine Kinealy

Reviewed by: Politics and Power in Victorian Ireland Elizabeth Malcolm (bio) Politics and Power in Victorian Ireland, edited by Roger Swift and Christine Kinealy; pp. 208. Dublin and Portland: Four Courts Press, 2006, €54.00, $65.00. The political history of nineteenth-century Ireland is hardly a neglected topic: hundreds of books and articles treat many aspects of politics and power in Victorian Ireland. A [End Page 521] collection that aims to “provide fresh insights”—as the editors tell us this one does—is thus taking on a difficult task (13). Yet the book succeeds very well in achieving its goal. The editors offer an intriguing selection of articles: some addressing new issues, many tackling familiar ones from new angles or arguing new interpretations. Of the book’s twelve chapters, four are about Ulster, three about nationalism, three about women, and two about government. The four chapters on Ulster deal mainly with issues surrounding late-nineteenth-century Ulster Unionism. N. C. Fleming studies the continuing significance of landlords as an influential group in Ulster politics even as their power was in steep decline in the south. Gary Peatling takes up the vexed question of the apparent disappearance during the nineteenth century of the radicalism and liberalism that had flowered in Ulster in the late eighteenth century. He focuses on one newspaper, the Londonderry Standard, which presented itself as the “voice of radical Presbyterianism,” and examines how it responded to the changing political landscape occasioned by the rise of the Irish Home Rule cause from the 1870s (158). In doing so he argues that, ironically, the Standard “symptomizes links between the United Irishmen [of the 1790s] and the Paisleyite DUP traditions of plebeian anti-establishment Presbyterian radicalism” of the late twentieth century (164). Jeremy Smith seeks to build upon the revisionist analysis of Edward Carson’s career begun by historians like Alvin Jackson. Smith argues that Carson’s approach to Home Rule was “much more complex and fluid than a straight-forward shift from all-Ireland unionist to Ulster exclusionist” (181). Mark Radford’s chapter on Belfast descends from the lofty heights of political leadership to survey the operations of Ulster Unionism on the streets, particularly in terms of the policing of the sectarian riots that regularly marred city life during the second half of the century. Together these chapters offer a more diverse portrait of late-nineteenth-century Ulster Unionist politics than that which usually appears in Irish and British history textbooks. The three chapters on nationalism investigate what may at first sight seem to be marginal matters, but which in fact prove to have much broader significance. They deal with John Mitchel and Chartism, Young Ireland and utilitarianism, and Isaac Butt’s writings on political economy. All three, as one of them states, aim to examine alternatives to the “master narrative” of Irish nationalism (96). They treat Mitchel, Young Ireland, and Butt in the context of various political movements and philosophies of the 1840s. Michael Huggins argues persuasively that Chartism was more influential in Ireland during that decade than most authorities have recognised and, indeed, that the politics of the whole decade are more complex than is usually suggested. David Dwan focuses on aspects of Young Ireland’s economic and cultural thinking, particularly its hostility to Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarianism, which it viewed as reflecting an English, as opposed to an Irish, sensibility. Alan O’Day identifies the roots of Butt’s later adoption of the goal of Home Rule in protectionist economic policies he developed during the 1840s in order to address poverty, which he saw as Ireland’s most fundamental problem. These chapters demonstrate that there was much more to Irish politics during the 1840s than Daniel O’Connell’s doomed repeal campaign, the farcical 1848 rebellion, and the tragedy of the Great Famine. The chapters focused on women are concerned with “high politics” and with the lives of individual elite women. They thus seem a little old-fashioned, since most recent Irish women’s history has tended to deal with movements and groups, many of [End Page 522] them working-class and dissident. This book instead offers us studies of Queen Victoria, two of the marchionesses...

Technological development of Brazilian telecommunications in past decades

Brazilian telecommunications sector has undergone important modifications in the last 40 years. From a badly structured system of municipal level operators in 1960, with barely one million fixed lines to a large, nation-wide system with about 50 million fixed plus another 75 million mobile lines in 2005. This work paper reviews the institutional framework of telecommunications industrial and technological policy in Brazil in the last four decades, its results and present situation. Infrastructure and services modernisation and expansion process that happened in early 1970s were carried out at the expense of massive import of products and technology. A government strategy was, then, devised to stimulate local industrial and technological development in telecommunications, under the general guidelines of import substitution policy. Essential to this strategy was the creation of an innovation system around TELEBRÁS Research and Development Centre. This technological development model was successful while a protectionist economic policy existed. When economic and political circumstances could not anymore sustain an import substitution approach, in the 1990-decade, the model fell apart and has not been replaced by any other sectorial policy. A critical assessment is carried out, analysing the adopted actions in face of the digital technology maturing process that occurred in meantime.

Pueblos, comunidades y municipios frente a los proyectos modernizadores en América Latina, siglo XIX

The product of a 1999 conference on nation-states in Latin America, Pueblos, comunidades e municipios present five papers on Mexico and six others touching on Bolivia, Ecuador, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Nicaragua. All are solidly rooted in primary sources and local archives, and most focus on struggles between specific communities and nineteenth-century liberal states over the form, content, and costs of change. The editors identify several points of origin for these conflicts, including the shift from a heterogenous colonial monarchy to a homogenous republican state, the definitions of which groups were, or might be, part of the new nations, and the unequal and sometimes paradoxical economic and social effects of liberal policies.Looking at Tlaxcala before and after independence, Raymond Buve finds complex and shifting alliances among elements of several communities and agents of the state in competition for local power. This was also a characteristic, according to Antonio Ohmstede, of the efforts of Hidalgo and the Huastecas of Veracruz to deflect liberal schemes, such as land privatization, individualization, and restriction of non-Indians from access to community resources. Similarly, Brian Hamnett argues that the indigenous communities of Oaxaca resisted liberal efforts to legally homogenize the population, seen as a threat to their ethnic identity. In a theme that marks several essays, Romana Falcón uses the records of Maximilian’s Junta Protectora da las Clases Menesterosas to show that rural pueblos and indigenous communities occasionally adopted liberal ideas and institutions and were able to manipulate these to their own ends—opting, for example, for condueñazo to replace traditional communal land ownership. In the Sierra de Puebla, Guy Thompson discovers that organic intellectuals created a history of nineteenth-century conflicts that holds local memories in a tension with national and nationalist elements.Those chapters that examine areas outside Mexico continue many of the same themes. For mid-nineteenth-century Ecuador, for example, Andrés Guerrero suggests that whites and mestizos, and not just Indians, resisted legal homogenization, preferring to preserve the status of “citizen” for themselves and that of “subject” for the indigenous population. He (as do several other authors) points to the role of village scribes and tinterillos in cultural translations between the communities and the state. Among the indigenous groups of the Pampas and northern Patagonia, Martha Bechis finds various reactions to an Argentine state policy that seldom strayed from confrontation and one-way assimilation in the name of “civilization.” In mid-1850s Bogota, according to Hans-Joachim Konig, artisans (aided by elements in the army) opposed a free-trade model of social equality, protectionist economic policies, and limits on individualism. By contrast, Marianne Wiesebron finds that in nineteenth-century Pernambuco, struggles over modernization took a back seat to local electoral politics. And in an ambitious effort, Cynthia Radding compares postindependence efforts by Indians in northern Mexico and the eastern lowlands of Bolivia to reconstruct the community-state alliance that had underpinned a colonial moral economy and was now threatened by liberal innovation. Finally, in an interesting (if somewhat out-of-place) piece, Elizabeth Dore discovers among the peasant populations of Granada, Nicaragua, a late-nineteenth-century “debt peonage” based less on state coercion than on personalist and clientalistic relations.Pueblos, comunidades e municipios would have benefited had the participants studied each others’ contributions and incorporated more cross-references and comparisons. To their credit, the editors make a heroic and useful effort in their conclusion to draw together threads from these diverse pieces. They identify five main propositions emerging from the texts: (1) the reforms that liberals sought often contradicted existing ideas and practice, provoking violent reaction and resistance; (2) most of the communities examined struggled to preserve their existing ethnic and social character in the face of liberal assimilationist projects; (3) in the course of these struggles, marginal groups commonly incorporated elements of the liberal modernization project itself, such as political organization or military tactics (one writer calls this “aculturación antagónica”); (4) these same groups, however, were typically unable to agree among themselves upon a globalizing vision, and they remained too weak to impose any vision on the state; and (5) all of the contributors agree upon the importance of the nineteenth century in forming the modern Latin American state.

Regional Integration in the Pacific Rim: the Future of APEC and the Potential for Conflict With the World Trade Organisation WTO

Abstract The second wave of regional co-operation and integration differs sharply from the first wave of integration projects. The latter were characterised by protectionist economic policies and were mainly pursued by developing countries. Integration projects in the 1990s involve mainly developed countries and among the most important of these is APEC. It is an exceptional case in terms of the relevance of the participating countries and with regard to the potential for conflict with the existing multilateral order. It appears that APEC integration will either follow the GATT logic, with trade liberalisation being granted on a most-favoured nation basis. Or it may pursue a discriminatory path, whereby trade concessions will only be offered to third countries on a reciprocal basis. The decision for an APEC integration process which is based on reciprocity would call into question the existing World Trade Organisation and lead to the development of a competing system for the liberalisation of world trade.